Cultural Industrial Districts as a Tool of Boosting Regional Economy in Korea

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... In 2011, there were 373 cinema business companies with 12,805 employees in GBD, including production, investment and distribution firms. In 2013, a total of 701 film production companies in Seoul and 53.3 per cent of productions were located in GDB (Choo, 2007;Hwang, 2009;Kwon, 2011, p. 116;Korean Film Council, 2004, 2006Yoon, 2002). ...
While the local buzz and global pipeline approach has provided a useful platform for understanding knowledge creation and diffusion in the creative industries, little attention has been paid to the complex dynamics of knowledge flows through time and space. This article examines how the dynamics of local buzz and global pipelines supported Hallyu (translated into English as the ‘Korean Wave’, which refers to the increased popularity of South Korean cultural goods outside of Korea) by analysing the Korean film and TV industry. It is argued that changes in extra-local knowledge linkages offer opportunities for the expansion of the industry, both in domestic and international markets. The main findings indicate that not only did the dynamics of local buzz and global pipelines reconfigure Hallyu but also public support policies, private sector’s exertion and increased demand in the global market promoted Hallyu.
... The Daegu cultural industrial district is specialized in game industry and mobile contents. The other cities are Bucheon (publishing, animation), Cheonan (cultural design), Daejeon (film, game), Gwangju (character), Jeju (digital film, mobile contents), and Jeonju (Film)(Choo 2007). ...
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This paper presents, from a broad perspective, the manner in which various types of clusters and options for regional development have evolved in Korea over the past decade, with particular emphasis on who have taken initiative in establishing the clusters. Characterized by not only progress but also setbacks, two distinctive patterns have emerged: centralized de-concentration and regionalized concentration. Both the Korean government and numerous localities have continuously extended efforts to create different clusters, technology parks, special districts, etc. In many cases, local or regional governments have competed intensely for clusters to be located in their jurisdictions; in particular, concerted efforts to convince national governments to set up special districts have been witnessed. On the other hand, major localities have made their own efforts to generate large- and small-scale clustering projects. It remains to be seen how different outcomes or effectiveness these two approaches will make in the future. Following the review of relevant literature and practices, I examine the well-known national campaign and projects in the previous administration in Korea in the context of `de-concentration` of economic values and resources. Thereafter, other cases initiated mostly by local governments are discussed; some of these clustering efforts and regional projects have fared well thus far, but some haven`t. In the case of Daegu, the progress of some critical projects, such as the Daegu Technopolis and a Free Economic Zone, is elaborated.
An evaluation of the 5-year performance of the eight designated Korean cities as (or as the candidates for) local cultural industrial complexes shows a creation/relocation of cultural industrial firms at least to some degree. But the expectation of specialisation was not satisfied. Most firms were home-grown, with a weak linkage to those in Seoul. This was not only the case in small cities, but also in large metropolitan cities. The distance from Seoul was a more influential factor in the intensity of the linkage than the size of cities. This paper strategically suggests the four types of evolutionary paths of local cultural clusters for realistic goal setting. Non-local networks are also emphasised.
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