Technical ReportPDF Available

Body-Worn Cameras: Not Seeing the Forest for the Technology?

Authors:

Abstract

This report serves as a review of key research on body worn cameras (BWCs) pilots and implemented program by US (federal, state and local) and Canadian (federal, provincial and municipal) law enforcement organizations and agencies over the past decade. A consolidation of field data, sociological and psychological research, it aims to present a balanced, multi-disciplinarian view of the use of BWC technology, while examining and contextualizing some of the anecdotal commentary on BWC use in law enforcement. As well, it provides a post-analysis on popular BWC pilots and studies by dissecting the research design, methods and the context they lend to the resulting findings. This report also includes other areas of consideration and recommendations related to organizational policies and the determination of the impact of BWC technology on human behaviours.
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Not Seeing the
Forest for the
Technology?
January 10, 2017
Valarie Findlay, vfindlay@humanled.com
Doctoral Research (DocSoSci), Univ. of Leicester
Masters, Terrorism Studies, Univ. of St. Andrew's
Research Fellow, Police Foundation (US)
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“Independent research is urgently needed because most of the claims of
advocates and critics are untested. Research is needed to look at its
perceived civilizing effect, evidentiary benefits, and impact on citizen
perceptions of police legitimacy, as well as its consequences for privacy
rights, the law enforcement agency, and other outside stakeholders.
Most studies rely on surveys asking about perceptions and
attitudes rather than behaviours.”
- Michael D. White, Ph.D.
Professor
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice
Arizona State University
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1 Report Overview ..................................................................................................... 7
2 Law Enforcement in North America ......................................................................... 9
3 Introduction and Use of BWCs ............................................................................... 10
3.1 Canadian BWC Pilot Efforts.......................................................................................... 10
3.1.1 Amherstburg (ON) Police Service................................................................................. 11
3.1.2 Victoria Police Department.......................................................................................... 11
3.1.3 Edmonton Police Service.............................................................................................. 11
3.1.4 Royal Canadian Mounted Police .................................................................................. 11
3.1.5 Calgary Police Service................................................................................................... 12
3.1.6 Winnipeg Police Service ............................................................................................... 12
3.1.7 Service de la Police de la Ville de Montreal ................................................................. 12
3.1.8 Vancouver Police Department ..................................................................................... 12
3.1.9 Toronto Police Services................................................................................................ 12
3.1.10 Durham Police Services................................................................................................ 13
3.1.11 Ottawa Police Services ................................................................................................. 13
3.2 BWC Pilots and Studies in the US................................................................................. 13
3.2.1 The Rialto Project - Rialto, CA, 2013-14 ....................................................................... 14
3.2.1.1 Post-Analysis of the Rialto Project - Rialto, CA, 2013 ..................................... 15
3.2.2 The Mesa Project - Mesa, AZ, 2012-13 ........................................................................ 16
3.2.2.1 Post-Analysis of the Mesa Project - Mesa, AZ, 2013....................................... 17
3.2.3 The Phoenix Project - Phoenix, AZ, 2015 ..................................................................... 18
3.2.3.1 Post-Analysis of the Phoenix Project - Phoenix, AZ, 2015 .............................. 18
3.2.4 Multi-Site Study, 2016 "Contagious Accountability" ................................................... 20
3.2.4.1 Post-Analysis: Multi-Site Study 2016 - "Contagious Accountability" .............. 21
4 Operationalizing BWCs .......................................................................................... 22
4.1 BWC Effectiveness........................................................................................................ 22
4.1.1 Improving Community Relations ................................................................................. 23
4.1.2 Integrity Through Policy ............................................................................................... 23
4.1.3 Public and Officer Support ........................................................................................... 24
4.2 Technical, Operational and Legislative Requirements................................................. 25
4.2.1 Technical ...................................................................................................................... 25
4.2.2 Operational .................................................................................................................. 26
4.2.3 Legislative..................................................................................................................... 28
4.3 Costs of Acquisition and Management of a BWC Program.......................................... 29
5 Observations ......................................................................................................... 31
5.1 Return on Investment and Cost Benefit....................................................................... 32
5.2 Analysis of Organizational Requirements .................................................................... 33
5.3 Technologies, Human Behaviours and Other Phenomenon........................................ 33
5.4 Independent Academic or Scientifically Structured Studies........................................ 36
6 Summary............................................................................................................... 38
7 Appendix A - Comparison of Key BWC Studies and Pilots ....................................... 40
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This report is an unsanctioned and independent
review and analysis of existing literature on body-
worn camera technology.
Valarie Findlay is a research fellow for the Police
Foundation (USA) and has two decades of senior
expertise in cyber security and policing initiatives. She
holds a Masters in Terrorism Studies from the
University of St. Andrew's and her dissertation, "The
Impact of Terrorism on the Transformation of Law
Enforcement" examined the transformation of law
enforcement in Western Nations. Currently, Ms.
Findlay is preparing her doctoral thesis on terrorism as
a social phenomenon examined within the Civilising
Process Theory (Elias).
Ms. Findlay writes frequently for various security
industry and law enforcement magazines on the
organizational aspects of law enforcement and their
impact on society and on strategic initiatives in cyber
security and domestic policy and national security.
Website: http://www.humanled.com
vfindlay@humanled.com
Citations in this report are in the format as requested
by the cited works and/or an informal for ease of
indexed searches.
Copyright 2017
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1 REPORT OVERVIEW
This report serves as a review of key research on body worn cameras (BWCs) pilots and
implemented program by US (federal, state and local) and Canadian (federal, provincial and
municipal) law enforcement organizations and agencies1 over the past decade. A
consolidation of field data, sociological and psychological research, it aims to present a
balanced, multi-disciplinarian view of the use of BWC technology, while examining and
contextualizing some of the anecdotal commentary on BWC use in law enforcement.
As well, it provides a post-analysis on popular BWC pilots and studies by dissecting the
research design, methods and the context they lend to the resulting findings. This report also
includes other areas of consideration and recommendations related to organizational policies
and the determination of the impact of BWC technology on human behaviours.
Although mostly US data is referenced due to availability, supporting and contrasting
research from other nations was also sourced where appropriate. Particular focus was put on
the status BWC pilots and programs by Canadian law enforcement organizations and
agencies and lessons learned from US counterparts. Some media sources are referenced
and were cross-checked with organizational data where available.
For the purposes of this report, 'body worn cameras', also known as 'officer worn cameras',
'body worn video devices' and similar terms, are defined as a camera, camera-type or
camera-enabled device that is worn or mounted on-officer for the purpose of recording
interactions between officers and the public, including suspects and victims.
The terms 'pilot' and 'study' are not mutually inclusive in this report, even though they may be
in some of the referenced case studies. The BWC 'pilots', sometimes referred to as trials,
test runs, etc., are defined as temporary projects meant to operationalize and test BWC
technology. These are executed within a law enforcement organization with or without
academic partnering with results that may or may not be publicly released and range in their
robustness, formality and structure.
1 Defined as a collective, generic term referring to all law enforcement organizations regardless of their size
and/or jurisdiction whose primary function is policing and law enforcement.
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The definition of BWC 'studies' would include the result of research findings and would be
typically conducted or led by academics, either independent or within the organization, and
may parallel or follow. The level of involvement, control of technology selection and
application of various standards, ethics and rigour, normally required by academically-led
research, would vary greatly and is not always disclosed in detail.
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2 LAW ENFORCEMENT IN NORTH AMERICA
Based on the most complete US law enforcement 2008 data, there were over
17,500 state and local law enforcement agencies; this includes over 12,000 local police
departments, 3,000 sheriffs' offices, 1,700 special jurisdiction agencies and 50 primary state
law enforcement agencies2 and 680 other agencies, primarily county constable offices in
Texas. A National Institute of Justice in a 2013 survey, conducted by the Major Cities Chiefs
Association and Major County Sheriffs' Association on 70 larger organizations, indicated that
95% were either committed to body cameras or had completed their implementation. At that
time, only 18% considered their BWC programs “fully operational”.
In Canada, there are far fewer law enforcement organizations and agencies but their
jurisdictional and geographical areas and larger and more complex in their characteristics.
Based on 2013 data, there are nearly 500 law enforcement organizations and agencies in
Canada, which included approximately 190 municipal, 30 provincial (Ontario and Quebec),
180 federal, as in the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), and 3 regional, as in the
Royal Newfoundland Constabulary3. There was no data available for First Nations Policing
organizations other than in the context of contract policing provided by the RCMP. Of these
only one, Amherstburg Police Services in Ontario, had a fully implemented and operational
BWC program resulting from their BWC pilot project in 2013.
2 2008 US Law Enforcement Census: http://justice.uaa.alaska.edu/forum/28/2-
3summerfall2011/f_lawenf_census.html
3 Policing Canada in the 21st Century: New Policing for New Challenges, p.6
http://www.scienceadvice.ca/uploads/eng/assessments%20and%20publications%20and%20news%20releas
es/policing/policing_fullreporten.pdf
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3 INTRODUCTION AND USE OF BWCS
One of the earliest and most notable use of BWCs by law enforcement for the collection of
video and audio recordings was by Devon and Cornwall Police (UK) in 2005. Although small-
scale, it launched significant BWC deployments at the national level as part of the Domestic
Violence Enforcement Campaign. Video and audio recordings under this program focused
on improving evidentiary elements and preserving victim first-disclosure evidence.
Currently, the use of BWCs by law enforcement includes one or many of the following:
Improvement of evidence and judicial process for specific crime types and program
areas;
Modification of interactions and/or deterrence of unprofessional, illegal and/or
inappropriate behaviours by both law enforcement and the public to decrease
complaints and use of force;
Demonstration of transparency of law enforcement personnel to their communities;
Documentation of behaviours in all transactional interactions, general and critical
incidents, between law enforcement and the public; and
Identification of causal factors and review of interactions, such as in successful de-
escalation, leading to best practices in operational skills, training and standards.
3.1 Canadian BWC Pilot Efforts
In the past decade or so, several Canadian law enforcement organizations have proposed
pilots or conducted pilots to varying degrees. The following table and sections briefly
summarize the fully implemented, on-hold and projected BWC pilots or programs by law
enforcement organizations by Canadian city.
Table 1: Status of Canadian BWC Pilots
Organization Pilot Date Status
Amherstburg Police Service 2013
8 month pilot Fully Implemented
Victoria Police Department 2009
4 month Trial Pilot completed; awaiting provincial
direction
Edmonton Police Service Oct 2011 - Dec 2014
Field Testing: Oct 2012 - On-hold
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Organization Pilot Date Status
July 2014
RCMP (federal) Oct 2013 On-hold
Calgary Police Service Nov 2012 - Aug 2013 On-hold
Winnipeg Police Service 2014 On-hold
Service de Police de la Ville de
Montréal (Que) May 2016 In-progress
Vancouver Police Department Limited Trial - Oct 2014 On-hold
Toronto Police Service May 2015 - Mar 2016 Pilot completed; to be implemented
Durham Police Service 2016-17 In-progress
Ottawa Police Service NA Pilot targeted for 2017
3.1.1 Amherstburg (ON) Police Service
Fully implemented. The Amherstburg Police Service in Ontario has had a fully
implemented BWC program for 16 operational officers since a successful pilot in
2013. There is no detailed, published data or metrics on the program's effectiveness.
3.1.2 Victoria Police Department
On Hold. In 2009, the Victoria Police Department tested 4 cameras for four months;
results included zero complaints by the public towards officers during the pilot period.
Awaiting provincial direction before fully implementing.
3.1.3 Edmonton Police Service
On Hold. The Edmonton Police Service had decided to proceed with a BWC program
after internal evaluation but has since been put on-hold citing lack of funding. The
pilot evaluation found no evidence that BWCs had reduced use of force incidents or
had any impact on the rate of citizen complaints; discretionary use was noted as a
major procedural issue.
3.1.4 Royal Canadian Mounted Police
On Hold. The RCMP has recently postponed the organization-wide rollout of BWCs
after a BWC pilot with its Contract and Aboriginal Policing division in 2013. The study
found the technology did not meet the unique operational requirements of remote
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areas and extreme climate, citing battery life, retention and storage as substantial
issues 4.
3.1.5 Calgary Police Service
On Hold. The Calgary Police Service has recently rejected their current
manufacturer's used in their pilot and new technology is being reviewed putting the
program on-hold; full implementation was planned for 2017. The BWCs under a $1.3
million three-year contract were found to be unreliable and caused interference with
the network during testing5.
3.1.6 Winnipeg Police Service
On Hold. The Winnipeg Police Service has yet to move to a pilot although a $1
million project was proposed in 2016 budget; this was put aside to reduce costs and
avoid police lay-offs. There is no indication of resumption.
3.1.7 Service de la Police de la Ville de Montreal
In Progress. The first phase is about to commence and includes 20 Metro
police officers and 10 traffic patrollers. The second phase will expand to officers who
patrol in other sectors. The pilot will last one year, leading to a public consultation in
April 2017 with a decision on whether to move forward by summer 2018.
3.1.8 Vancouver Police Department
On Hold. The Vancouver Police Department's BWC program was put on hold due to
extraordinarily high costs that amounted to nearly 6% of the policing budget.
3.1.9 Toronto Police Services
To Be Adopted. The Toronto Police Services pilot was completed and is slated to be
implemented in 2016. The pilot involved 100 officers and upon review of findings was
accepted with concerns but with strong organizational and public support. Full
implementation will include 3,200 officers at an estimated $85 million over ten years.
4 CTVNews article: http://www.ctvnews.ca/canada/rcmp-abandons-body-cameras-for-now-1.3193944
5 Calgary Sun article: http://www.calgarysun.com/2016/10/18/cops-say-body-worn-cameras-unreliable-in-
the-field
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3.1.10 Durham Police Services
In Progress. The Durham Police Services pilot is in-progress for 2016-17 and
preliminary activities, feasibility study and planning have been completed. The
proposed pilot project will involve about 60 cameras and would cost $750,000 for first
year.
3.1.11 Ottawa Police Services
The Ottawa Police Services has conditionally approved a pilot for 2017.
3.2 BWC Pilots and Studies in the US
In the US, funding and support for BWC technology has been significant, compared to
Canada where capabilities and funding rests at the individual organizational level. In 2012,
President Obama committed6 $23 million in funding to BWC programs for law enforcements
and in 2014 the Body-Worn Camera Partnership Program provided $75 million through a
50% investment matching arrangement to cover video storage and equipment expenses.
This was part of a broader three-year, $263 million initiative along with the National Institute
of Justice providing implementation guidance, such as toolkits and primers on laws, policies,
practices and technology, to strengthen community policing and increase transparency7.
In the past several years, a number of US cities had launched BWC pilots, most notably
Mesa and Phoenix, Arizona and Rialto, California, with any maintaining them as a core
program, as seen in Oakland and San Diego, CA, Denver and Colorado Springs, CO, Dallas-
Fort Worth, San Antonio and Houston, TX, Washington, D.C., and Miami, FL8. Irrespective of
the high adoption rate, there have been challenges and law enforcement organizations in at
least two states have shelved their fully implemented BWC programs, with cost and
legislation making BWC programs cost-prohibitive.
6 The White House Blog, President Obama's Plan to Strengthen Community
Policing: http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2014/12/01/building-trust-between-communities-and-local-
police
7 Office of Justice Programs, Comprehensive Body-Worn Camera Program Fact
Sheet: http://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/opa/press-releases/attachments/2015/05/01/body-
worn_camera_fact_sheet_.pdf
8 Abigail Tracy; E.J. Fox (15 November 2014). "Is Your Police Force Wearing Body Cameras?"
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As programs were operationalized, unexpected consequences of BWC adoption began to
surface; in 2014 in Washington an anonymous software developer made mass information
requests for "any and all video" on file to several state police departments, resulting in a
drain on resources and raising questions around personal privacy and what constitutes right
to access. With most state public disclosure laws having no limit on the number of records
that can be requested or who can request a record and nominal processing fees a large
loophole was exposed. Despite the challenges, BWC programs are on the rise in North
America and called for from officers, the public, legislators and civil rights activists.
To outline the foundation of BWC research, the following section examines three notable
BWC projects in the US with post-analysis observations to provide context to the
observations and summary recommendations at the end of the report. In Appendix A -
Cross-Comparison of Key BWC Studies and Pilots, provides a brief comparative view of
their project design and methods.
3.2.1 The Rialto Project - Rialto, CA, 2013-14
In 2013, Rialto Police Department began a year long BWC pilot and accompanying study led
by the Rialto chief and the study portion overseen by Barak Ariel, Cambridge scholar and
BWC expert. The Rialto Police Department, a mid-sized department with a jurisdiction over
28.5 square-miles and servicing a population of under 100,000 residents, employed about
115 sworn police officers and 42 non-sworn personnel who deal with approximately 3,000
property and 500 violent crimes per year. The town of Rialto, according to the 2010 US
Census, had a median household income of $49,428, with 19.2% of the population living
below the federal poverty line. Rialto's racial makeup was 44.0% White,16.4% African
American and several small percentages equalling 40% from other races.
The Rialto project involved 54 frontline officers who were either assigned to treatment
(camera-wearing) or control (non-camera-wearing) conditions for their regular patrol duty; the
study was based on number of shifts not officers to ensure a suitable sample size. Treatment
shift officers were required to video all interactions with the public, to announce that the
encounter was being recorded and to personally download and store the footage on a secure
cloud-based server - control shift officers were directed to not use BWCs - and the outcomes
of both were measured by interactions that involved use of force and those resulting in public
complaints.
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At the end of the year period, the results showed that there was an approximate 59%
reduction in use of force in all treatment shifts and 87% reduction in public complaints in total
shifts. Researchers found a significant reduction in use of force over both conditions - such
as officers used less force when they weren’t wearing BWCs; the reduction in use of force
and complaints by the public was seen across both study groups.
Ariel and his researchers concluded that more testing was needed9.
3.2.1.1 Post-Analysis of the Rialto Project - Rialto, CA, 2013
The Rialto Project produced results showing an approximate 59% reduction in use of force in
all treatment shifts and 87% reduction in public complaints in total shifts. The significant
reduction in use of force and complaints by the public was seen across both study groups,
suggesting that the effect of being observed during the experimental shifts may have been
due to pre-emptive moderating and the 'spill-over' effect.
The Rialto Project was a comparatively small organization with a low-complexity in its
implementation. As well, researchers had the same 54 officers wear cameras half the time,
dividing the officers’ shifts into treatment (body cameras) and control (no camera)
conditions10 possibly resulting in a 'spill-over' effect. Additionally, pre-emptive moderating
may have fostered instances of reflection and self-awareness, as in where officers
downloaded and viewed their own footage from their BWCs, and may have had a
psychological effect on future interactions.
Leadership was anecdotally cited as having a significant influence on the success of the
Rialto study; Chief William A. (Tony) Farrar was brought on to lead the organization and
instituted several new reforms, some addressing complaints and operational conduct11. This
may have improved the organizational metrics after the previous years measures and before
the pilot. It was also noted that implementation was not tested or measured and that no
controls were instituted to ensure compliance (such as ensuring treatment shifts were
wearing the cameras, the verbal warning of recording, etc.).
9 Researchers Release Full Data from 2012 Police Body Cam Study; December 29, 2014;
http://motherboard.vice.com/read/researchers-release-full-data-from-2012-police-body-cam-study
10 Full release of data from Rialto Body Cam Study: https://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2014-12/uoc-
fsr122414.php
11 PoliceMisconduct.net: https://www.policemisconduct.net/explainers/police-body-cameras/
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On closer examination of the raw data, the "59 percent reduction" was only 25 incidents of
officer use of force: 17 in the control shifts and 8 in the treatment shifts. As noted, this was
expected due to the relatively small sample size but this small number makes the range of
instance, error and repeatability difficult to validate12.
The Rialto study was widely considered to be a success13 and is still one of the most popular
and cited experiment on BWCs.
3.2.2 The Mesa Project - Mesa, AZ, 2012-13
In 2012, the Mesa Police Department engaged in a BWC study (or officer-worn camera as
referred to in the study), followed up by a study by Justin T. Ready and Jacob T. N. Young,
experts on officer behaviour and perceptions of camera technology. The Mesa Police
Department, a medium-sized organization, had approximately 340 patrol officers out of the
780 sworn officers and was made up of just over 1200 employees, including over 300 civilian
support employees. The town of Mesa had a population of 439,041, according to the 2010
US Census, with 146,643 family households with 33.4% with children under the age of 18
living with a median household income of $42,817. The racial distribution was 77% White,
with 64.3% Non-Hispanic Whites, 26.5% Hispanic or Latino (of any race), 3.5% Black or
African American: 3.5% and several small percentages from other races.
The Mesa Project occurred over a 10-month period and was comprised of 100 line officers
who were either in a treatment group where BWCs were worn during police–citizen
encounters and the control group who did not wear the BWCs. Two important factors were
noted in the study design and methods worth analyzing further: 1) mandatory ("to make
every effort to activate the camera when responding to a call or having contact with the
public") versus discretionary activation policy and 2) mandated versus volunteer participation
of officers.
The results revealed a reduction of 48% in "citizen complaints against camera officers for
misconduct" during the study period, and a 75% decline in use of force complaints14 and that,
12 Commentary - Rialto Data: http://motherboard.vice.com/read/researchers-release-full-data-from-2012-
police-body-cam-study
13 Researchers Release Full Data from 2012 Police Body Cam Study; December 29, 2014;
http://motherboard.vice.com/read/researchers-release-full-data-from-2012-police-body-cam-study
14 AXON Flex Evaluation, ISSUU.com; Mesa, AZ:
http://issuu.com/leerankin6/docs/final_axon_flex_evaluation_12-3-13-
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as noted in the Mesa study, that many complaints were resolved quickly due to the
accessibility of video evidence (Lovett 2013) and findings suggested that officers were more
proactive with the technology and did not need to rely on use of invasive strategies as often.
3.2.2.1 Post-Analysis of the Mesa Project - Mesa, AZ, 2013
The Mesa Project revealed several important factors worth further analysis, such as
concerns over discretionary activation policies and the impacts of volunteer and mandated
officers and supervisory reprimand implications. Generally, activation plays a key role in
perceived transparency by the public in the 'real world' and adds credibility; if an officer uses
their discretion in activating and deactivating the BWC, it is viewed as suspicious and
questionable. In the study environment, discretionary activation can skew the results unless
this is accounted for in the design controls that address subjectivity and possible avoidance
factors that may enter into individual choices during an incident.
Likewise, voluntary versus mandatory participation must be addressed and accounted for in
the design controls, stated hypotheses and expectations, such as in the moderating effect,
e.g. the favourable results on BWC 'helpfulness" by officers who volunteered to use the
technology. As anticipated, voluntary participation of officers showed a much more positive
response to the technology and its overall usefulness. Possible cognizance and supervisory
implications were revealed in bi-variate and multilevel logistic regression analyses that
indicated that the officers who wore a BWC during their shift appeared to be "less likely to
perform stop-and-frisks and make arrests" but were more likely to give citations and initiate
encounters".
Overall, with the Mesa Project BWCs appeared to be effective when worn in situations where
warnings were issued15, however, unintended bias and its management was suggested to be
a factor in some of the favourable results. Again, the concluding recommendation was that
more research was required.
15 Ready, Justin T. and Young, Jacob T. N.; The impact of on-officer video cameras on police–citizen
contacts: findings from a controlled experiment in Mesa, AZ
http://centerformediajustice.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/The-Impact-of-On-officer-Video-Cameras-
on-Police-Citzen-Contacts-JEC.pdf
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3.2.3 The Phoenix Project - Phoenix, AZ, 2015
The Phoenix Project presented a more detailed and refined approach utilizing a larger
sample group than previous studies and introduced a comparative approach between two
precincts. In 2013, the Maryvale Precinct in Phoenix, AZ, began BWC pilot where 56 random
officers and sergeants were split into two test groups - one group wore cameras and the
group other did not. During the pilot, ASU researchers tracked 2,063 domestic violence
cases with the results indicating that the group of officers who wore BWCs saw more guilty
pleas and verdicts.
The Phoenix Project's primary focus was to increase police accountability and to examine
specifically one type of call for service; the effectiveness of police officers in their response to
domestic violence. The evaluation showed that domestic violence cases involving an officer
with a BWC "were more likely to be initiated, result in charges filed and result in a guilty plea
or a guilty verdict when compared to the comparison group". This was viewed as solid
evidence that BWCs have an impact on not only public complaints and the processing of
domestic violence cases. As well, complaints against officers who wore the cameras
decreased by 23%, compared to a 10.6% increase among comparison officers and 45.1%
increase among patrol officers in other precincts (Katz et al., 2015)16.
Overall, the findings of the Phoenix study suggested that BWCs may increase officer
productivity, reduce the number of complaints against officers, decrease the number of
founded complaints against them and increase the effectiveness in which criminal cases are
processed in the courts.
3.2.3.1 Post-Analysis of the Phoenix Project - Phoenix, AZ, 2015
The Phoenix Project is important as a study due to its design details and report findings; its
thoroughness and explanation of results were a vast improvement on previous studies. As
well, its objectives were stated: (a) police officer behaviour through various measures; (b)
citizen behaviour through various measures; and (c) citizen complaints. All complaint data,
regardless of the source, was used to examine the mean change in the number of
complaints and disposition of the complaints by experimental and control group.
16 Katz, Charles M., Choate, David E. et al.; Evaluating the Impact of Officer Body Worn Cameras in the
Phoenix Police Department, December 2014
http://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/projects/PPD_SPI_Final_Report%204_28_15.pdf
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Closer examination of the methodology and results does indicate improvements in the key
areas but also reveals deficiencies, as well as less than expected results; in other words,
improvements are called into question when the conditions of use of BWCs were revealed.
Again, discretionary activation of the BWCs was permitted, which left questions around some
results and feedback indicating dissatisfaction with the BWCs; this may have indicated that
when the equipment became difficult or onerous to use in the process of recording,
downloading or editing that the process may not have been performed or completed
properly. As well, the study analysis showed that the number of cases that should have had
activated BWCs versus cases that actually had BWC video was low; activation compliance
over the study period was only 20 to 29 percent of eligible incidents.
In the Officer Perception Survey was based on initial perceptions before the pilot and after.
Most of the areas examined had little change in perception with a perceived minor
improvement was seen (less than 15%) in areas of encouraging citizens to be more
respectful and “police-community” relations. The affect of BWCs on an officer’s decision to
use force dropped in perception by over 20% indicating they were not as affective
operationally as anticipated. It was noted that the BWCs made it easier to work with
Prosecutor’s Office (up by 20%) but that prosecution of domestic violence offenders went
down by down by 20%. At the end of the pilot, officers believed cameras should be adopted
throughout the city, increasing from 18.8% to 32.9% and that the advantages of body
cameras outweighed the disadvantages, increasing from 12.5% to 35.3%17.
Probably the most interesting metric from this survey is centered on the domestic violence
cases; when compared with non-camera cases, cases with BWC video were more likely to
be initiated by the Prosecutor’s Office (40.9 vs. 34.3 percent), have charges filed (37.7 vs.
26.0 percent), have cases furthered (12.7 vs. 6.2 percent), result in a guilty plea (4.4 vs. 1.2
percent), and result in a guilty verdict at trial (4.4 vs. 0.9 percent). With respect to guilty pleas
by offenders and guilty at trial little change is seen, possibly suggesting that video evidence
has less impact on offenders as expected.
While the Phoenix Project was deemed a success with a 23% decrease in complaints from
the public towards police when the entire department saw a 45% increase in complaints
17 Katz, Charles M., Kurtenbach, Mike, Choate, David E. and White, Michael D., Phoenix, Arizona, Smart
Policing Initiative Evaluating the Impact of Police Officer Body-Worn Cameras, September 2015
http://www.smartpolicinginitiative.com/sites/all/files/Phoenix%20SPI%20Spotlight%20FINAL.pdf
V. Findlay Body-Worn Cameras: Not Seeing the Forest for the Technology 01/10/2017
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across all other precincts over the same time. Several other commonly reported issues
associated with the implementation of BWCs related to complicated and costly administrative
processes: policy and privacy concerns, increased amount of administrative, criminal case
process and IT effort, increased IT architecture and storage and officer concerns about video
being used against them18.
Whether discretionary use, cognizance, personnel behaviour and reprimand may have
altered behaviours in an inconsistent manner is inconclusive, not only as an assumption but
to what extent this may have impacted the study.
3.2.4 Multi-Site Study, 2016 "Contagious Accountability"
In 2016, Barak Ariel, the same author of the Rialto study, conducted a BWC study and
attempted to replicate Rialto's design with 7 law enforcement organizations (later revealed as
West Midlands, Yorkshire, Cambridgeshire, Northern Ireland and Ventura and Rialto,
California).
The study demonstrated a demographic profile of each site by size, jurisdictional population,
number of complaints before the study, etc. Ariel's preliminary and final report findings from
the study suggested that the overall effect on police use of force was "a wash" - in some
instances, BWCs reduced use of force but in other instances they didn't and may have
exacerbated behaviours and increased use of force19; the results were inconsistent and
perplexing20.
However, complaints by the public were reduced substantially, in one case to zero, which
assumes that BWCs reduce officer non-compliance with procedures, improve suspects’
demeanour, or both, leading to fewer complaints. By using a prospective meta-analytic
approach, a 93% before–after reduction in complaint incidences resulted but with no
significant differences between trial arms in the studies.
18 Evaluating the Impact of Officer Body Worn Cameras in the Phoenix Police Department, Feb 2015;
https://www.bja.gov/bwc/pdfs/Evaluating-the-Impact-of-Officer-Worn-Body-Cameras.pdf
19Ariel, Barak, Article: Do Police Body cameras Really Work?, Spectrum - IEEE, May 2016:
http://spectrum.ieee.org/consumer-electronics/portable-devices/do-police-body-cameras-really-work
20 Preliminary Report on "Contagious Accountability": http://spectrum.ieee.org/consumer-
electronics/portable-devices/do-police-body-cameras-really-work
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3.2.4.1 Post-Analysis: Multi-Site Study 2016 - "Contagious Accountability"
Ariel has suggested the inconsistency of the results in use-of-force across previous studies
may have had more to do with discretionary use and seemed to relate to interaction conflict
and whether officers were allowed to turn cameras on at times of their own choosing.
However, several factors were not disclosed, or may have not been considered in the study
design, relating to the organizational health (or employee satisfaction) and leadership,
differences in racial/social tensions, socio-economic-cultural demographics and instances of
use-of-force in interactions with those in narcotic-induced states, in mental crisis, whether
they are armed or unarmed, etc.
Ariel noted that in an article discussing the preliminary data of this study that use-of-force
results appeared to depend on whether forces ‘complied’ with treatment (Ariel et al., 2016b):
where participants complied, use-of-force went down by nearly 40% and where they didn’t (if
they chose when to turn cameras on and off during a shift) incidents of use-of-force actually
increased by nearly 70%. Interestingly in this same article, Ariel addresses the effect of traffic
and speed cameras and why the research seems to suggest they are effective and why
CCTV and other static surveillance equipment has little deterrent effect and do not reduce
overall crime, but actually displaces it to other areas. Considering the number of and
prevalence of recording capabilities that surround us, including Smart phones, it could be
presumed that this would provide a deterrence effect, as these devices remove anonymity
and increase accountability, but there is no strong evidence - anecdotal or academic - that
supports that conclusion.
In this study, the “observer effect” may have influenced both officers’ and citizens’ behaviour
and treatment diffusion between experimental and control conditions may have emerged in
the framework of what was referred to as “contagious accountability.” Ariel also notes the
measurement of complaints were not as rigorous in the experimental design and often there
were so few complaints that the comparison between shifts were not feasible.
In this study, Rialto is one of the participating sites but a comparative analysis between these
findings and the findings from the original study in 2013 were not performed and/or disclosed
or cited. Due to its size, release of preliminary findings and recent execution, this study
requires substantially more post-analysis to determine secondary and contextual
interpretations of its findings. Again, the question of the ability to artificially suppress certain
human behaviours and physiological responses over the short and long term is raised.
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4 OPERATIONALIZING BWCS
4.1 BWC Effectiveness
The effectiveness of BWCs remain subjective to the stated uses, goals and execution of the
pilot or adoption of the program for the organization and can only be determined by
examining the met requirements with acceptable levels of criteria and measurement
methods. Most research only shows a correlation - as opposed to causality- between BWC
use and their outcomes, such as lower number of complaints against law enforcement
officers, indicating the need for additional high-quality research. With studies differing in
methodology, control criteria and organization characteristics, such as member size,
community size, community relations, drawing commonalities in the findings can be difficult
without a high degree of data normalization.
Another key area that should be included are sociological and behavioural features; these
require qualitative assessment, as they escape solely quantitative methods, such as whether
it is the behaviour of the officer or member of the public (or if they are synchronous or
symbiotic) that improves. Anecdotal assumptions can be made, such as Dr. Michael D.
White's theory that BWCs may influence reductions in public complaints through what he
refers to as the "civilizing effect"; Dr. White is a Arizona State University professor and author
of several BWC studies. However, this is presented as a theory without direct, repeatable
evidence that BWC technology is powerful enough to halt, modify or redirect innate,
physiological human behaviours and responses. Often, these anecdotal are repeated where
officers have 'observed' that BWCs discourage members of the public from filing unfounded
complaints. Although anecdotal, these observations are important as they indicate areas for
further study and hypothesis, but in order to establish validity they need to be framed by
methodological constraints.
The reason for this is that anecdotes need to be tested by sociological counters and
conditions, such as demographic and generational features that suggest that there may be a
threshold of saturation and recognition of technology - especially with cameras and video
surveillance - and the reinforcement or extinguishing of certain behaviours. One can parallel
similar arguments related to the effectiveness of other types of surveillance, such as traffic
V. Findlay Body-Worn Cameras: Not Seeing the Forest for the Technology 01/10/2017
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cameras, dash-cams, security cameras, etc. and internet and the traceability of social media
with the persistence of the undesired behaviours.
As well, substantial sociological and psychological research has been conducted on the
connections between social shame, culpability and certainty of punishment and how they
play important roles in human behaviour; these could be valuable avenues into observing
and evaluating the effectiveness of BWC technology in general.
4.1.1 Improving Community Relations
While BWCs can enhance relationships between law enforcement and communities and may
improve the quality and substance of reporting by the public, they are not necessary a
remedy. If the implementation and use of BWCs fail to deliver to the expectations of officers
and the public, the creditability of the technology as a program suffers and reintroduction
becomes more difficult the second time around. Further to that, research has shown that
community engagement must occur before or at least be simultaneous to implementation, of
a BWC pilot or program; again failing to do so may further strain community relations if the
adoption of BWCs are viewed as a coercive or aggressive tactic for the benefit of law
enforcement alone.
Reinforcing this observation, the president of the Hispanic American Police Command
Officers Association, Joe Perez, had stated during the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA)
BWC Expert Panel that, "having a BWC isn't going to build a better relationship with the
community. Relationships need to be built before putting on the camera. Just because I put
on a camera doesn't mean that it's building a relationship or more trust." Kay Chopard
Cohen, Executive Director of the National District Attorneys Association in US, suggested
that, "If a chief is worried about community relationships, then the chief has to do more than
just give an officer a camera. He or she needs to go out and engage the community." More
accurately, a concise public relations and communications strategy and plan should be
developed and where appropriate tools, such as BWCs, should be integrated to improve
upon them.
4.1.2 Integrity Through Policy
When a law enforcement organization adopts a BWC program, it should be part of a
complete programmatic effort to address a specified type of crime or crimes, improve
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transparency, thereby enhancing relationships and interactions with the public, and to assist
in the integrity and application of the criminal investigative and prosecution process. Within
this framework the activation policy of the BWC stands to either help or hinder these efforts
and should be governed by an organizational policy.
If the activation policy is discretionary without clear auditable usage directives, public trust
will undoubtedly decline. But if the activation policy is well-thought out, stringent and well-
governed, this can greatly enhance the public's optic of law enforcement transparency and
accountability. As such, legislation and evidentiary requirements play a part in influencing
activation policies, after first appealing to the operational needs and public optic related to
transparency. To counter any external criticism, law enforcement organizations who adopt a
BWC program must be prepared for media and public scrutiny, and possible critical
interpretation, of the BWC operational use.
It will be crucial that the organization anticipate as many of these scenarios as possible and
to mitigate them directly though program, policy and technology application. This was
underscored recently in San Diego when an officer who responded to a shooting call only
activated his camera after the wounded shooter was running away from the scene21; this was
also evidenced in an incident in Toronto, Ontario22.
4.1.3 Public and Officer Support
Generally, support for the adoption of BWCs has been favourable by both the public and law
enforcement and operational officers but this may be a reflection of existing healthy police-
public relations. Inspector Steve Goodier of the Hampshire Constabulary in the United
Kingdom indicated that "a large-scale public opinion survey was done before and after
program implementation that concluded 85% of the public support for BWC technology"
along with an officer survey also showing overwhelming positive for support for BWCs." A
critical factor is the education and expectation setting and management of BWC use; both
law enforcement organizations and their officers and the public must be informed and
understand BWC technology and its implications and limitations.
21 Fatal San Diego police shooting highlights inconsistent body cam usage, PoliceOne.com, Aug. 8, 2016:
https://www.policeone.com/police-products/body-cameras/articles/208126006-Fatal-San-Diego-police-
shooting-highlights-inconsistent-body-cam-usage/
22 The case against body cameras for Toronto police; Oct 13, 2016
https://www.thestar.com/opinion/commentary/2016/10/13/the-case-against-body-cameras-for-toronto-
police-cole.html
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In instances where the argument is made by law enforcement to adopt BWCs for the
purpose of reducing complaints made by the public, there is an assumption that a substantial
amount of these complaints are frivolous and unfounded - the reaction is to reduce versus
address and resolve. When used as deterrence, BWCs may reduce complaints but there is
no indication of the severity of complaints, categorization of complaints prior to the project
and what complaints were eliminated due to the use of BWCs in the trials.
The complaints process and its rigour will differ from one organization to another but
normally follows a process of complaint intake, interview, investigation and resolution. The
accessibility of this process by the public, its thoroughness and governance stands to
determine the number of complaints accepted and processed; if the complaints process is
unclear or unknown to the public or its process is onerous, less complaints will be processed.
The opposite is also true; if the process lacks rigour and validation of complaints, a higher
number of frivolous complaints may be introduced.
A clear baseline of the complaints process should be established prior to a BWC pilot and a
wide spectrum of controls should be employed when measuring complaints throughout and
after the pilot to ensure certain types of complaints are not overlooked. Without these
controls, complaints towards officers that are related to conduct, training, mental health,
stress disorders, police legitimacy and ethics may be obscured by the use of BWCs and left
unresolved.
As often seen, the 'devil is in the details' especially when considering costs, resources,
policies and public and privacy concerns; there is no way to arbitrarily adopt BWCs without
thorough and strategic planning and consideration of peripheral factors.
4.2 Technical, Operational and Legislative Requirements
4.2.1 Technical
As with any technology, BWCs have technical limitations that are not always obvious to
observers until they become users and they may also experience secondary limitations and
impediments that are not revealed until thoroughly tested or operationalized in various
scenarios and conditions. Even with testing, perception, memory and recollection, such as
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how officers perceive events during a high-stress critical incidents and how they are able to
accurately recall what transpired after the fact, can confound their anticipated effectiveness.
Several important limitations with BWCs were outlined by Dr. Bill Lewinski, Executive
Director of the Force Science Institute, that relate to memory science and how such issues
provide an important context for understanding the impact of BWCs. These limitations should
shape the expectations and understanding of BWCs and law enforcement behaviour during
critical encounters23:
1. BWCs move with the body area that its mounted to
2. Many key threat signals cannot be recorded
3. Camera speed differs from the speed of light
4. Interactions may cause viewing obstructions
5. BWCs only record in 2-D
6. Time-stamping and contiguous recording is critical
7. One camera may not be enough
8. BWCs may encourage second-guessing and multiple interpretations
9. BWCs are a tool and can never replace a thorough investigative process
The importance of communicating the limitations of BWC technology was also expressed by
participants at the February 2015 Bureau of Justice Assistance BWC Expert Panel; Michael
Kurtenbach of the Phoenix (AZ) Police Department said, "Sit down with the community and
have discussions about limitations for a constructive dialogue" and Inspector Steve Goodier
of the Hampshire Constabulary in the United Kingdom added, "There is a gap in the
limitations of the human and camera, and it is important to make that distinction"24.
4.2.2 Operational
There are a number of areas related to operational requirements for BWCs that must be
either created, developed or updated in order to properly support a BWC project, either as a
pilot or as a fully implemented program. When designing and developing a project or pilot, all
areas should be considered from a support perspective but pared back to reflect the
temporary nature of the initiative. The point being, all critical areas should be examined and
tested - not only the technology but the methodology and framework as well - in order to
23 Force Science Institute: http://www.forcescience.org/pressrelease.html
24 BJA Body Worn Camera Toolkit: https://www.bja.gov/bwc/pdfs/BWC_FAQs.pdf
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yield results of viability and effectiveness and to discern the success measures across the
board.
Key areas for consideration are:
Update Existing Policies and Procedures, such as:
¾ Training
¾ Integration with Use of Force Policy
¾ Use of Force and Equipment Policy
¾ Records Management
¾ Digitally Recorded Evidence
¾ Freedom of Information Branch
¾ Property/Evidence Storage Disposition
¾ Investigative Procedures
¾ Vendor, Stakeholder and Partner Agreements and MOUs
IT Integration, such as:
¾ Technical Standards
¾ Architecture and Infrastructure
¾ Secure Storage and Infrastructure
¾ Dedicate/Cloud Storage Standards
¾ Software Management
¾ Interoperability and Compatibility (partner systems and file types)
¾ Voluminous/Simultaneous Data Management
¾ Storage Space Requirements
¾ Peripherals Management (USBs, docking stations, chargers, external drives,
etc.)
¾ Security Controls
¾ Support
Establish New Policies and Procedures, such as:
¾ BWC Use and Equipment Training
¾ Equipment Maintenance and Calibration
¾ Activation Policy
¾ Internal Use Policy
¾ Downloading, Storing and Editing (Redaction)
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¾ Technology, Formatting and Data Standards
¾ Access, Retention and Disposition
¾ Cyber Ssecurity relating to BWC Data
¾ Privacy and Threat Risk Assessments
Regulatory and Legislative Measures, such as:
¾ Procedures for preparing video for court
¾ Procedures for reviewing video and use for note taking
¾ Overview of relevant legislation
¾ Officer Safety Scenario-based Training
¾ Privacy
¾ Retrieval and Distribution of Data
¾ Access for FOI
¾ Disclosure
¾ Audit Compliance
4.2.3 Legislative
Ensuring that legislative requirements are met is not only a crucial step in operationalizing a
BWC project but should be one of the first steps in determining the scope of all requirements
for use. For Canadian law enforcement organizations, depending on their jurisdiction
(federal, provincial, municipal) legislation must be considered, where relevant, in the
requirements and design of a program; note that there are other directives, policy
instruments and advices that may also be applicable :
Charter of Rights and Freedoms
Canada Evidence Act
Access to Information Act and Regulations
Department of Justice Act
Security of Information Act
Privacy Act and Privacy Regulations
Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act
Provincial and Federal Human Rights Codes
Personal Information Protection and Electronics Documents Act
Criminal Code of Canada: Invasion of Privacy
Provincial Personal Health Information Protection Acts
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Municipal Freedom of Information and Protection Acts
Related Case Law
Within the legislation, there are several areas that should be addressed in the policies and
procedures that directly relate to the interpretation of privacy issues, such as:
Recording of bystanders not involved or witnesses to investigation
Mobility of body-worn cameras and ability to enter private or sensitive locales
Personal information collected through the use of body-worn cameras
Transparent accountability, controls, retention, safeguards, individual access and
compliance
Boundaries of unreasonable search – Section 8 of the Canadian Charter of Rights
Collaborating with partners and stakeholders, especially in disclosure to defence and court
proceedings with crown prosecutors, etc., to address compatibility issues related to viewing
of video due to format, transcription requests, copies and transfers and custodial access,
equipment and software. Additionally, retaining a BWC/IT expert to address technology
capabilities, limitations, and processes, these will be the subject of scrutiny.
4.3 Costs of Acquisition and Management of a BWC Program
Currently, the technical costs associated with the full implementation of a BWC program are
substantial and extend beyond the acquisition of the equipment to the secure storage of
video, resources and time required for download, redaction and management of video. For
this reason, determining the overall cost of a BWC program and cost-reductions can be an
enormous task.
In 2014, Supt. Paul Morrison of the Hamilton Police Service (ON) produced a thorough cost
analysis that examined relevant areas of BWC acquisition, use and maintenance that
revealed the most significant and incremental cost related to data storage and management.
unfortunately, there is currently little conclusive research into the costs related to additional
personnel required to maintain and manage BWC programs, however the analysis
performed by the Hamilton Police Service provides some insight into their projected staffing
expenses.
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The following table was produced with the data gathered by the Hamilton Police Service25 to
provide a summary of the costs of a BWC program:
Initial Cost Annual Cost Notes
Hardware $350 -
$1,500 per
unit
One-time/ per
five years
Software/Licensing
(DIMS) $150,000 Term
dependent
Manufacturers
Software $439,643 Some software is included in the price of
the camera and others are not
Storage $256,000 to
$2,496,000 $256,000 is based on TASER’s 3 GB per
officer per shift
$2,496,000 (VieVu ‘s Calculator)
Staffing Expense
*$752,696 *Example new positions required:
• Program Supervisor
• Freedom of Information Clerk
• Body-Worn Camera Disclosure Clerk
• Body-Worn Camera Technician
• Body-Worn Camera Administrator
• Body-Worn Camera Vetting Technicians
X 2
• Transcription Clerks X 2
Officer Safety
Scenario-based
Training
$203,804 $71,000 - re-
certification
Options - Annual and Five Year Total
Dedicated Server Hardware $263,083
Storage Infrastructure $2,594,400
Software $ 185,000 Staffing $ 752,696 Year One $3,795,179
Five Year Total $14,804,894 - Based on a 5 year lifespan of hardware, the initial investment will
re-occur at the end if the 5th year.
Cloud Storage Hardware $ 263,083
Storage Infrastructure ($55/20GB) $ 527,571
Software (included cost with cloud) $ Staffing $ 752,696 Year One $1,543,350
Five Year Total $6,841,749 - Based on TASER estimate of 3 GB per officer per shift, any
additional storage requirement will increase the cost. Based on a 5 year lifespan of hardware, the
initial investment will re-occur at the end if the 5th year.
25 Hamilton Police Services BWC Cost Analysis 2014:
https://hamiltonpolice.on.ca/sites/default/files/2014_bodyworn_camera.pdf
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5 OBSERVATIONS
The rates of adoption and initial support amongst law enforcement and the public indicate
that BWC technology is here to stay but will vary greatly into its implementation and use as
the technology and its application matures. Considering this, there are several areas that will
help clarify the perceived value of BWCs that must be addressed and formalized and, in
some ways, directed by its end users.
In short, four observations can be made collectively from the referenced pilots and studies:
1. Return on investment and cost benefit associated with technology adoption
should be clear even in quantitative scenarios. While establishing a cost-benefit
of BWCs for quantitative scenarios is challenging, the qualitative impacts to
human behaviours and interactions must be assessed for return on investment
to make a balanced determination on adoption of the technology.
2. Organizations and their operational requirements must be known and should
drive innovation. Historically, innovation has been driven by industry in order to
meet new market demand but particular technologies, especially in essential and
critical public services, should be driven by the organizations that require them.
Therefore organizations should be working closely with industry to ensure that
the products developed from technology meet their current and future, scalable
needs.
3. The need for more academic or scientifically structured studies that are
independently coordinated to thoroughly examine the causes and effects related
to BWCs is clear. Anecdotal evidence and presumptions are inadequate
yardsticks to measure success. In a professional environment, using a tool or
technology that produces the desired effect without substantiating its cause and
effect and residual impacts, hinders continuous improvement and proper
attribution to methods that should be refined and/or expanded. As well, the
strong sociological, psychological and human behaviour aspects to BWC use
should be acknowledged and these disciplines must be reflected in the study
design, along with the technological contribution.
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4. Acknowledging the impacts of technology to human behaviours is essential
in BWC technology. Technologies may not reconcile and may sometimes
exacerbate human behaviours, unconscious bias and other phenomenon, such
as spill-over and the moderating effect. There needs to be a determination on
how BWCs integrate with and reconcile to other operational models and tools,
such as the use of force continuum, and judicial perspectives and precedents
relating to "objective reasonableness” and what constitutes a “reasonable"
response in certain incidents.
5.1 Return on Investment and Cost Benefit
In the instance of adopting technology to 'improve' human behaviours and interactions, every
effort should be made to make a balanced determination of the trade-offs in doing so; this
goes back to what is the problem that is sought to be solved compared to the short-term and
long-term costs of a BWC program. In this respect, cost-analysis is paramount. The start-up
and long-term infrastructure costs of BWC technology and program implementation and
management need to be assessed individually and must be commensurate with costs
related the problem sought to be solved - resource impacts, legal cost reduction, etc.
Recently, the Vancouver Police Department shelved their BWC program due to the $17
million (CAD) required for the equipment, storage and video recovery for a 600 unit BWC
program, noting that $17 million is nearly 6% of the department's entire budget. In contrast,
San Diego police outfitted their organization for about $1.5 million (USD) per year, in Los
Angeles for $3.5 million (USD) and in Baltimore for $1.5 million (USD). More aggressive,
creative and efficient means of acquiring the technology in a cost effective way should be
examined, whether that results in collective purchase agreements with vendors or
approaching other technology providers to develop to budgets, as well as functionality. For
example, as a stop-gap to the storage cost issue, Calgary Police Services' reduced costs to
about $1 million by using an older technology: storage tapes.
Overall, and irrespective of costs and funding, support through federal and/or provincial
standards, guidelines, toolkit including BWC implementation considerations and needs
assessment are crucial for the success of BWC program and ongoing support. Federal
funding should made available and should also be conditional upon study and data reporting,
held to specific design conditions, that would allow for future comparison. Regardless, any
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effort to assess BWCs and their value to a particular organization should be framed by
several considerations and preparatory steps prior to engaging in a pilot or study. Stabilizing
the environment, such as evaluating current processes (complaints, investigative, etc.),
baselining current state for effective success measurement, defining the problems and goals,
and assessing organizational health and relationship with the public, all contribute to the
success of a pilot, as does public consultation, policy review and field testing the
methodology (not only the technology).
5.2 Analysis of Organizational Requirements
Though it can be suggested that BWCs affect the overall result of encounters between the
officers and the public, whether police use-of-force - justified or unwarranted, excessive or
proportional, reasonable or unreasonable - or a function of a suspect’s demeanour or
unprofessional or inexperienced officers, the circumstances remain fluid. Refinement and
replication of BWC pilot and test designs for larger organizations and those with differing
organizational frameworks and ensuring proper implementation of requirements, controls
and fidelity will also be an important advancement in study research.
With the variability of effectiveness of BWCs, the 'how', 'why' and for 'who' become
increasingly important; its no surprise that researchers "to move slowly and thoughtfully in
their adoption" and to "test them in ways that allow these cameras to fail as much as to
succeed". At the root of this recommendation is not only the causality, but knowing what
problem needs to be solved to ensure the responsible investment of law enforcement
budgets at a time when these are stretched thin.
In other words, the cost and risks associated with chasing a red herring are extremely high
without determining consistent application. From a personnel perspective, concerns of
officers’ health and safety, technology interference, over-equipping and unintended
consequences are valid, as is target damage, technology failure and the absence of backup
manual processes.
5.3 Technologies, Human Behaviours and Other Phenomenon
The innovation of BWC technology can either be driven by the end user's requirements or
through the speed and direction of the technology, or industry itself. There is considerable
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value in law enforcement engaging in an educational process in order to understand the
technology, its impacts and their own requirements and then working with vendors and
industry to ensure the technology and resulting equipment meets those needs.
Where concluding assessments have stated that the technology needs to "mature" and
some law enforcement organizations should "wait and see", it would be more productive to
adopt a 'direct and plan' position, while gleaning from lessons learned from organizations
especially in the UK and US. Being able to foresee and control the evolution of BWC
technology will also help address interoperability, scalability and implementation
requirements with other tools a possibility. Planning for this growth, capacity and integration
will be valuable in the nexus of other technologies and being able to integrate BWC
technology with SmartPhone technology, biometric scanners, monitoring and recording,
voice recognition, telemetry, smart holsters, and internal databases (emergency calls,
investigations, intelligence, etc.) et al.
In recent years, video recording and uploading technology available to the public has moved
rapidly to meet the concerns by civil rights groups and the public for police oversight.
Currently, many apps are readily available on the Internet, such as the ACLU app and
"Hands Up for Justice", that allow for recording interactions with officers and provide Cloud
capabilities, immediate uploading of video to YouTube or a Dropbox account. While these
are focused on reporting police misconduct and were modeled after social justice
movements like Occupy and Ferguson, portions of the technology may be useful in the
advancement of BWC technology.
With respect to BWCs and behaviours, findings from many studies have been interpreted to
reflect a fundamental tendency for humans to exhibit more desirable behaviours when under
surveillance, this will vary from situation to situation (Wikström et al. 2012). In short, the
findings have implications, more broadly and as in the deterrence theory26. To only consider
BWC technology as a functional means to manage the context of interactions and to possibly
alter behaviours and ignore the sociological and psychological parallels would be
detrimental. Considering a multi-disciplinary perspective, although time consuming and
upsetting experiential axioms already accepted and cemented with end users, provides
26 Ariel, Barak; Farrar, William A.; Sutherland, Alex; The Effect of Police Body-Worn Cameras on Use of
Force and Citizens’ Complaints Against the Police: A Randomized Controlled Trial, 2014:
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10940-014-9236-3
V. Findlay Body-Worn Cameras: Not Seeing the Forest for the Technology 01/10/2017
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substantial benefit to the longevity and sustainability of the technology and its socially
responsible use.
Sociological and psychological research has shown that the operational use of certain
technologies do not necessarily reconcile, and may sometimes exacerbate, human
behaviours and do not erase unconscious bias and other phenomenon, such as spill-over
and the moderating effect. The medium of video, in particular, is confounding; while it does
provide contextualized discourse, it is also subject to the above observation with its integrity
purely reliant upon governance and rigorously applied policies and procedures.
In 1985, philosopher Walter Fisher, theorized on and put substantial significance on narration
as a human communication - the narrative paradigm - and fidelity. Fisher positioned the
narrative paradigm as a mechanism that helps humans make sense of their lives not through
enthymemes - or rhetoric - and logical evidence but through coherence and 'storytelling'; its
through storytelling that we explain ourselves, justify our actions and construct our realities
and fidelity is representative of the moral, or point, of the story27, recognizing that the
narrative paradigm is closely related to unconscious and existing biases.
Other phenomenon that may have impacts revolve around social dynamics. Visible minority
and race has been the focus of many studies, such as a European Parliament on CCTV
camera operators and their apparent bias towards young, black males where they were
disproportionately regardless of evidence of criminal behaviour28. Another study in 2014,
proposed results of a “super-humanization bias,” where subjects were more likely to perceive
black males as having less sensitivity to pain, greater physical strength and high
predispositions of aggression than any other defined group in the study29. More concerning
was another study that determined that subjects were more likely to interpret emotions of
anger from a black male face than other races30.
27 Fisher, Walter R., Journal of Communication, December 1985:
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1460-2466.1985.tb02974.x/abstract
28 European Parliament, A Review of the Increased Use Of CCTV and Video-Surveillance For Crime
Prevention Purposes in Europe, 2009: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2009/apr/ep-study-norris-cctv-
video-surveillance.pdf
29 Waytz, Adam, 2014:
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/268802283_A_Superhumanization_Bias_in_Whites'_Perceptions
_of_Blacks
30 Zebrowitz, Leslie, Facial Resemblance to Emotions: Group Differences, Impression Effects, and Race
Stereotypes, 2010: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3677560/
V. Findlay Body-Worn Cameras: Not Seeing the Forest for the Technology 01/10/2017
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The importance of considering these studies cannot be understated; while it does open a
Pandora's Box of complexities that should be vetted. If we look at the stages of use and
review of BWC video footage - arrest, pre-trial and administrative detention, and the judicial
process - the audiences, such as public, media, law enforcement supervisors and peers,
crown attorneys, juries and judges, will have biases that must be managed and mitigated.
This is especially true of instances of justification of actions and force and the interpretation
of interactions based on visual evidence.
5.4 Independent Academic or Scientifically Structured Studies
In keeping with the first observation, there is a need for more independently coordinated and
academic and scientifically structured studies to thoroughly examine the causes and effects
related to BWCs, based on focused outcomes as opposed to ad hoc. Another important
factor in this is being able to not only produce highly credible research but to use design
characteristics that allow for comparison of outcomes between research from independent
studies.
Past BWC studies vary greatly in design, focus, rigour and in results, and this confounds
consistency, compatibility and comparability. As well, with the sociological, psychological and
human behaviour aspects to BWC use, these disciplines must be reflected in the study
design, along with the technological contribution. Many studies in the area of BWC
technologies have numerous unanswered questions and causality around their outcomes
and often post-state theories in an effort to explain effects that become part of the
nomenclature, such as "civilizing effect" and "contagious accountability".
More and more, multi-disciplinary research that uses both qualitative and quantitative
methods are being utilized to test hypotheses. This, with increased operational testing
through independently coordinated pilots, will expand on and improve the quality of the
knowledge base and will drive the innovative, scalability and adaptability of the technology to
ensure requirements are better met.
A number points of focus should be examined in detail with research constraints that
qualitatively and quantitatively measure the sociological/psychological aspects, as identified
below:
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Attitudes Towards BWCs:
The attitudes towards BWCs by officers in defined organizational types (size,
organizational health, jurisdictions, etc.); and
The attitudes towards BWCs by the public in defined geographic/demographic
area/types (size, community characteristics, racial makeup, level of confidence in
local police, etc.).
Effects of BWCs on Behaviours:
The effect of BWCs on officer behaviours in defined organizational types (size,
organizational health, public and community relations health, jurisdictions, etc.) and
in defined situations;
The effect of BWCs on public behaviours in defined geographic/demographic
area/types (size, community characteristics, racial makeup, level of confidence in
local police, etc.); and
The effect of BWCs on defined crime and interaction types in defined
organizational types and geographic/demographic area/types.
Effects of BWCs on the Organization:
The effect of BWCs on organizational processes and procedures;
Cost analysis and return on investment in various scenarios for defined
organizational types (size, rural vs. urban, etc.); and
Collective technical and operational requirements as a baseline by organizational
types (size, organizational health, jurisdictions, etc.) and scenarios driven by crime
type.
Effects of BWC Type Technologies on Society:
Conducting academically-led, multi-disciplinary research that determines the effects
of BWC type technologies on societal groups, especially in community settings by
demographic. According a report by the Center for Evidence-Based Crime Policy,
George Mason University, there are about 14 existing BWC studies and 40 currently
underway, per their criteria; it is not clear which are collaborative, independent and/or
partnered to law enforcement BWC pilots31.
31 Lum, C., Koper, C.S., Merola, L.M., Scherer, A., and Reioux, A. (2015). Existing and Ongoing Body
Worn Camera Research: Knowledge gaps and opportunities. Report for the Laura and John Arnold
Foundation. Fairfax, VA: Center for Evidence-Based Crime Policy, George Mason University
V. Findlay Body-Worn Cameras: Not Seeing the Forest for the Technology 01/10/2017
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6 SUMMARY
“It’s not a panacea, but I think we would have had a different outcome had
we had video. I think Ferguson woke up every chief of police.”
- Steve Tuttle, Taser spokesman, while stating that
business has boomed in the US after
the Ferguson, Missouri riots.
Although portable, Internet-connected video capabilities have been around for many years,
BWC technology in law enforcement has experienced a surge of adoption, especially in the
US, seemingly on the heels of several race-related conflicts. The drive towards
demonstrated transparency in law enforcement has also played a key role in the embracing
of BWC technology as a means to demonstrate this.
While a few key studies have been heralded as evidence that BWCs are highly effective in
reducing instances of use of force and decreasing complaints by the public towards officers,
through the modification of human behaviours, the causality and multidimensional impacts
remain undetermined.
The past few decades have generated vast examples of interdisciplinary research and multi-
strategy research methods, where quantitative research is used to generate qualitative-
hybrid studies using both primary and secondary data. Law enforcement organizations
should leverage these approaches in the study of BWC technology and its convergence with
sociological and psychological disciplines.
Many methods, such as triangulation through the combination of qualitative, quantitative and
primary and/or secondary research, and methodological pluralism can help determine the
quantitative 'how many/how often' and qualitative 'why', facilitate cross-checking, manage the
common issue of bias and, in some circumstances, allow for examination of the more stable
aspects of social features.
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As noted in the four key areas of recommended focus, this does not intend to conclude that
BWCs do not halt, modify or redirect human behaviours; it only underscores that assessing
outcomes of pilots and test scenarios cannot be considered conclusive without also
assessing the research design and goals.
If research design is unintentionally flawed or deficient, other phenomenon may arise. These
should be considered not ignored so that they can be utilized for continuous improvement of
future studies. This is evident in the recommendations of every BWC study performed by an
academic; more independent academic or scientifically structured studies were required.
Irrespective of the determination of value of BWC technology to law enforcement
organizations as a whole or individually, return on investment and cost benefit need to be
assessed by first asking: What is the problem(s) we're trying to solve and are there other
appropriate alternatives?
By determining the organizational problems that need to be remedied, the requirements -
organizational, legislative, technological, etc. - and goals can be analyzed, ensuring that the
solution meets the needs of the organization and that they are measurable. As well, there is
value in addressing in the impacts of the integration of BWCs on other operational processes
and tools, such as law enforcement policies and procedures, the use of force continuum and
judicial perspectives.
Often it has been suggested that the impacts of the technology on society and human
behaviours are outside the scope of responsibility of law enforcement or legislation.
However, it can be argued that it only serves to better the role of law enforcement when
proper attribution of effects is made with respect to sociological, psychological and human
behaviour and the use of new technology. In the end, converging the operational needs,
capabilities of BWC technology and emerging technologies and the greater impacts to the
organization, its personnel and society may reveal a much more powerful tool that originally
anticipated.
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7 APPENDIX A - COMPARISON OF KEY BWC
STUDIES AND PILOTS
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Study
Name
Evaluator Dur.
(mths) Org
Size Sample
Size
Control Grou
p
?
Independent
Researcher?
Random or Voluntary?
Duplication of
Participant Involvement
Results Calculated on
Control or Treatment
Bi-variate Anal
y
sis
Use Announced?
Implementation/
Controls Tested?
All Calls?
Discretionary
Activation?
Focus Results Selected/Tes
ted
Technology
Rialto US Barak Ariel
Rialto PD
Ch. W.A. Farrar
A.J. Sutherland
12 150+ 54 Y N Random Y Y N Y N Y N Use of Force
59% reduction in use of force
(25 incidents) Taser
HD Axon Flex
Complaints 87% reduction in public
complaints
Mesa US Mesa PD 12 50 Y N Voluntar
y N N Y N Y
Demographic
Incidents info
Y Y
1/2
time
Civil liability Taser
HD Axon Flex
Complaints 75% fewer use of force
complaints for officers with
cameras
Nearly 3 times more
complaints in the control group
(23 vs. 8)
Criminal
prosecution
Officer
perceptions of
BWC technology
77% believed the cameras
would cause officers to be
more professional
80% of officers believed that
cameras will improve evidence
quality
76% believed that video
evidence will facilitate the
prosecution of domestic
V. Findlay Body-Worn Cameras: Not Seeing the Forest for the Technology 01/10/2017
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Study
Name
Evaluator Dur.
(mths) Org
Size Sample
Size
Control Grou
p
?
Independent
Researcher?
Random or Voluntary?
Duplication of
Participant Involvement
Results Calculated on
Control or Treatment
Bi-variate Anal
y
sis
Use Announced?
Implementation/
Controls Tested?
All Calls?
Discretionary
Activation?
Focus Results Selected/Tes
ted
Technology
violence cases
When a discretionary BWC
policy is in place, camera use
declined 42%
Only 23% of BWC users
believed they should be
adopted organization wide.
Phoenix US Phoenix PD
Arizona State
University
12 56 Y N N N Y N N Y Y Police
accountability Reduction of 48% in citizen
complaints against officers
using BWCs
VIEVU
SafariLand
General crime 17% increase in arrests among
BWC officers, vs. 9% increase
in comparison group
Complaints declined 23% for
BWC officers vs. 11% increase
for comparison officers
Cameras did not appear to
have an impact on suspect
behaviour as measured
through resisting arrest
Domestic
violence DV cases were significantly
more likely to be initiated,
result in charges filed, and
result in a guilty plea or guilty
verdict
Implementation
of BWC program Less than half of incidents
were recorded
V. Findlay Body-Worn Cameras: Not Seeing the Forest for the Technology 01/10/2017
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Study
Name
Evaluator Dur.
(mths) Org
Size Sample
Size
Control Grou
p
?
Independent
Researcher?
Random or Voluntary?
Duplication of
Participant Involvement
Results Calculated on
Control or Treatment
Bi-variate Anal
y
sis
Use Announced?
Implementation/
Controls Tested?
All Calls?
Discretionary
Activation?
Focus Results Selected/Tes
ted
Technology
Officer
perceptions of
the technology
32% of officers believed
cameras should be expanded
into other departments
Technology easier to use than
expected Dissatisfaction with
long download times
Did not decrease the time
officers spent on paperwork
Video submitted to court was
difficult to process Dissatisfied
with possibility that video might
be used against them by the
department
Article
Full-text available
The current paper reviews existing literature that relates to how body worn cameras might influence an officer’s memory of their interactions with the public, namely those that involve the use of force. Notably, most of this research does not come from the policing field but focuses on the impact of camera technology in other settings. Much of the available research supports the commonly held view that body worn cameras could be used to enhance memory for these interactions, particularly interactions that are complex or stressful. However, contrary to what people might expect, research also exists that suggests body worn cameras may actually have a detrimental effect on officer memory. Three major potential detriments: cognitive offloading, retrieval-induced forgetting and misinformation-type effects are highlighted. Future studies examining the impact of body worn cameras on officers’ memory are necessary. Ways forward are discussed.
(mths) Org Size Sample Size Control Group? Independent Researcher? Random or Voluntary? Duplication of Participant Involvement Results Calculated on Control or Treatment Bi-variate Analysis Use Announced? Implementation/ Controls Tested? All Calls? Discretionary Activation?
  • Name Evaluator Dur
Name Evaluator Dur. (mths) Org Size Sample Size Control Group? Independent Researcher? Random or Voluntary? Duplication of Participant Involvement Results Calculated on Control or Treatment Bi-variate Analysis Use Announced? Implementation/ Controls Tested? All Calls? Discretionary Activation?