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Chapter 1. Emotions, Evolution, And Adaptive Processes

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... Se resalta que el proceso se caracteriza por la combinación de emociones que podemos catalogar como 'agradables' y 'desagradables', sin decir con esto que se considera que existen emociones 'buenas' o 'malas', ya que se entiende que una experiencia emocionalmente sana se constituye por la diversidad de emociones presentes y la gestión que de estas se realice durante la misma experiencia. Igualmente, se destaca la presencia de emociones resultantes de la combinación de tercer orden (Plutchik, 1970(Plutchik, , 2001, en particular alegría-confianza-sorpresa, las cuales en diferentes combinaciones e intensidades producen niveles de disfrute. Esta emoción es particularmente importante en este estudio, ya que como se ha declarado es la que está asociada a una experiencia lúdica (Huizinga, 2007) y autotélica (Csikszentmihalyi, 1998Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2009. ...
... Los resultados de este caso, además de proporcionar un primer lente para entender y aprender cómo se puede agenciar la microdinámica de las relaciones socio-creativas en redes socioculturales emergentes, a través de la prefiguración y despliegue de experiencias de co-creación lúdica con grupos sociales caracterizados por su pluralidad cultural y diversidad en su quehacer, permitieron también ajustar el método de DP, así como los instrumentos utilizados, tanto para la recolección como para el procesamiento de información. Así mismo, se ajustó la taxonomía de las relaciones, los factores para impulsar la creatividad colectiva y se decidió aplicar en los instrumentos y técnicas el modelo de emociones basado en las experiencias de flujo (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2009), en lugar de aquel elaborado por Robert Plutchik (1970Plutchik ( , 2001, ya que el primero relaciona las dimensiones de la actividad humana para vivenciar una experiencia autotélica, es decir, centrada en sí misma, lo que se traduce aquí como disfrute inmersivo o en palabras de Gaver (2009), involucramiento lúdico. ...
Thesis
El propósito de esta investigación radica en facilitar la generación de relaciones interculturales mediante el diseño participativo, en clave de co-creación lúdica. Se adoptó un enfoque de investigación en diseño que amalgama una variedad de métodos y técnicas, siguiendo una aproximación bricolaje de la investigación en diseño (Rowan & Camps, 2017; Yee & Bremner, 2011). La población de estudio abarcó 10 casos, cada uno conformado por diversas poblaciones en distintas regiones de Colombia, caracterizadas por su diversidad cultural. Los resultados más sobresalientes de este trabajo comprenden la conceptualización de la diversidad cultural como la medida de la diversidad aparente, examinada a través del análisis de redes sociales (ARS), en función de la interacción y satisfactores compartidos entre agentes de diferentes culturas. Además, se logró la creación de un prototipo de modelo de co-creación lúdica (MCL), que sirve a equipos de investigación-creación (I+C), como una herramienta valiosa para diseñar experiencias de co-creación. Asimismo, se identificó el potencial de la co-creación lúdica para promover la interculturalidad como una práctica de I+C que no solo reconoce las asimetrías de poder, sino que también tiene la capacidad de atenuarlas. En resumen, aunque se destaca el potencial de la co-creación lúdica para convertir la diversidad cultural en interculturalidad, enfocándose en la influencia de las emociones en las experiencias de diseño participativo, se reconoce la necesidad de continuar desarrollando este enfoque. Los resultados obtenidos no demuestran, de manera concluyente, la eliminación de las asimetrías de poder presentes en los encuentros interculturales. Este trabajo sienta las bases para futuras investigaciones y acciones que busquen mejorar la efectividad de la co-creación lúdica en contextos de diversidad cultural, contribuyendo así al creciente ámbito de los estudios y prácticas del co-diseño lúdico intercultural.
... This approach has been overshadowed, however, by attempts to specify a few basic emotions and their relationships to derivative emotions (Ekman, 1992). What seemed to be agreement on six primary emotions (happiness, sadness, fear, anger, surprise and disgust) has been challenged by proposals that four suffice (collapsing fear with surprise, and anger with disgust) (Jack et al., 2014), that eight are necessary in four pairs (Plutchik, 1970), or that two, or seven or 13 are needed. To make Professor Randolph Nesse structures. ...
... However, because they are products of natural selection, each emotion has multiple functions, including adjusting physiology, signaling, cognition and behavior. This integrated perspective grew with the rise of evolutionary approaches to behavior in the late 20 th century that shifted the focus to how emotions give a selective advantage (Al-Shawaf et al., 2016;(Campos et al., 2006);Evans, 2002;Gilbert, 2015;Keltner & Gross, 1999;Nesse, 1990Nesse, , 2009Nesse & Ellsworth, 2009;Plutchik, 1970;Tooby & Cosmides, 1990, 2008Tracey, 2014). This framework makes it possible to differentiate emotions in terms of their functions of adjusting multiple aspects of the individual in ways that increase the ability to cope with the threats and opportunities present in a situation. ...
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Recent quantitative studies have advanced emotions research substantially, but they have done little to resolve enduring large-scale controversies. This article suggests that tacit creationism is at the root of the problem. Envisioning emotions as aspects of a designed machine encourages searching for answers of a kind that do not exist. The quest for the Holy Grail of agreement on the number, nature, and functions of emotions is futile because the emotions are aspects of organically complex systems whose structures and functions are radically different from those of machines. A fully evolutionary foundation for emotions research discourages hopes for simple elegant models but it can nonetheless advance research by dispelling misconceptions and suggesting new questions.
... Anger is a positive emotion insofar as it is approach-oriented and goal-seeking emotion that prioritizes the attainment of favorable outcomes (Tomarken & Zald, 2009). This positive aspect of anger was emphasized by Plutchik (1962Plutchik ( , 1970Plutchik ( , 1980, who saw anger as the primary adaptive reaction, a "moving toward" an objective or goal in a social hierarchy. Anger has subsequently been linked to the "behavioral approach system" (Coan, Allen, & Harmon-Jones, 2001), which is the motivational system that manages appetite, incentive motivation, and approach behavior (Cacioppo & Bernston, 1994;Depue & Iacono, 1989). ...
... Among emotions researchers who admit the existence of foundational, elementary, basic, or primary emotions, nearly everyone beginning with Alexander Shand (1914) has included anger (or rage). In Plutchik's (1958Plutchik's ( , 1962Plutchik's ( , 1970Plutchik's ( , 1980 psycho Affect-spectrum theory (TenHouten, 2007(TenHouten, , 2013(TenHouten, , 2017b) generalizes Plutchik's four existential problems into the four social relations specified in relational-models theory (Fiske, 1991(Fiske, , 2004 ...
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The root term angr includes in its meaning anger–rage and sadness–grief, which today are recognized as two primary or basic emotions. Anger involves the brain’s ‘rage system’, an architecture widely represented in the animal kingdom. Anger and its opposite, fear, are the positive and negative adaptive reactions to the existential problem of social hierarchy and associated competition for resources and opportunities. Anger’s valence can be negative insofar as it is unpleasant for all involved but is primarily positive because anger is goal-seeking and approach-oriented. Anger functions to assert social dominance, and detection of anger in others reveals possible challenge intentions. The management and control of anger was considered by Aristotle and is linked to impulsivity, patience, and tolerance. While the Russell–Fehr model views emotions such as aggressiveness, sullenness, and resentment as subcategories of anger, we rather contend that anger is an embedded subcategory of various secondary- or tertiary-level emotions. We model one such emotion, resentment, as a tertiary emotion. Resentment has anger as its key emotion, and includes the primary emotions disgust and surprise, which can combine in pairs to form outrage, contempt, and shock. A classification of 7 secondary and 21 tertiary emotions in which anger is embedded is presented. We argue that the classification of complex emotions is a potential, and necessary, project for the sociology–anthropology of emotions.
... However, organizing an understanding of emotion categories not in terms of actions themselves but in terms of the functions or aims served by those actions has proven far more effective at qualitatively establishing distinct forms of emotional experience. From Dewey (1894Dewey ( , 1895 and McDougall (1926), Bull (1951) andDe Rivera (1977), to Arnold (1960) and Plutchik (1970), Lazarus (1991) and Frijda (1986Frijda ( , 2007, emotion theorists have long argued that an impulse, urge or motivation to act, that is, an action readiness, is central to any conceptualization of emotion. ...
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Given its clinical significance, horror should occupy a prominent place within emotion theory. However, conceptualizations of horror within psychological science are relatively underdeveloped and conceptually confused. Through conceptual analysis of the disparate literature on the emotion, we seek to establish horror as a qualitatively distinct mode of engagement with the world and to remedy its over-intellectualization, as evident in many prior accounts. Given its etymology, we first address horror's characteristic immobilization—at the level of stereotypical facial configuration and action readiness—before analyzing horror's formal object and appraisal structure. In the process, we critique schema accounts of the emotion and argue for conceptualizing horror pre-reflectively by grounding it in appraised violations of the practical dynamics of social engagement.
... The definition of what constitutes a basic emotion is different in the Wheel of Emotions (Plutchik 2001) illustrated in Figure 2b. As Scarantino (2016) puts it, based on Plutchik (1970), an emotion is "a patterned bodily reaction of either protection, ...
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The most prominent tasks in emotion analysis are to assign emotions to texts and to understand how emotions manifest in language. An important observation for natural language processing is that emotions can be communicated implicitly by referring to events alone, appealing to an empathetic, intersubjective understanding of events, even without explicitly mentioning an emotion name. In psychology, the class of emotion theories known as appraisal theories aims at explaining the link between events and emotions. Appraisals can be formalized as variables that measure a cognitive evaluation by people living through an event that they consider relevant. They include the assessment if an event is novel, if the person considers themselves to be responsible, if it is in line with their own goals, and so forth. Such appraisals explain which emotions are developed based on an event, for example, that a novel situation can induce surprise or one with uncertain consequences could evoke fear. We analyze the suitability of appraisal theories for emotion analysis in text with the goal of understanding if appraisal concepts can reliably be reconstructed by annotators, if they can be predicted by text classifiers, and if appraisal concepts help to identify emotion categories. To achieve that, we compile a corpus by asking people to textually describe events that triggered particular emotions and to disclose their appraisals. Then, we ask readers to reconstruct emotions and appraisals from the text. This set-up allows us to measure if emotions and appraisals can be recovered purely from text and provides a human baseline to judge a model’s performance measures. Our comparison of text classification methods to human annotators shows that both can reliably detect emotions and appraisals with similar performance. Therefore, appraisals constitute an alternative computational emotion analysis paradigm and further improve the categorization of emotions in text with joint models.
... From then on, a great deal of scholars followed to define and divide emotion dimensions. Plutchik (1970) assumed that emotions differ in three ways: intensity, similarity to one another, and polarity or oppositeness; Izard (1977) divided emotions into four dimensions: pleasantness, tension, impulsiveness and self-assurance; Watson and Tellegen (1985) found a two-dimensional structure: positive affect (PA) and negative affect (NA). ...
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This study focuses on how emotions of different types affect perceived behavioral control (PBC), which, by referencing to service marketing and organizational behavior theory, is divided into three aspects: perceived participation (PP), perceived risk (PR), and perceived organizational support (POS) here. To explore how different types of emotions affect these three variables respectively, subjects' emotions are controlled through experiment. Results reveal that the type of emotion has significant influence on the three variable values. Positive emotion parallels the highest PP and POS values, while neutral emotion comes with the lowest PR value.
... Anger is a positive emotion insofar as it is approach-oriented and goal-seeking emotion that prioritizes the attainment of favorable outcomes (Tomarken & Zald, 2009). This positive aspect of anger was emphasized by Plutchik (1962Plutchik ( , 1970Plutchik ( , 1980, who saw anger as the primary adaptive reaction, a "moving toward" an objective or goal in a social hierarchy. Anger has subsequently been linked to the "behavioral approach system" (Coan, Allen, & Harmon-Jones, 2001), which is the motivational system that manages appetite, incentive motivation, and ap- proach behavior (Cacioppo & Bernston, 1994;Depue & Iacono, 1989). ...
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A comparison of models of cognitive organization in the personality descriptors of three languages indicates that common conceptual themes underlie the meanings and uses of personality descriptors cross-culturally. Two crosscutting dimensions, interpreted as solidarity/conflict and dominance/submission, consistently organize the interrelation of trait-descriptors in a number of distinct languages. This finding leads to the speculation that these dimensions represent a universal conceptual schema produced by the interaction of innate psycholinguistic structures and fundamental conditions of human social life, for example, the potential for concord or discord in the goals and actions of multiple actors (solidarity/conflict), and for the asymmetrical influence of one actor upon another (dominance/submission). The appearance of similar structures in other types of vocabulary used to describe and explain interpersonal behavior (such as terms for emotions and social roles) suggests that these conceptual dimensions reflect basic themes in folk interpretations of social behavior. [cognitive anthropology, language, universal, personality, interpersonal themes]
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Schachter's two factor theory of emotion and the misattribution of arousal paradigm have been applied to perceptions of euphoria, anger, humour, fear, erotica, discomfort, and love. This paper attempts to review this research and assess both the theory and the misattribution paradigm. The classic Schachter and Singer (1962) study is reviewed, along with criticisms and later attempted replications. Other early research on Schachter's theory is also critqued. The reduction of fear through the misattribution of arousal is examined and its limitations noted. A plausible alternative explanation for many effects of the misattribution paradigm is presented. Research concerning the misattribution of arousal and cognitive dissonance, interpersonal attraction, helping behaviour, and aggression are reviewed and discussed. An overall assessment of Schachter's two factor theory and the misattribution paradigm is also presented. Schachter's (1964a, b) theory is not well supported by the research, but the available evidence has not necessarily disproven the theory either. The misattribution paradigm has proven to be very effective, yet the theoretical basis for this effect is still in doubt. Surprisingly, the most widely cited research is generally of limited value, while little known research has been of much greater significance.
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