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"Whiteness as Property."
... While not synonymous, scholars have, nevertheless described whiteness in the context of the United States as settlernessthough, often without using the term. Notably, Cheryl Harris (1993) traced "whiteness from color to race to status to property" and articulated the origins of whiteness as property in the "parallel systems of domination of Black and Native American peoples" (p. 1714). ...
... Here, Harris describes property as not merely a tangible "thing" but also the less tangible, legal right to property. Harris (1993) wrote that "Whiteness at times signifies and is deployed as identity, status, and property, sometimes singularly, sometimes in tandem" (p. 1725). ...
... However, DeWitt Junior-Senior High School, the Genocide and Human Rights course and my teaching are also, in many respects, not wholly unique, given the systems and structures that work on and in public education in the United States. These structures, whatHarris (1993) termed "white property" or Calderon (2014) "settler grammars," share similarities within the United States highly protected to retain power and resist change-in other words, to uphold settler supremacy. While the findings of this research project are not generally or wholly transferable, this study provided a much need insight into genocide education at the secondary level, highlighting some tensions which are certainly not unique to my classroom.This study is richer for my having been the teacher-researcher in the classroom and school, as opposed to only occupying the role of research and being in the classroom for a limited period. ...
This research study examined how students and I navigated learning and teaching about genocide and mass violence in the context of a semester-long high school comparative genocide and human rights elective course at DeWitt Junior-Senior High School in rural south-central Wisconsin. Specifically, the study examined how students individually and collectively navigated the “difficult knowledge” (Pitt & Britzman, 2003) of learning about settler colonialism (Tuck & Yang, 2012), the genocide of Indigenous peoples in the United States during the nineteenth century, the legacies of genocide and mass violence at the intersections of U.S. and Indigenous societies during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries (Dunbar-Ortiz, 2014), and the enduring legacies of white supremacy and settlerness. Additionally, this study sought to understand how I, a white social studies teacher, navigated teaching about settler colonialism and the genocide of Indigenous peoples in a settler space (Dalbo, 2021). Through examining one specific semester-long elective class during the 2021-2022 academic year, this research grew out of my and my students’ struggles and success in teaching and learning about genocide and mass violence over the past fifteen years that I have been engaged in social studies teaching and research. This qualitative study (Patton, 2015) brought together aspects of case study (Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2011), and practitioner research, specifically self-study (Loughran & Northfield, 1998; Zeichner, 1999) methodologies and methods.
... In racial spaces, white supremacy is sustained via the property functions of whiteness. Harris (1993) explains that whiteness carries with it a higher social status (compared to other racial categories) and that this status causes whiteness to function as a form of property. As property, whiteness carries a societal value that awards whites additional rights and resources. ...
... These social benefi ts are regulated via white status, which allows whites to either adhere to or break the norms of a space and, in either case, maintain their right to that space. Therefore, whites have the "right to use and enjoyment" (Harris, 1993(Harris, , p. 1734 of not just increased freedom within a space but also increased access to the resources that come with it, such as the resource of curriculum in the case of schools (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). ...
... The lack of status justifi es the denial of resources to those segregated communities. Harris (1993) calls this the "absolute right to exclude" (p. 1736) based on the lack of whiteness. ...
In this chapter I use the concept of redlining to describe how teachers contribute to the racialization of space, effectively segregating their Students of Color within supposedly integrated classrooms. Based on ethnographic work at a public elementary school, I also explain how redlining is an analytic tool that can be used collaboratively with teachers. Using this tool, teachers can learn to see their complicity in the racialization of space and create more integrated classroom spaces.
... Europeans and their descendants worldwide accept it as a self-evidently suitable identifier and category. Further, it is a type of status in which "white" racial identity provides the basis for allocating societal benefits both private and public in character (Harris, 1993). We define systemic racism as a complex array of structured anti-Black practices and unjustly gained rights and politicaleconomic power that are legitimated and naturalized by the ideologies of "race" and whiteness (Feagin, 2006;Harris, 1993; see also Bonilla-Silva, 2021). ...
... Further, it is a type of status in which "white" racial identity provides the basis for allocating societal benefits both private and public in character (Harris, 1993). We define systemic racism as a complex array of structured anti-Black practices and unjustly gained rights and politicaleconomic power that are legitimated and naturalized by the ideologies of "race" and whiteness (Feagin, 2006;Harris, 1993; see also Bonilla-Silva, 2021). Systemic racism hinges on the concepts of "race" and whitenessideologies enforced by power and violence (Kivel, 2011). ...
In this article, we argue that the concept of racial microaggression is a white supremacy construct that is an ideological and discursive anti‐Black practice. We discuss how microaggressions’ reduction of historical and hegemonic white supremacy to everyday relations that are merely performative, not integral to sustaining such larger forces, is an analytical shortcoming. We contend that without the adequate heft of historical white supremacy as a part of capitalist and colonial expansion, genocide, and Indigenous erasure, microaggression scholars will remain enthralled with the idea that individual behavior changes can eradicate anti‐Black violence.
... The guiding constructs of CRT that we employ are 1) the permanence of racism which acknowledges that race is central to American institutions and recognizes that race is historically, formatively and continually, a part of the fabric of America (Delgado & Stefancic, 2005;Ladson-Billings, 1999;Maynard, 2004), 2) interest convergence which refers to the willingness of the dominant forces to initiate or yield to equity policies only when they derive benefits from them (Bell, 1980;Morris, 2001;Taylor, 1999), 3) the critique of liberalism, which challenges the dominant culture's tendency to whitewash the profound influence of race and its power on the formation and operation of everyday life (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004;Delgado Bernal, 1998;Solorzano & Yosso, 2002), and 4) whiteness as property, the presumption of White preeminence is like an object that is held, retained, owned, and confers certain privileges to its owner -an object that, by definition, cannot be possessed by a person of color (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004;Delgado & Stefancic, 2005;Harris, 1993;Picower, 2009). ...
... They saw this as performative progress and that the schools' interests converged with the parents to the extent that the schools did invest in a select group of Black students' academic achievement (Bell, 1980;Morris, 2001;Taylor, 1999). The incidences of feeling undervalued, invisible and actively discouraged from opportunities to demonstrate excellence amounted to convincing evidence that liberal colorblindness did not work to the advantage of Black students, but to maintaining White preeminence in the schools (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004;Delgado Bernal, 1998; Solorzano & Yosso, (Delgado & Stefancic, 2005;Harris, 1993;Picower, 2009). ...
Building upon literature that has shown that Black students hold definitive beliefs about their teachers’ expectations and knowing these notions have impact on Black student achievement, we explore the experiences within a school district where diversity and inclusion efforts have been ongoing. The participants of this study were high-achieving students and their parents, a nuance that provides depth to understanding Black families’ perceptions of teacher expectations. Critical Race Theory (CRT) served as the theoretical framework and the tenets of permanence of racism, interest convergence, critique of liberalism, and whiteness as property, were employed as categorical themes to centralize the focus on how the families made meaning of their educational experiences through a CRT lens. Findings revealed that the participants were subject to unjust, low expectations that created and maintained a racial hierarchy and an anti-Black ideation on the part of teachers and school authorities. Implications include the need for teachers to raise their awareness of how their actions are interpreted, their role in creating a culture of mistrust, and the need to counter individual level and institutional racialized structures.
... Whiteness as property conceptualizes race as an object that only the dominant culture of America can possess (Harris, 1993). The person who has whiteness has a privilege that others in society do not have. ...
... It was as if Black students were treated as chattel to serve the purpose of integration without their permission and under the guise of zoning. To add insult to injury, it seemed like most white students were protected from being displaced because of a quality they inherently possessed, in other words, the realization of the CRT tenet of whiteness as property (Harris, 1993). The intermingled interjections of long-standing local history and the context of the hyper-segregated surrounding community of the large metropolitan area informed me that the parents' utterances were loaded with a hurt that extended back generations. ...
The rise of school sports academies provides a privileged space for young elite athletes whose needs are not met in traditional schools. These academies have a long history of promoting their desire to have homogenous communities to represent national prowess on the world stage at sports events like the Olympics. This chapter will call into question the rise of school sports academies and their place in education, specifically in the Canadian context. We will first explore the history of school sports academies, the types of academies in Canada, and provide critical analysis of how these academies both play off of the hopes of young athletes and their families in the dream of 'making it big' and impact how hierarchical sports have emerged in schooling
... Construit historico-social dynamique avec des répercussions saisissables en matière de domination, la blanchité repose sur sa dimension interactionnelle : celle-ci existe par son pouvoir de labellisation et d'altérisation des corps racisés qui constitue cet « Autre » (non-blanc) infériorisé et marginalisé (Bell, 2001 ;Harris, 1993). La constitution de la blanchité en tant qu'identité raciale se situe dans « un contexte historique dynamique attaché aux macrostructures de l'économie politique mais aussi affecté par nos micro-interactions » (Alcoff, 2006, p. 108). ...
... Point d'ancrage de privilèges systémiques, elle légitime, invisibilise et normalise quotidiennement la domination blanche. Traduisant le concept d'investissement possessif, George Lipsitz (1988, cité dans Harris, 1993) connecte la blanchité à l'accumulation de pouvoir et de richesses : à l'image d'un héritage familial, les avantages tirés de la blanchité sont transmissibles à travers les générations, incitant les blanches et les blancs à investir et protéger leurs intérêts de race. Par son caractère hégémonique et normalisé, la blanchité paraît prévenir l'émergence d'une conscience collective basée sur la race : l'un des privilèges de la blanchité réside précisément dans la subjectivité (Winnubst, 2006) qu'elle confère aux personnes qui lui sont affiliées. ...
À la lumière des travaux de Linda Martín Alcoff, Shannon Sullivan, Sara Ahmed et Helen Ngo, ce chapitre met en exergue l’opérationnalisation de la blanchité des femmes dont le rapport racialement privilégié à l’espace est parfois la source de vives tensions et contradictions. Les récentes polémiques en France autour du festival Afro-féministe Nyansapo en 2017 et des espaces racialement non mixtes au sein du syndicat étudiant Unef en 2021 – initiatives ardemment critiquées par une pluralité d’acteurs et actrices de la vie publique française parmi lesquels la très médiatisée mairesse socialiste de Paris, Anne Hidalgo – font figure d’exemples.
... DisCrit recognizes whiteness and Ability as 'property,' conferring economic benefits to those who can claim whiteness and/or normalcy (Harris 1993) and disadvantages for those who cannot lay claim to these identity statuses. For years, populations fighting for Civil Rights, such as women and people of color, have been positioned as disabled, or unfit in some way that justified their exclusion from the rights of others who fit the norm (Kudlick 2003). ...
... These benefits of passing for white and/or able bodied in some extreme cases could literally mean survival, while for others it might simply afford opportunities to benefit from the economic and social privileges enjoyed by dominant groups. However, these attempts ultimately reify binaries of able/disabled and white/black and solidify property and other rights as only accessible to some (Harris 1993). Due to a societal subscription to whiteness and ability as property, DisCrit holds that the political interests of oppressed groups have often been gained only through interest convergence. ...
... Critical theories of whiteness are interested in the way that whiteness operates as the unstated norm (Dyer, 1997) and locating both the systemic and individual processes by which white supremacy is protected (Harris, 1995), possessively invested in (Lipsitz, 2006), and propagated by various systems (Haney Lopez, 1995;Massey & Denton, 1993;Rothstein, 2017), as well as attitudes (Bonilla-Silva, 2003Picower, 2009) and relationships to racial capital (Gerrald et al, 2022). One thread of this research examines how white people understand issues related to race and racism, particularly within the realm of teacher education, identifying the active and inactive responses reflective of Mills' (2007) theory of 'white ignorance.' ...
Using the notion of ‘ideology in pieces’ as a guiding concept, this paper presents a case study of one teacher who won his state’s history teacher of the year award. This study uses critical discourse analysis to explore the complex and at-times competing racial logics this teacher expressed regarding what race/racism is, how it operates in society, and its role in his teaching. Ultimately, this paper reveals that this teacher’s racial ideologies emerged ‘in pieces,’ constituted by a range of factors including his perception of the needs of his student population, community context, and his larger epistemological stances on both race/ism and history. While some discourses seemed to be in conflict, ultimately, white supremacy was protected through a lack of systemic analyses of racism and undergirding anti-Black logics.
... For this study in particular, the permanence of racism and Whiteness as property are the focus. CRT posits two notions: (a) the permanence of racism, which states that race is permanent and a constant that controls social, political, and economic mobility in our society, and (b) Whiteness as property, which states that "the law's construction of Whiteness defined and affirmed critical aspects of identity; of privilege; and of property," making it easy to exclude African Americans (Harris, 1993(Harris, , p. 1725; see also Delgado and Stefancic, 2017). These factors allow for limited opportunities and numerous educational injustices, especially in mathematics. ...
In collegiate mathematics, college algebra continues to be a barrier to graduation for students (specifically non-science, mathematics, engineering, and science majors). Each year, nearly half of enrolled students struggle to “pass” this course with a grade of C or better (Herriott, 2006). Using innovative constructed lessons geared towards African American students, this research study was designed to investigate the effects of a sequence of such lessons grounded in the principles of culturally relevant pedagogy on students enrolled in an introductory college algebra course at a historically Black college/university. Using critical race theory as a lens, along with culturally relevant pedagogy, this study explored students’ abilities to apply mathematics to address contentious and present-day sociopolitical problems through eight in-depth semi-structure student interviews. Further, findings also suggest the need for collegiate mathematics instruction to have more emphasis on cultural components to build students’ sociopolitical consciousnesses, because this is integral in helping students be able to think critically and use mathematics in their everyday lives. Students in this experimental course were able to discuss difficult issues, such as the pervasiveness of racism in America (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004) and the importance of cultural identity for African American students (Martin, 2009).
... Thus, though chattel slavery may be over, Black people continue to be positioned as less than human in American society. In contrast, whiteness continues to be seen as valued property (Harris, 1993) and symbolizes what is normal, pure, and deserving (Bell, 1993;Dumas and Ross, 2016). This manifests today in the ways that people living in America are socialized to empathize with the pain of white people, while ignoring or even blaming Black people for their own suffering and oppression. ...
Undergraduate science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) classrooms are not race-neutral spaces, and instructors have the power to center racial equity and inclusion in their instructional practices. Yet how instructors think about race and racism can impact whether and how they adopt inclusive practices. We examined how 39 undergraduate STEM instructors noticed anti-Black racialized events that were experienced by students in classroom narratives. We created narrative cases that described multiple common, harmful anti-Black racialized experiences based on extant research and guidance from an expert advisory board. Instructors responded to cases by describing the problems they noticed. Using frameworks of racial noticing and color-evasive racial ideology, we conducted qualitative content analysis of instructor responses. Color-evasive racial ideology was pervasive, with most responses (54%) avoiding any discussion of race, and few responses acknowledging race or racism in more than one event (10%). We characterized six forms of color-evasiveness. This study adds to a growing body of literature indicating that color-evasion is pervasive in STEM culture. Instructors would benefit from professional development that specifically aims to counter color-evasiveness and anti-Blackness in teaching. Furthermore, STEM disciplines must pursue systemic change so that our organizations value, expect, promote, and reward the development and enactment of a critical racial consciousness.
... Based on MacLean's work, in defending property rights, public choice was in fact defending what critical race theorist Cheryl Harris has called "property rights in whiteness." 26 Unfortunately and unsurprisingly, public choice has had great success in influencing the course of public policy in the United States over the last four decades. Indeed, Harris describes how institutions are often implicitly designed and function to define and codify "Whiteness as property;" adding MacLean's work applies Harris's analysis to the academy (public choice theory) itself. ...
This essay demonstrates the necessity of formally incorporating identity group stratification as a pillar alongside economic and political understandings of any political economy framework. We make our case by juxtaposing mutual inadequacies and myopic limitations associated with two influential but polar political economy frameworks-Marxian and public choice theory-since neither framework formally incorporates an identity group stratification lens beyond class reductionism. Finally, in addition to presenting an identity group stratification lens to economic thought, we present an Inclusive Economic Rights policy framework as a critical baseline component of human rights, foregrounding political economic tendencies toward identity group stratifications as a pathway forward to achieve a “moral political economy.”
... Volume XI, Issue 2, Fall 2021 6 type of intellectually detached style favored by academia, highlighted decolonizing principles and first-person knowledge of the way racism operates on campus. X was able to draw from his experiences as a former teacher to illustrate abstract concepts, such as Whiteness as property (Harris, 1993). ...
As a means of highlighting new possibilities for interrupting White privilege, and supporting and honoring critical community building among faculty of Color in teacher education programs, this paper offers the theoretical and methodological resources of collective memory work as a tool for interrogating teacher education's entanglements in the complex, yet normalized, processes of White privilege. This paper, written by three faculty members of Color, aims to provide hope for an escape from the construction of hierarchies, taxonomies, and White/non-White binaries that establish and enforce arbitrary boundaries that prevent people from different racialized groups from working together to disrupt White privilege and oppression.
... White identity is congealed through domination of its other, or, as Baldwin writes in If Beale Street Could Talk, 'the righteous must be able to locate the damned' (Baldwin, 1974, p. 192). Recent scholarship has concurred with Baldwin, showing how whiteness depends upon the right to exclude (Harris, 1993). As historian David Roediger notes, Irish whiteness was recognized and established when the Irish learned to dominate and exclude black laborers from their jobs. ...
This article shows that William E. Connolly’s work holds resources for projects of racial justice but must be revised to fully meet the challenge of racial inequality. There are two interrelated problems in Connolly’s theory: first, the drive to destabilize identity, for which he argues, rejects the need for collective identity, which is necessary in democratic politics. Furthermore, because domination renders identity unstable, the call to destabilize identity places too great a burden on already marginalized groups. The problem of destabilizing identity is underwritten by a second problem: the white working class and its grievances occupy too important a position in Connolly’s analysis. This article uses insights provided by James Baldwin to amend Connolly’s contributions. The article argues that there is a need to destabilize the ‘we’ of American politics that allows white, male identity to occupy the ‘heart’ of liberal democracy. Baldwin’s insights help solve the problem of the ‘black hole’ at the center of liberal democracy which, Connolly argues, sustains fundamentalism and racial injustice. This article’s contribution is to amend Connolly’s work to meet the challenge of racial injustice, offer a novel reading of the place of political imagination in Baldwin’s work, and show how political imagination adds depth to conversations about democracy, racial justice, and pluralism.
... • colorblind racism, or the belief that race is not important and should not be publicly acknowledged (Bonilla-Silva, 2006); • willful ignorance, or an intentional avoidance of acknowledging the violence and suffering caused by white supremacy (Mills, 2007); • assumed racial comfort, or the tendency for white people's comfort to be prioritized over making real change to confront racism (Leonardo & Porter, 2010); • unearned entitlement, or the sense of assumed ownership and privilege that white people feel toward spaces, resources, time, money, opportunities, and people (Sullivan, 2006); and • whiteness as capital, or the many legal, economic, societal, cultural, and systemic benefits that have been reserved for those deemed as white by inherited systems of power (Harris, 1993) White student affairs professionals should begin by using CWS to critically reflect on their own racist attitudes and behaviors (Ashlee, 2019). Most white student affairs professionals cannot explain what it means to be white because they have not often considered their own racial identity (Willey, 2002). ...
Using Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS), two student affairs professionals share their personal narratives about their professional practice. Each reflect on how they challenge white supremacy both personally and professionally. We provide recommendations for using CWS as a framework to inform racial justice activism and support with white student affairs professionals.
... Piaget's conception here actually posits an initial adualism which was informed by his interests in autistic thought processes. However, he ultimately believed that babies would eventually develop beyond this stage toward 'logical or scientific' thought as their intelligence grew (Harris, 1993;Burman, 2016, p. 191). ...
Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of the West of Scotland for the award of Doctor of Philosophy in collaboration with Early Years Scotland. April 2022. i Declaration I declare that this thesis is entirely my own and has not been previously submitted for another PhD or comparable award. Word count (excluding ancillary data, reference lists, appendices)-73,025 Shaddai Tembo April 2022 ii Abstract This doctoral thesis examines the formation of children's subjectivities, related to the metaphysical conditions of being and becoming a subject, within fully outdoor early childhood provision in Scotland. The role of outdoor play provision has been made central in recent years by the Scottish Government as part of the broader expansion of Early Learning and Childcare (Scottish Government, 2017a; Scottish Government, 2017b; Education Scotland, 2019c; Scottish Government, 2020a). This enhanced focus raises questions around how children form their subjectivities in such spaces and how this may differ from what is known about subjectivity within conventional indoor provision. Further, while the existing knowledge base on subjectivity in childhood is derived mainly from the intellectual progress made through the fields of social constructionism (Foucault, 1978), performativity theory (Butler, 2004; 2006; 2011) and developmental psychology (Piaget, 1948; 1957), concerns have been raised regarding the extent to which such frameworks may give primacy to the human, and the logics of humanism, over and above the non-human world (Barad, 2007; Dolphijn and Tuin, 2012; Braidotti, 2013). Such concerns warrant special attention in relation to entirely outdoor environments, where these approaches may underplay the significance of ontological and ontogenetic matters that contribute toward the formation of subjectivity. This study applies a sociomaterial metaphysical framework to propose an alternative way of understanding how subjectivities come to form in early childhood environments, bringing together Spinozist (2002) monism and insights from process philosophy (Massumi, 2002) in relation to Deleuze and Guattari's (1987) concepts of the assemblage and affect. Methodologically, a ethnographic approach, inspired partly from the postqualitative field of scholarship, is employed to gather data on children's subjectivities at Wood Fire, a fully outdoor early childhood setting. The findings of this study reveal the novel materiality and relationality of fully outdoor early childhood provision through which subjectivities are informed , and also point toward the ways that social and cultural determinacies continue to affectively orientate children's desires in the absence of clearly demarcated material spaces. Thus, these findings a demonstrate more expanded understanding of how we, humans, are produced as individuals in specific encounters through processes of 'affective sociomaterialisation'. Through the presentation of data in textual, visual and cinematic modes, practitioners are encouraged to re-evaluate the role of outdoor provision through a sociomaterial metaphysics that challenges conventional knowledges about how children's subjectivities are formed. Practically, this carries implications for how the materiality of outdoor environments is understood to contribute to the child's sense of self on more expansive terms. iii
... Critical Race Theory was first focused on in legal studies. As Harris (1993) put it this way, CRT grew partially out of critical legal studies since racism has directly shaped the US legal system and the ways people think about the law, racial categories, and privilege. These days, it has been incorporated into other fields of study such as sociology and psychology. ...
Chapter Eighteen: Unconventional Approaches to a Culture of Peace for Nation-Building: Approaches from Nigeria.
... CRT contends that racial inequality is integrated into political, social, and economic systems, which can lead to adverse outcomes for people of color in various aspects of their lives, such as education, maternal healthcare, and the judicial system (Adebayo et al., 2022;Crenshaw, 1990;Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). There are several assumptions of the theory: (a) racism is a persistent force that has been integrated into the fabric of systems within our society (Bonilla-Silva & Dietrich, 2011); (b) White supremacy evolves to reinforce practices that protect the rights, privileges, and preferences of Whites who view themselves as more valuable than non-Whites (Harris, 1995); (c) in order for social progress to take place for people of color, those interests must overlap with the interest of White people (Bell, 1995), and (d) to counteract the effects of racism, the lived experience of racially marginalized groups must be shared to reduce this asymmetric power dynamic (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001;Ladson-Billings, 2013). CRT centers on race and racism when examining inequalities as a means to rectify inequitable treatment for racially marginalized populations (Crenshaw et al., 1995;Lynn & Dixson, 2013;Zamudio et al., 2011). ...
... Lewis and Diamond (2015), finally, argue that implicit structural inequities sustain contemporary racial inequalities. Critical race theorists frame whiteness as a "form of property" (Harris, 1993), legitimizing rights to power, status, and resources (Diamond, 2018;Dixon & Telles, 2017;Omi & Winant, 1986). Ray (2019) builds on these ideas to describe whiteness as a "credential" that "provides access to organizational resources" and expands "white agency" ...
Schools’ overt or explicit practices are a dominant lens through which education researchers and policymakers attempt to understand how schools are racially inequitable. Yet, Lewis and Diamond argue that contemporary racial inequalities are largely sustained through implicit factors, like institutional practices and structural inequalities. Ray’s framework on racialized organizations similarly outlines how our racialized sociopolitical structure becomes embedded in organizations, legitimating and perpetuating the racialized hierarchy. We apply illustrative cluster analysis techniques to rich data on schools, teachers, and students from the nationally representative High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 to find that structural inequities (e.g., student body, sector, average achievement) appear to be most salient in delineating the racialization of US high schools, whereas the characteristics of schools and teachers that are typically emphasized for closing racial inequities in educational outcomes (e.g., teacher qualifications, courses offered, stratification practices) are not salient differentiators across schools.
... The central park bird-watcher Christian Cooper's experience brought attention to the hostile environment created by thinking of outdoor leisure as a Whites-only enterprise, and to the ways in which ordinary Whites police the boundaries of leisure places using threats of state violence (the police). Politicians have invoked racism at an international scale to deal with the coronavirus crisis as well as issues like immigration-"China virus" comments spurred anti-Asian hate violence and politicized rhetoric about of "White" which property law professor Cheryl Harris (1993) would decades later conceptualize as literal property for those who could claim it. White supremacy is a necessary ideology for legitimating genocide, slavery, colonialism and settlement, which were state, corporate, community and individual efforts protected and promoted by European and then American law since 15th-century Discovery Doctrine (Dunbar-Ortiz, 2014;Watson, 2005). ...
The fourth wave of leisure studies challenges researchers to investigate the social construction of race through leisure, in contrast to understanding race as a variable. Floyd (2007) challenged us to think about the future challenges and trends around race and ethnicity in leisure studies. Though significant progress has been made since the 1970s, we still have far to go in assessment of race and ethnicity in leisure. The objective of this manuscript is to answer the call made by Floyd for an anticipated fourth wave task of “understand[ing] how leisure practices create, reinforce, and perpetuate racist practices in contemporary America” (2007, 249). We apply a theoretical framework that centers racism and whiteness, drawn from race scholarship across fields: the sociology of race, Critical Race Theory (CRT), whiteness studies, settler colonialism studies, and Black and Native Studies. We apply this framework to investigate the storytelling at two National Park Service (NPS) monuments which we provide as case studies to analyze how spatialized historical storytelling consolidates structural white supremacy in the parks, despite a rhetoric of inclusivity. Only once we understand how racism and white supremacy are embedded in NPS narratives can we begin to make changes to reduce white supremacist storytelling in leisure practice.
... Der abstrakten Zustimmung zu mehr Gerechtigkeit, die in der weißen (cis-)heteronormativen bürgerlichen Dominanzkultur (Rommelspacher 1995) mehrheitlich behauptet wird, liegt demzufolge kein tatsächli- ches Ethisches Begehren nach deren Verwirklichung zugrunde. Das ist auch nicht nötig: Sowohl »hegemoniale Männlichkeit« (Connell 1999) als auch die »property of whiteness« (Harris 1993) wirken weiterhin als stille Norm beziehungsweise als »phantasmatischer Besitz« (»phantom possession«, Redecker 2020), das heißt, sie wurden und werden nicht (oder kaum) wahrgenommen und bleiben deshalb unangefochten. Wenn man allerdings nur der Abwehr Affektcharakter zuspricht, wie es vielfach in der affektpolitisch inspirierten Kritik des Rechtspopulismus geschieht, wird der Wunsch nach Gerechtigkeit reduktionistisch auf die Seite der Vernunft geschlagen, während man damit gleichzeitig Anwürfe unterstützt, linke Bewegungen strebten nach einer Erziehungsdiktatur und pflegten einen Verbotswahn. ...
Auch nach Jahrzehnten von Aktivismus und Forschung gilt: Die (Geschlechter-)Verhältnisse im Feld des Politischen und auf der Ebene der kollektiven Weltdeutung sind nach wie vor von Ungleichheiten dominiert. Die Beitragenden zeigen auf, dass die feministische Kritik im Moment des Einwands bereits Möglichkeiten entfaltet, diese Verhältnisse neu zu denken. Ob im Widerspruch gegen die hegemoniale Zuweisung eines bestimmten Ortes, einer gesellschaftlichen Position oder einer vermeintlichen »Natur« – die feministische Kritik entwirft stets auch emanzipatorische Visionen eines solidarischen Zusammenlebens: Sie gibt der Welt eine neue Wirklichkeit.
... Analysis of the institutional correspondence between MoMA and city officials shows that the museum and the city collaborated to narrate racial differences in the city and then worked to "fix" the socalled problems through tactical innovations (such as banking air) with the goal of maintaining whiteness. By supporting a new experimentation of "racially contingent forms of property and property rights," what legal historian Cheryl Harris (1993Harris ( , 1714 has called the ideological foundations for "whiteness as property," HwR provides an exemplary case study for how whiteness, like property, is invested in. More specifically, close analysis of HwR demonstrates how architecture involved itself in a new bureaucratic framework of urban design in order to innovate the financialization of an otherwise free natural resource-in this case, air. ...
Contributions by urban planners, sociologists, anthropologists, architects, and landscape architects on the role and scope of urban design in creating more just and inclusive cities.
Scholars who write about justice and the city rarely consider the practices and processes of urban design, while discourses on urban design often neglect concerns about justice. The editors of Just Urban Design take the position that urban design interventions have direct and important implications for justice in the city. The contributions in this volume contextualize the state of knowledge about urban design for justice, stress inclusivity as the key to justice in the city, affirm community participation and organizing as cornerstones of greater equity, and assert that a just urban design must center and privilege our most marginalized individuals and communities.
Approaching spatial and social justice in the city through the lens of urban design, the contributors explore the possibility of envisioning and delivering social, spatial, and environmental justice in cities through urban design and the material reality of built environment interventions. The editors' combined expertise includes urban politics and climate change, public space, mobility justice, community development, housing, and informality, and the contributors include researchers and practitioners from urban planning, sociology, anthropology, architecture, and landscape architecture.
Contributors: Rachel Berney, Rebecca Choi, Teddy Cruz, Diane E. Davis, Fonna Forman, Christopher Giamarino, Kian Goh, Alison B. Hirsch, Jeffrey Hou, Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris, Setha Low, Matthew Jordan Miller, Vinit Mukhija, Chelina Odbert, Francesca Piazzoni, and Michael Rios
... Julio expressed how the parameters of whiteness as property (Harris, 1993) have the right to possess, use, and exclude. Callie similarly grappled with these parameters working against her, and posited: ...
This critical qualitative study illuminates how racially minoritized LGBTQ + faculty in the field of higher education navigate racist and heterosexist systems, leading to inordinate challenges related to tenure and promotion and deteriorating health and well-being. This system of higher education fosters isolation, hostility, racial battle fatigue, and LGBTQ + erasure offering limited support, negative institutional environments, and insufficient mentoring for faculty with multiple minoritized identities. With intersectionality as the theoretical foundation of this research, three themes emerged from the data including problematizing productivity, exposing tokenization, and the costs of staying in the academy. I posit that refusal is a necessary strategy for racially minoritized LGBTQ + faculty who navigate the neoliberal institution.
... In the section of discussion and conclusions of the review work, Zhang-Wu (2018: 1190) emphasizes an observed pattern across the studies, which is the ignorance of the issues of race and racism. She notices that cultural differences are blamed for almost all their negative experiences (e.g., Hanassab, 2006 2002) than white international students from Europe, however, rather than building on the findings to unpack more complex issues such as White Supremacy and Whiteness as 'property' (Harris, 1993), no discussions about race were conducted in these studies, instead, researchers related such unpleasant experiences to cultural diversity (Hanassab, 2006 Zhang-Wu (2018: 1190) adds that a color-blind strategy, which views people based on their characteristics other than race, has been adopted in these studies, with culture being overly blamed and race becoming a taboo, ignored as if it does not exist in American society. She continues that despite its face value of being beneficial in promoting racial equality by avoiding overt conversations on race and racism, color-blind racism in reality serves as a new racial ideology in hidden mechanisms; ...
The flow of Chinese international students to the US is a long-standing phenomenon that has lasted for more than a century. Such popularity has been growing on a larger scale in the last two decade until the Covid-19 pandemic. Wondering on such sustained and augmenting heat of migration and mobility to the US, this study takes a biographical approach to explore the lives and experiences of today’s Chinese international students in the US by examining their mobility motives, lived experiences, reflections and reflexivities on their international mobility, and their future imagining and projecting.
Among the extant studies, very few takes a holistic approach to investigate the whole international mobility experiences of Chinese international students. Most of them only focus on their horizontal relocation but overlook their vertical temporalities. This study introduces two backbone theoretical frameworks of youth transition to adulthood and migration/mobility to construe the biographical experiences of today’s Chinese international students in the US with a central aim of inquiring into what role international mobility plays in their transitions to adulthood and how they wield agency to navigate their mobility trajectories against contextual and structural constraints. Through international mobility, Chinese international students experience ‘double’ social changes from the rapidly-changing China to the ever-changing America and from the past to the future. Therefore, by examining how Chinese international students make transitions to adulthood, this study can also reflect the changes to social conditions in both China and the US and even to the extent of the whole world.
Assuming that today’s Chinese international students growing up in a fast-changing society could be vastly different from their predecessors not long ago, this research adopts a qualitative research paradigm using in-depth interviews to collect empirical data in order to provide a rich understanding of the multiplicity and breadth of participants’ individual experiences, with various reflexive representations of the individuals’ narratives at the core of the study. Following an interpretivist-constructivist approach to analyze empirical data, this study finds out that today’s young Chinese international students practice international mobility to the US mainly for escaping social control in China and for an alternative transition process in a different social condition in which they believe they will be able to enjoy the course of studying, living and exploring, and after years of mobile lives in the US they incorporate spatial mobility into their imagining and projecting for future transition outcomes-making. And the analysis reveals that they value mobility highly and display an acute awareness of both the advantages and challenges of their mobile lives and refer to their lived experiences in both China and the US for their decision-making process concerning their future mobility trajectories in the hopes of securing both ‘good’ transition processes and ‘good’ transition outcomes. The significance of this study reaches beyond offering a landscape of today’s Chinese international students in the US to the extent that valuable theoretical implications can be contributed to the currently vigorous debate on youth transitions to adulthood while being on the move.
Keywords: Chinese international students, youth transition to adulthood, migration, mobility, transition processes, transition outcomes.
... Third, whiteness as property refers to the value whiteness holds in relation to other races (Mensah & Jackson, 2018). Historically, this was in the context of property and rights, but over time has become associated with other abstract concepts such as time, creativity or education (Harris, 1993). The fourth, challenge, means countering dominant narratives around neutrality, objectivity, colour-blindness and meritocracy in society, all of which maintain the value of whiteness. ...
The permanence of systemic racism in the UK and USA means that Black people are disadvantaged in myriad ways, including within the Academy. While the disproportionate impact of COVID-19, alongside the Black Lives Matter movement, has increased awareness of the challenges faced by Black communities, these issues remain, both in and beyond higher education. Furthermore, there is still a paucity of research individualising the experiences of Black people, who are often homogenised with other ethnic minority groups. This paper explores the impact of COVID-19 on UK and US Black students and academic staff, utilising a critical race theory (CRT) framework. Analysis revealed that Black students and staff experienced COVID-19 against the backdrop of racism as a “pandemic within a pandemic” (Laurencin and Walker, Cell Systems 11:9–10, 2020), including racial (re)traumatisation, loneliness and isolation. Other themes included precarious employment and exploitation. Recommendations are offered for penetrative interventions that can support Black students and staff in the wake of strained race relations neglecting their adverse experiences and a global pandemic.
This chapter is a three-part window into some of my own unsettled wonderings, tethered to the events of April 30 2018 when I witnessed the arrest and detainment of a Black student in a campus library with my then three- and five-year old children. It is a series of attempts to make sense be/make/question/learn with the discomfort of the ongoing hurts and harms of racism as a white cis woman/ artist/ mother/ educator/ scholar. The writings, poems and images presented here are studies as in arts-based and textual inquiry; studies as in small-scale creative experiments; studies as in unfinished; as in preparations, laying the ground for other ongoing work.KeywordsResearch-creationCritical whiteness studiesArts-based researchCritical qualitative methodsCritical race spatial analysisCritical library studiesSelf studyEmbodied research practice
In one of the largest ethnographies ever produced, American anthropologists subjected nearly the entire population of Micronesia to psychological testing. This battery of tests created databases to universalize patterns of economic behavior by collecting “aberrations” in rational thought. Perhaps ironically, the methods developed through Micronesian data experiments provided the formal tools to model corporate decision-making. In the process, economists created a new space of racialized capitalist expansion by producing raw behavioral data. I theorize these early forms of data dispossession as a violent procedure that creates a rift between old modes of subjective identity and new modes of production. My analysis of the weaponization of behavioral modeling—both bypassing the individual as a locus of economic value and dividing the common—sheds new light on the development of so-called data mining on contemporary online platforms.
This article focuses on how Airbnb hosts in the Boston metro, San Francisco, and Washington, DC respond to legislative short‐term rental (STR) regulations. I trace how hosts justify their multiple STR practices by way of the civic good all while foreclosing a debate about the potential negative effects of their monetisation. I show how hosts displace the displeasing aspects of STRs onto the abstracted category of the “Investor Host”, a stand‐in for foreign investment capital and indifferent corporations. I argue that STR owners replicate what Iyko Day calls “romantic anti‐capitalism”, a mode of critiquing capitalism that valorises the local and concrete uses of capital while displacing capital's destructive effects onto an abstracted and racialised other. I build on Day's theorisation by demonstrating how there are multiple genres of romantic anti‐capitalism that function differently based on a person's structural position within settler‐colonialism.
The opportunity gap, or conditions and barriers that impede the academic performance and school experience of minoritized students, may be exacerbated by educators’ implicit biases. The aim of this qualitative study was to understand preservice educators’ awareness of individual, structural, and systemic racism with regard to implicit bias. Our sample included 154 preservice educators, enrolled in an anti-bullying/harassment/discrimination training, which is required for any New York State (NYS) educator certification. Educators responded to questions about group generalizations, factors contributing to these biases, and how biases may affect their behavior toward students. Our content analysis revealed several themes, most notably that frequent biases existed toward Asian/Asian Americans, Black/African Americans, males, and people from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds. Although participant responses reflect an open-minded approach to discussing bias, many responses reflected no observable desire to change potentially biased interactions with students. Responses with racially held biases aligned with the tenets of critical race theory (CRT), particularly racism as permanent and racism as normalized. Implications for practice, with an emphasis on anti-bias training and professional development, are discussed.
Despite the large number of refugees received in Canada every year and the government’s claims to be supportive to “cultural diversity,” the pervasiveness of racism and the paucity of research focused on the intersectional identity of Black refugee students raises several concerns, especially in light of the white savior myth that is embedded in a white society like Canada. Based on the ethic of hospitality, self-determination theory, and the tenets of critical race theory, the purpose of this case study was to explore how hospitable K-12 schools have been to Black refugee students in Manitoba. Through the voices of five students, this paper demonstrates how students’ need of autonomy, relatedness, and competency were often threatened by racist (in)actions of teachers and classmates, thus impinging on their experiences of hospitality.
Après une nouvelle série de manifestations antiracistes violentes dans les rues des villes étatsuniennes à l'été 2020, nous nous efforçons dans cet article d'analyser le sens de ces soulèvements urbains ainsi que la façon dont cette matérialisation du désordre est perçue à la fois par ceux qui en sont les protagonistes et par ceux qui le craignent et s'en offusquent. Nous avançons notamment l'idée que, loin d'être une catastrophe pour l'ensemble des membres d'une société, le désordre a surtout une connotation négative pour ceux qui le perçoivent comme remettant en cause leur statut de dominants.
Two significant events in the last decade, #concernedstudents1950 at the University of Missouri and the George Floyd murder, have galvanized student‐athlete activism, particularly Black student‐athlete activism. Framed in Critical Race Theory (CRT), this article examines contemporary Black student‐athlete activism and how their activism is influencing intercollegiate athletics and higher education
This chapter applies Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) to review research on US higher education’s college athletic admission system. US college sports permit coaches to admit athletes as university students who may not have otherwise matriculated. Preferential athletic admission seems meritocratic because Black men – once barred from higher education and their sports teams – are now overrepresented in the prominent revenue-generating teams of American football and basketball. Scholars have characterized revenue-generating college athletics as a racially exploitative labor system. But the visibility of Black athletes disguises how White, middle-class athletes are overrepresented in all other sports. Applying CWS to diverse areas of literature including sociology of youth sports, critical race theories, sports management, physical education, and higher education access scholarship, I identify three mechanisms that permit the overrepresentation of White athletes to go unrecognized in athletics: racial segregation, preserving White advantage, and interpreting Whiteness. In doing so, this chapter opens new terrains for critiquing sport as meritocratic by (re)positioning Whiteness as a structuring force in athletic access and opportunity.
In order to hold hope for a future music education profession that addresses racial inequities in music teaching, music educators must possess the tools and concepts needed to discuss race and racism. This research specifically explores how four music educators, informed by critical race theory, dream for the future of music education. Two participants identify as cisgender women; one teaches middle school band (Beth) and the other high school band (Angela). The other two participants identify as cisgender men; one teaches elementary general music (Jesse) and the other high school beat-making and songwriting in an after-school setting (Ty). Each participant engaged in an eight-session professional learning community focused explicitly on critical race theory. During the final professional learning community workshop, the participants were asked to use the new knowledge they gained to dream for the future of music education. Freedom dreaming (Kelley, 2002; New York Collective of Radical Educators, 2020) is a powerful tool to imagine a most ideal future by challenging oppressive structures. Love (2019) discusses the importance of being able to dream for a future that embraces justice and equity where students who experience systemic hardship can thrive. Critical race theory can provide a lens for music educators to critically examine their own practices as teachers and consider what equitable teaching practices look like for them. Results from this study show the importance of learning about race and racism within music education and highlight the value of emphasizing student autonomy through exploration in the music classroom.
In this article I place tenant screening data grabbing practices in tension with the ongoing work of housing justice‐based tool making. While the tenant screening industry has spent decades amassing eviction data to facilitate the blocklisting of tenants with prior eviction records and thereby reifying racial capitalist geographies, housing organizers today rely on some of this same data to illuminate evictor networks and organize anti‐eviction campaigns. This has been particularly important in the wake of corporate landlordism in which evictions are executed through opaque shell companies. Tenant‐made tools attempt to undo this uneven landscape in which landlords own troves of data about tenants, but in which tenants don't even know their own landlords’ names. While opening up all eviction data to the public might appear to be an antidote, doing so can also provide screening companies with even more data to use in blocklisting. In my examination of this conjuncture, I forge the analytic of dis/possessory data politics to map out the violence of tenant screening data predation while also problematizing the technoliberal impulse to open up all eviction data. Yet dis/possessory data politics also attest to care and coalition work marked by practices of possession beyond logics of theft, banishment and techno solutionism.
This article argues that Black writers throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries produced a critical knowledge of how legal documentation functions to produce racialized structures of power and Black vulnerability at law. In literature that reckons with slavery’s legal afterlife, particularly antebellum slave narratives, post-Reconstruction novels, and neo-slave narratives, Black authors frequently represent legal documents as pivotal to legal personhood and theorize how these documents produce vulnerability to violence and dispossession. The adversarial relationship with contract law that Black people have experienced throughout US history has uniquely positioned Black writers to produce a critical knowledge of law’s structures of power. These writers reveal the mechanisms by which legal authorities manipulated the legal contracts that as texts stipulated protections for Black subjects yet in practice failed to accomplish those protections when white legal authorities refused to carry them out. Building on critical race theory and law and literature scholarship, this article proposes a heightened awareness for how race interacts with legal procedure, particularly during the material processes involved in a document’s creation and execution. Focusing on law’s materiality, this article uncovers an understudied literary vein in which Black authors represent documents as materially fragile and vulnerable to destruction in order to theorize law as a series of practices enacted by persons inhabiting bodies marked by race.
How do settlers organize their discursive relationship with the lands they settle, in order to claim, conceptually and materially, the position of owner and occupant? What must they do to transform themselves, in their eyes and in the eyes of others, from parasite to host? And in what ways have these practices been contested? This article addresses these questions in the historical context of early American settler colonialism and demonstrates the relational structure that colonial legitimation requires, including how this structure is mediated by subjects not strictly part of that relation. Through readings of John Marshall, Mary Rowlandson, James Printer, and Martin R. Delany, this article brings together the fields of media philosophy and settler colonial studies to theorize the “parasitical trick” as a fundamental and flexible technique of settler colonialism that removes Indigenous people from relationality by, paradoxically, making them central to it.
Changes to state and federal aid have presented unprecedented challenges to college affordability across the United States. With fewer financial resources to offset college costs, students and their families have taken on a tide of debt to finance undergraduate degrees. As the student loan debt in the United States has topped $1.7 trillion, the sheer enormity of this debt reflects an education system complicit in the processes eroding the benefits of a college degree. Degree-seekers most reliant on a college degree to advance their social and economic positions ironically receive little training to develop the financial knowledge, tools, and resources necessary to navigate the financial challenges of higher education. Rooted in democratic idealism, colleges and universities are responsible for making college affordability and economic success more attainable for a diverse student body. This chapter shifts the scholarly analysis from whether colleges should provide opportunities for navigating financing higher education to a question about how they can engage in the processes that develop students’ financial savviness with an intersectional lens. Evidence from a financial literacy undergraduate course elucidates the possibilities of a multifaceted approach to financial education aimed at a diverse student body. Recommendations in this chapter disrupt race-neutral, deficit-based, and universal paradigms evident in existing financial education programs and provide curricular support that is more sensitive to today’s degree-seekers’ needs.
Teachers’ ontological and epistemological orientations toward their pedagogy and practice are critically important for educating in ways that support the self-determination and agency of all learners, particularly Students of Color. Given that the teaching workforce is predominantly white and female there is a need to continue working with white teachers to deconstruct deficit and dehumanizing ways of being and knowing that they often employ in K-12 classrooms. Further, we must simultaneously advance antiracist orientations and emancipatory practices of Teachers of Color and white teachers. In this chapter, we describe the ways that many white teachers’ ontologies and performative emotions undermine efforts at antiracist and emancipatory teaching and learning and perpetuate education violence against Students of Color. Drawing on the work of Shange (2019), we begin by describing emancipatory and antiracist pedagogy and what it means to enact such pedagogies to counter systemic racism in K-12 schools. Shange’s notion of ceding space, which asks teachers to “give room(s), release authority, subvert settlement” (p. 106), offers an emancipatory alternative to holding on to the unearned power and control afforded by whiteness. We then interrogate how whiteness serves as a proxy for all things good, smart, and successful in school, thus undermining racialized students’ access to and experiences with schooling that is freeing. We describe the ways that white teachers’ performative emotions and commitments to white perfectionism undermine their efforts to uphold antiracist and liberatory pedagogies and practices that cultivate joy and wholeness for Students of Color. Specifically, we examine how ontological proximity to whiteness, white fear, white wokeness, and commitments to white perfectionism operate as forms of violence against Students of Color, and we offer pedagogies and practices that counter this as a way to foster learning environments that are freeing and dismantle systemic racism.KeywordsIdealized whitenessStudents of ColorOntological orientationEpistemological orientationAntiracist teachingEmancipatory teaching and learning
This article focuses on how educational institutions are crucial sites for understanding how racial capitalism and anti‐Black violence are reproduced. Centring Chapel Hill, home of the University of North Carolina (UNC), and its neighbouring town of Carrboro as a university town built by racial capitalist and anti‐Black practices, I analyse how the university functions as a social reproductive force that structures the town and its local public education system. Building on my ethnographic research, Black studies literature, and Black geographic thought, I argue that the university partakes in the political, economic, and ideological restructuring of a community that enables hierarchical differences to be produced in schools in terms of how success is rooted with liberal notions of the individual and proximity to whiteness. Paying attention to these relationships challenges us to think about the need for the total eradication of oppression in all forms to truly have liberated educational spaces.
This article discusses decolonial critical sociocultural approaches to human learning and invites readers to imagine their place in ongoing research and activism inspired by this approach. The article begins by discussing how academic psychology and education have historically centered a White middle-class stance and have not fully recognized and engaged scholarship by people of color. An objective of this article is to more fully account for the BIPOC perspectives in social constructivist perspectives on learning. Part 1 of the article traces the roots of a decolonial critical sociocultural approach in social constructivist, sociocultural, and critical approaches to learning. Part 2 of the article presents ways in which contemporary researchers, often in partnership with community members, expose inequities and press for change, informed by a critical sociocultural perspective. Four levers for change are presented including the following: building just and equitable learning ecologies, recognizing multiple resources and pathways to reach multiple goals, leading with relationships while acknowledging and dismantling systems of power, and undertaking infrastructure work in the pursuit of more just and equitable learning. The article discusses how focusing on these levers helps to achieve equity and justice in education and to support the pursuit of educational reform toward liberation, rather than toward reproducing and perpetuating historic systems of power, privilege, and oppression.
This autoethnographic paper introduces a decolonizing methodological process termed-critical collaborative interrogation (CCI)-one offering a more radically reflexive approach to teasing out inherent power relations within sport-for-development spaces. The process of CCI utilized four autobiographical vignettes written by the first author as means of decolonizing his whiteness, vis-à-vis, an academic peer from his present and a coworker from his past. By ascribing to a decolonizing praxis, we contend that CCI offers not only a novel way to elucidate innate racial biases, complicities, and moral imperatives within sport-for-development work, but also promoting CCI as a transformative process by drawing upon "other" ways of knowing and alternative perspectives.
Generations of scholars and activists have argued that racial inequities emerge not only because of racist ideologies but also from a hierarchical system of racial oppression. This theoretical tradition has highlighted numerous ways in which systemic racism manifests itself, from racist policies to differential access to material conditions and power. However, given that by definition systemic racism is focused on systems, theories of systemic racism would be more comprehensive and actionable by drawing on scholarship related to systems thinking. Systems thinking is a conceptual orientation that aims to understand how different types of systems function over time. This paper builds on the work of previous scholars to propose a systems thinking approach to understand and strategically disrupt racist systems. We provide a typology of system characteristics (organized into the categories of paradigms, structures, elements, and feedback loops) that together can be used to help understand the operation of systemic racism in different system contexts. The paper also provides an approach to identify and strategically target multiple system leverage points to simultaneously disrupt the status quo of racial inequity and promote the emergence of conditions enabling racial equity. This systems thinking approach can be used to guide learning and action within an ongoing process of antiracist praxis.
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