BookPDF Available

Human Rights: An Anthropological Reader

Abstract

This innovative reader brings together key works that demonstrate the important and unique contributions anthropologists have made to the understanding and practice of human rights over the last 60 years. --Draws on a range of intellectual and methodological approaches to reveal both the ambiguities and potential of the postwar human rights project --Brings together essays by both contemporary luminaries and seminal figures to provide a rich introduction to the subject --Supplemented with selected international human rights documents and links to websites on human rights
A preview of the PDF is not available
... El EBDH sólo podrá crecer a partir de contrastes y críticas constantes de todas las partes implicadas en los procesos. El EBDH sólo podrá construirse por la síntesis creativa de consensos superpuestos: los del Sur y los del Norte (Goodale y Engle Merry, 2007;Goodale, 2009). ...
... Se da una suerte de competencia y lucha por hegemonizar un discurso de derechos sin puentes ni conexiones en este proceso. Si ningún concepto ni categoría es inmune a su uso abusivo, el discurso de derechos no podía ser una excepción (Goodale, 2009;Goodale and Merry, 2007;Sarat and Kearns, 2002;Sharma, 2006). Más que la existencia de un fuerte consenso sobre qué se entiende por derechos y su protección habría que hablar de conflictivas divergencias y competencias sobre cómo entender los derechos y el EBDH. ...
Article
Full-text available
p>En el presente artículo se exponen algunos criterios interpretativos para entender el Enfoque Basado en Derechos Humanos en la Cooperación Internacional. Se parte de un marco general respecto a la relación derechos y políticas de cooperación. Se da cuenta de algunas de las dificultades que encuentra el movimiento de cooperación para trabajar desde una perspectiva de derechos, así como los retos e interpelaciones. También se exponen los problemas que plantea la dimensión institucional de la cooperación, evidenciando algunas de sus complejidades ante la exigencia de los derechos y de las dificultades de traducción de éstos a otras realidades culturales. Finalmente, se muestra la dimensión conflictiva que los derechos humanos encierran en sí mismos, así como la necesaria dimensión intercultural con la que se tienen que construir y revisar. </p
... The UNDROP marks an important evolution in international human rights law because it grants collective rights to groups that are neither Indigenous Peoples nor minorities, signalling the emer gence of local communities as legitimate rights-holders. This evolution contributes to the development of a multicultural, cosmopolitan, postcolonial, and transnational human rights regime from below (Bob 2010;Claeys 2015;Eberhard 2011;Goodale 2009;Ra jagopal 2003;Santos and Rodríguez-Garavito 2005). ...
... 6 This reframing proved to be particularly diffi cult and contentious for new claims such as collective rights to land, seeds, and other nat ural resources. With the negotiation of UNDROP, as with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), the recognition of collective rights derived not from theoretical discussions but from social and political struggles, and it represented an epistemological inversion in the broader intellectual history of human rights (Goodale 2009). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 08 October 2020 ...
Article
Full-text available
In this chapter, we analyse a diversity of legal mobilizations by contemporary agrarian movements, from the creation of new human rights to direct participation in global food governance, the institutionalization of food sovereignty, civil disobedience, and peoples' tribunals. Our main argument is that there is a need to expand the scope and methods of research in law and anthropology to account for the diversity of actors and alliances, their innovative legal strategies, the different scales, and the multiplicity of institutional and extra-institutional arenas in which transnational agrarian movements engage with the law in their struggles against capitalism and neoliberalism. To document and analyse social movement innovations, lawyers and anthropologists must engage with transnation al, multidisciplinary, and transdisciplinary approaches, and critically reflect on their methods, roles, and positionalities as social actors involved in social justice struggles.
... 3 Scholarship in the field of anthropology of activism is mainly concerned with activists and activist action as an object of research in its own right-beyond the question if the anthropologist him-or herself is personally involved in the activism. Work that has often operated under the label "anthropology of social movements" (Nash 2005), but also the "anthropology of humanitarianism" (Ticktin 2014) and the "anthropology of human rights" (Goodale 2009b) can be counted among this strand of research. Surely, it is not possible to separate both approaches all-too neatly, as they frequently intermingle. ...
Article
Full-text available
There is an ongoing debate in anthropology on the kinds of subject positions activists ascribe to the marginalized actors they encounter and the political consequences this brings about. Drawing from ethnographic research on refugee activism in Germany and transitional justice activism in Uganda, we revisit the respective debates on humanitarian activism, human rights activism, and political activism and argue to reframe the analysis. Instead of looking for the “right” subject position activists should ascribe to the people they engage with, the anthropology of activism should embrace a research approach that looks at the material conditions, in which activists and their subjects find themselves in and the kind of agency they are able to develop within these conditions.
... These deliberations demonstrate that the understanding of human rights in the city does not necessarily have to be legalistic in nature. As many scholars have pointed out, the issue with human rights is often that they are too vague, too aspirational, too abstract, too Western, too legalistic, too hard to enforce, and not adaptable to the cultural context (Donnelly 2003;Goodale 2009;Merry et al. 2010;Hopgood 2013;Oomen 2016). Others have questioned the usefulness of rights language itself (e.g., Tushnet 1984), especially when human rights are not codified, which is mostly the case for the right to the city and rights in the city. ...
Article
Full-text available
The idea that the city belongs to all individuals inhabiting the urban space is grounded in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the New Urban Agenda, and it is referred to as “right to the city” or “rights in the city.” This article discusses how human rights relate to the city and its inhabitants, examines the meaning of the right to the city and human rights in the city in today’s urban environment, and deliberates how to transform cities into spaces that reflect fundamental human rights principles. By looking at the situation of marginalized groups in cities, the article focuses on the questions of how to build inclusive, fair, and accessible cities and how to eliminate inequalities seen in urban communities. Because technology is often cited as one way to foster integration of marginalized communities, special attention will be given to the smart city and the opportunities and challenges presented by information and communication technologies (ICTs) for human rights, accessibility, and inclusion. Using the case of persons with disabilities as an illustration, the article argues that urban development needs to be fundamentally transformed to live up to human rights standards. Only a multi-stakeholder urban design process will produce truly inclusive urban spaces that fulfill the right to the city.
... Meanwhile, preindustrialized African nations banded together to formulate what an appropriate rights regime might look like for their indigenes. The League of Nations was widely perceived as a failed revolutionary project, since it succeeded neither in banishing armed conflicts nor in inaugurating a new modernity of equality and human emancipation (see Goodale, 2009;Ishay, 2007). ...
Article
In 2009, through Court Order 004, the Colombian Constitutional Court declared that thirty‐four separate groups of Indigenous peoples were at risk of extermination due to armed conflict, and it ordered the government to protect them. In 2013, the court then ordered the government to prove its compliance with Order 004. The government did so through a complex documentation process. The production of documents in Colombia not only records compliance but also constitutes compliance even if the actions are limited. In this article, I examine the role of documentation in mediating legal protection in a violent context. How does a governmental report obscure a persisting threat that is mostly ignored? Using participant observation at the Colombian Interior Ministry on the government's response, I illustrate how this documentation converts ordinary governmental actions into restitution of rights and manufactures compliance via the display—and concealment—of numbers through a focus on aesthetics. This generates the effect of sufficient state response while obfuscating the failure to achieve any intended changes: a phenomenon that I term complying incompliantly. Transforming negligence into a proper response through a paper trail outsmarts auditing and maintains the state's legitimacy by normalizing the government's shortcomings. This article contributes to the analysis of the relationship among law, documentation, and transparency. [Colombia, Indigenous peoples, human rights, documentation, compliance]
Article
Full-text available
https://www.anthropen.org/voir/Humanitaire
Chapter
Anfang 2017 trafen zwei Parteien vor dem Landgericht Würzburg aufeinander, die ungleicher nicht sein könnten: Auf Klägerseite stand der 19-jährige syrische Flüchtling Anas M., auf Beklagtenseite der Weltkonzern Facebook. Gegenstand des Rechtsstreits war ein „Selfie“, das M. mit Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel gemacht hatte, als diese im September 2015 ein Flüchtlingsheim in Berlin besuchte. Das Foto wurde auf Facebook verbreitet und von mutmaßlich rechtsextremen Nutzern missbraucht, um den Flüchtling als Terroristen und Kriminellen darzustellen: „Obdachloser angezündet.
Article
Since the end of the cold war, human rights has become the dominant vocabulary in foreign affairs. The question after September 11 is whether the era of human rights has come and gone. Michael Ignatieff, New York Times, 5 February 2002 The idea of rights is nothing but the concept of virtue applied to the world of politics. By means of the idea of rights men have defined the nature of license and of tyranny no man can be great without virtue, nor any nation great without respect for rights. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, [1835]1991: 219 After the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent ‘war on terror’, have human rights irretrievably lost their status in international affairs and national policy-making? Or, as de Tocqueville declares, must rights always remain a fundamental part of democratic politics since they define the boundary between individual license and government tyranny? There now exists a plethora of books on international affairs after 9/11, too many to cite here, which examine the political fallout of the attacks on the United States and the subsequent U.S. response. Many are concerned with judging the proportionality of the U.S. response to Islamist terrorism, and in particular determining the justness or otherwise of U.S. military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. In this literature, human rights issues such as the treatment of terror suspects may appear in passing, but usually to the extent that they impinge on other, wider political aims, such as holding credible elections in Iraq.