Article

Civic activism online: Making young people dormant or more active in real life?

Authors:
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the authors.

Abstract

Citizens can be active in their community through a diverse set of actions in real life or on online platforms. Since the emergence of the Internet, there has been continual debate about the impact of online activism on real-life activism: whilst some claim that “clictivism” creates the false sense of making a difference, and undermines real life activities, others say it actually fosters it. We therefore explored the relationship between online and offline activism, covering a range of engagement levels in eight different domains. Every offline activity had its online counterpart. The results draw from a probability sample of 1023 participants from Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H), Macedonia, Montenegro and Kosovo aged between 13 and 18 years. A unidimensional model fit the data better than a two dimensional model, suggesting that one factor underlies both online and offline forms of civic action. Our data demonstrate that online and offline activisms are not independent constructs, and that offline activism does not constrain online activism and vice versa. The two combine in a new, so called “hybrid activism”, comprised of very different forms of offline and online actions.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.

... It has also been found that, when online, young people are becoming more disconnected from traditional forms of civic participation (Banaji & Buckingham, 2010Kahne, Middaugh, & Allen, 2015) and thus commonly do not take advantage of the Internet's affordances for these purposes. Other authors consider that civic participation studies tend to address traditional (offline) modes of activism or formal modes of public participation (either offline or online: e.g., signing a petition, taking part in a formal consultation process or formal governmental public decisionmaking process), and are less focused on minors and new forms of civic activity (Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2017). The latter may include actions such as liking, sharing or commenting on images, videos, GIFs or any other media object, which involve interactive technologies and are less hierarchically structured than formal participation channels Thus, young people's actions are often seen as fruitless or associated to online pseudo-activism or "clicktivism" (Sormanen & Dutton, 2015;Tarrow, 2014). ...
... Interestingly, while formal participation offline is positively (albeit weakly) correlated to informal participation online, it is not correlated to the more formal channels of online participation. This supports the suggestions of authors such as Caron (2018), Dahlgren (2012), andMilošević-Đorđević andŽeželj (2017), who argue that there is a need for a closer examination of different forms of online participation, not only traditional forms of formal participation (e.g., voting in formal procedures, public consultations, etc.). The same findings also suggest that online participation also attracts those who are not already engaged offline, reinforcing Sannino's (2008) argument about the relationships between activities and objects, that is, the importance of how objects can create the possibility of transformation. ...
... Interestingly, while formal participation offline is positively (albeit weakly) correlated to informal participation online, it is not correlated to the more formal channels of online participation. This supports the suggestions of authors such as Caron (2018), Dahlgren (2012), andMilošević-Đorđević andŽeželj (2017), who argue that there is a need for a closer examination of different forms of online participation, not only traditional forms of formal participation (e.g., voting in formal procedures, public consultations, etc.). The same findings also suggest that online participation also attracts those who are not already engaged offline, reinforcing Sannino's (2008) argument about the relationships between activities and objects, that is, the importance of how objects can create the possibility of transformation. ...
Article
The recent rapid expansion of digital technologies brought with it the promise that these technologies would bring citizens, and especially youth, closer to political decision-making processes. But studies on youth participation and technology suggest that this promise has failed to materialize. The present article looks at nontraditional and informal online forms of civic participation to better understand students’ civic agency when using the Internet. Results from a countrywide survey of 11th- and 12th-grade students in Portugal suggest that their informal online civic participation (e.g., posting and sharing civically relevant items) is positively correlated with their formal civic participation offline (e.g., in community groups and school decision-making), perceived opportunities to participate offline, and formal online civic participation. In addition, students tend to react to and share civic content on online social networks more often than they perform more structured and formalized civic actions. The results suggest that the Internet is a space of youth civic agency and participation – a global playground – contrasting with formal institutional and formal online spaces, where youth lack a voice.
... Valenzuela, Park and Kee (2009) stated that there is a positive relationship between intensity of Facebook use and students' civic participation and political engagement. Also results of Dordevic and Zezelj (2016) study the Internet and new media has a positive impact on civic activism of young people. However some scholars could not find any positive influence of social media use on youth's political participation (Baumgartner and Morris 2010;Kushin and Yamamoto 2010;Quintelier and Vissers, 2008). ...
... Existing literature reviewed for the study but any questionnaire was not applied literally. While questionnaire preparing, studies benefited from are Dordevic and Zezelj (2016), Keating and Melis (2017), Metzger, Erete, Barton and Lewis (2015) and Pritzker, Springer and McBride (2012) for the survey. The preliminary survey was made for the efficiency of the content and the sufficiency for the analysis on ten students and then questionnaire was applied to 320 students using convenience sampling willingly participated from different faculties. ...
... In the first part, there are questions about the demographics of the respondents, while in the second part, respondents were asked a series of questions about their use of social media and online/offline activities. We focused on activities that Yamamoto, Kushin and Dalisay (2013) and Dordevic and Zezelj (2016) have described as online political expression, such as liking or sharing political information and participating an e-petition or a boycott. In this part, the participants were asked whether they will participate in the activities on a scale going from online activities such as "signing online petition campaign, sharing a message on a particular subject on social media account, informing friends on campaigns" and to offline activities such as "signing the campaign regarding the subject with real identity information, participating in an event/protest, inviting friends to this event." ...
... However, a review of the state of the art regarding survey measures of online political participation indicates a disproportionate attention towards participation supported by the internet (referring to behaviours with an offline legacy) as opposed to behaviours enabled by the internet and the web 2.0 (Theocharis & van Deth, 2018a . Other work focusses in its operationalizations on different levels of online participation while still mirroring offline participatory acts (Kushin & Yamamoto, 2010;Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2017). ...
... First, many studies addressing political participation through online platforms mainly include online translations of institutional, offline forms of participation such as petition signing or contacting officials (e.g., Gil de Zúñiga et al., 2014;Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2017). Second, most studies that try to capture political participation through social media do not differentiate between the many possible 'small acts of engagement' that could exist on these platforms . ...
Thesis
Full-text available
Political participation, broadly referring to citizens’ engagement in activities aimed at influencing government institutions, policies, or patterns of social behaviour, is a key aspect of a healthy democracy. Such behaviours can also occur online, where citizens can benefit from reduced participation costs due to the characteristics of the internet. Sending an email to a politician or signing an online petition are examples of such online participation, as they offer a low-cost alternative to already established forms of offline political participation. The central focus of this dissertation lies with forms of political participation that are uniquely enabled by the internet, and more particularly, by social media. Political participation occurring on social media is shaped by the unique characteristics of these digital networks, arguably creating an entirely new way of participating altogether. The forms in which these behaviours emerge are manifold, think of changing your profile picture to draw attention to a societal problem, sharing a petition with your Facebook friends, taking a stance on a political issue on Instagram, or using a political hashtag in your tweets. Over the past decade, increasing literature has come to recognize the relevance and distinct character of social media political participation. What makes these acts different from other types of political participation is their reliance on self-motivated expression and personalization, and the possibilities for mobilization and collective identity formation. Despite the proliferation of user- and audience-based research on social media in communication sciences and the prominence of studies on citizen participation in political sciences, current understandings of citizens’ political participation on social media remain fairly limited. Because these behaviours have rarely been studied as an independent mode of political participation, we know very little about which different participatory practices exist on social media, how they can be explained and how they relate to other, offline forms of political participation. Based on these identified limitations, the main aim of this dissertation is to gain a more profound understanding of political participation that is occurring on social media. Specifically, we aim to investigate how and why citizens engage in social media political participation, and how these behaviours are embedded in citizens’ broader political participation habits (i.e., political repertoires). In order to do so, three specific research objectives are formulated: (1) to develop and validate a theoretically grounded measuring instrument for social media political participation; (2) to investigate the specific communicative and cognitive processes that underly citizens’ individual social media political participation; and (3) to examine how social media political participation is associated with other modes of political participation, both within citizens’ political repertoires (a) as in terms of their antecedents (b). The core of the dissertation consists of five chapters that each represent separate empirical research articles. Each of the studies on which the articles are based, relies on quantitative research methods. A quantitative research approach aligns with the identified research aims, as they are explicitly related to the quantitative operationalization of social media political participation on the one hand (RO1), and the testing of specific relationships between different modes of political participation and their hypothesized antecedents on the other (RO2 and RO3). Our research design consisted of a multi-phase scale development study to tackle our first research objective, followed by multiple quantitative survey studies to tackle our second and third research objective. Each of the survey studies differed from each other in terms of the employed data collection, sampling and/or data analysis method. Moreover, our research objectives were addressed by applying multiple theoretical perspectives, combining established political participation literature with scholarship on emerging citizenship norms and participation habits, new media affordances, local (online) community development, and communication mediation theory. The findings of this dissertation indicate that social media political participation concerns a complex mode of political participation, consisting of different subtypes of behaviour. First, this more nuanced understanding of political participation on social media highlights the importance of paying attention to various ‘small acts of engagement’ within audience studies and acknowledging the particular affordances that shape them. Second, we found evidence for the fact that social media political participation is indeed a conceptually and empirically distinct mode of participation, when studied across different populations, contexts and platforms. Third, our findings show that various cognitive processes that are usually associated with offline political participation (e.g., political interest, internal political efficacy, political grievances) also explain citizens’ engagement in social media political participation. Simultaneously, political participation on social media was also associated with particular cognitions that are specifically tailored to the social media context (e.g., psychological embeddedness in local online communities, belief in the political value of social media). Fourth, we found that established communication mechanisms (i.e., news consumption and interpersonal political conversation) stimulate citizens’ engagement in social media political participation. We were also able to show that these mobilizing features remain, even when studied both in a multi-platform news environment (i.e., the importance of the presence and use of multiple media and technologies for news) and a localized media context (i.e., the role of online neighbourhood networks). Finally, this research addressed the association between social media political participation and other, offline forms of participation. Not only did we find that social media participation often co-exists with other participatory modes, we also found evidence for the occurrence of online-only political participation. Similarly, across our studies, the mechanisms explaining social media participation were often similar to those of offline participation, while some unique pathways towards social media action were also uncovered (e.g., in terms of socio-demographics and platform-related cognitions). The latter suggests how social media might provide an additional political outlet for some citizens, who would otherwise refrain from taking action or might take longer to become mobilized. Overall, this dissertation has shed light on the mechanisms underlying social media political participation, with our results pointing to both the political nature of these behaviours (due to its association with established antecedents of offline political participation) and their unique, networked character (given its association with several cognitions and communication mechanisms tailored to the specific social media context). In conclusion, based on the findings of this dissertation, we can state that social media have given rise to a diverse and distinct set of participatory behaviours and have taken up an increasingly important role within current political participation habits, both complementing, diversifying and expanding citizens’ engagement in politics. Based on these findings, we suggest that policy makers acknowledge citizen participation emerging in these digital spaces and integrate them in a broader process of reconnecting citizens with their representatives. In addition, educational efforts could be made to integrate civic literacy with media literacy initiatives. Here, specific attention could be paid to stimulate critical evaluations of news and online content (i.e., news literacy), but also to encourage empowered and creative uses of digital media for political purposes. Finally, we argue that policy makers should not be dismissive of what happens online, as these behaviours are rarely isolated from offline participation. Ignoring political participation and community formation in an online context might also pose a threat to current democracies, given the potential risks of online polarization.
... Others describe its main purpose as lowering the barrier for coordination, with primary activist actions happening in the physical world, such as protests [5,29]. While recent work suggests that even low-level actions can lead to or correlate with real-world impact [36,42], physically "putting your body on the line" is still considered highly meaningful among activists [37]. ...
... "Hybrid activism" is an emerging form of activism that blends online and offline action [37,42]. This activity can include using online tools to support offline action (e.g., coordinating a protest on social media) as well as synchronous online and offline action (e.g., attending a protest through telepresence [37]). ...
Preprint
Full-text available
The rise of consumer augmented reality (AR) technology has opened up new possibilities for interventions intended to disrupt and subvert cultural conventions. From defacing corporate logos to erecting geofenced digital monuments, more and more people are creating AR experiences for social causes. We sought to understand this new form of activism, including why people use AR for these purposes, opportunities and challenges in using it, and how well it can support activist goals. We conducted semi-structured interviews with twenty people involved in projects that used AR for a social cause across six different countries. We found that AR can overcome physical world limitations of activism to convey immersive, multilayered narratives that aim to reveal invisible histories and perspectives. At the same time, people experienced challenges in creating, maintaining, and distributing their AR experiences to audiences. We discuss open questions and opportunities for creating AR tools and experiences for social change.
... The academic discourse on political and civic action on the Internet is much less consistent, however, with some studies providing evidence for the slacktivism argument (e.g., Kristofferson, White, & Peloza, 2014;Sormanen & Dutton, 2015) and other studies showing that online political and civic action can, in fact, have very useful ramifications for change in the real word (Hsiao, 2018;Jost et al., 2018;Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2017;Quintelier & Vissers, 2008;Valenzuela et al., 2018) ...
... As mentioned previously, earlier studies raise concerns about the influence of online political engagement in the virtual world on social injustice in the real world (e.g., Harlow & Guo, 2014;Kristofferson et al., 2014;Lee & Hsieh, 2013;Sormanen & Dutton, 2015). By contrast, more recent studies show that online political and civic action can, in fact, have very useful ramifications for change in the real word (Hsiao & Yang, 2018;Jost et al., 2018;Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2017;Quintelier & Vissers, 2008;Valenzuela, 2013). These newer research examples have shown that it would be misleading to claim that offline and online methods translate directly into costly versus less costly, committed versus noncommitted, ways of collective action (Hsiao & Yang, 2018). ...
Article
Full-text available
This contribution examines a case of collective action in Turkey against a sexist advertisement. Protests unfolded exclusively through social media and resulted in more than 20,000 protestors signing a petition against the ad. In this study, we examine protest motivations behind the case and study the degree with which these motivations are explained by (1) online/offline action practices, and (2) three social-psychological variables (social identity, perceived efficacy, and just-world beliefs). Survey data from 353 participants were analyzed by means of hierarchical linear regression. Results indicated that protestors were mobilized by their identification with women's rights defenders, their perceptions of collective efficacy and both offline and online action practices. In addition, just-world beliefs were negatively associated with collective action. Our findings confirm and expand recent findings of the relevance of social-psychological predictors for collective action in the online sphere. At the same time, the case points to the facilitating power of social media toward change in Turkey's current authoritarian climate.
... Of course, mitigating the downsides of social media is critical because numerous studies suggest that democratic activists have benefited from social media uses in a number of countries (Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2017). In addition to notable examples of the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street, and #BlackLivesMatter (Anderson, Toor, Rainie, & Smith, 2018;Hal-Hasan, Yim, & Lucas, 2019), political and social activism is reported in a growing number of social media experiences across diverse socioeconomic, cultural, and ethnic contexts (López García, Llorca Abad, Valera Ordaz, & Peris Blanes, 2018;O'Byrne & Hale, 2018;Sandoval-Almazan & Gil-Garcia, 2014). ...
Article
Full-text available
Educators increasingly teach with social media in varied ways, but they may do so without considering the ways in which social media corporations profit from their uses or compromise transparency, equity, health, safety, and democracy through the design of platforms. There is a lack of scholarship that addresses the curricular topics that educators might investigate to teach about social media platforms and the potential challenges they pose for education and society. In this article, we draw on sociotechnical theories that conceive of social media as microsystems to understand the relationship between users, education, and social media companies. We identify and describe five topics concerning social media design that educators can consider and investigate with students in a variety of settings: user agreements and use of data; algorithms of oppression, echo, and extremism; distraction, user choice, and access for nonusers; harassment and cyberbullying; and gatekeeping for accurate information. In each case, we suggest curricular possibilities for teaching about social media platforms that draw from intersections of curriculum, media, and educational studies.
... There is no doubt that the Internet has changed the ways and conditions of activism. Especially over the last three decades, online activism has become increasingly prevalent for political participation via sharing information, connecting people, and mobilizing crowds to express their discontent (Dordevic & Zezelj, 2016). On the contrary, online activism is important not only for one's sense of identity and belonging but also for the ability to have one's voice heard. ...
Article
The Internet has changed the ways and conditions of activism. Especially over the last three decades, online activism has been prevalently used for sharing information, connecting people, and mobilizing crowds to express their discontent. The Internet is often referred to as a new form of public sphere, which demonstrates many distinctive and advantageous features compared with traditional types of public spheres. By following public sphere theory, this study examines online activism in the context of environmental activism and aims to understand the potential of the Internet within online activism practices. The studied website “Save the Floodplain Forest” (www.longozukoru.org) is an environmentalist activist platform dedicated to saving the Ig˘neada floodplain forest. The study employed the five-dimensional content analysis scale developed by Kavada to evaluate and analyze the campaign website. The results exhibit inadequacies and point out the potential rooms for improvement for the campaign website. Keywords public sphere, online activism, social movements, participation, slacktivism, Ig˘neada
... Dadas las limitaciones de χ2 la alternativa recomendada es el índice χ2/gl, para el cual valores entre 1 y 3 implican un buen ajuste empírico del modelo (Miranda-Zapata, Riquelme-Mella, Cifuentes-Cid y Riquelme-Bravo, 2014; Ruiz et al., 2010;Yang y DeHart;. Los valores de referencia para el resto de indicadores de bondad de ajuste son los siguientes: CFI, TLI y NFI ≥ 0.95; AGFI ≥ 0.95; RMSEA < 0.08 (Byrne, 2010;Milfont y Fischer, 2010;Milošević-Đorđević y Žeželj, 2017;Miranda-Zapata et al., 2010;Ruiz et al., 2010;Nuviala Nuviala et al., 2014). ...
Article
Full-text available
El sentido de eficacia política constituye un concepto explicativo fundamental para el entendimiento del repertorio de conductas políticas que tienen lugar en contextos democráticos. El presente trabajo tiene el propósito de contribuir metodológicamente a la medición del sentido de eficacia política, para lo cual propone un instrumento aplicable en entornos hispanoparlantes, tomando como punto de partida la evidencia empírica de su desempeño psicométrico en el caso ecuatoriano. Esta escala de eficacia política cuenta con dos componentes o subescalas: a) la adaptación y traducción de la escala de eficacia política interna (4 ítems) formulada por Niemi, Craig y Mattei (1991), y b) el desarrollo de 4 ítems para la medición de la eficacia política externa de los individuos, tomando como referencia la literatura disponible sobre el tema. Para la evaluación de las propiedades psicométrica del instrumento propuesto se emplearon dos muestras no probabilísticas tomadas antes (n_1 = 1136) y después (n_2 = 540) de las elecciones presidenciales ecuatorianas celebradas durante el año 2017. Los resultados más relevantes del estudio son los siguientes: primero, las pruebas de validez de constructo, mediante Análisis Factorial Confirmatorio (AFC), permiten verificar la bidimensionalidad de la escala, siendo capaz de medir de forma diferenciada la eficacia política interna y externa. Segundo, la confiabilidad de cada subescala cuenta con valores estadísticamente satisfactorios. Tercero, las pruebas de validez externa corroboran las expectativas teóricas relativas a la existencia de patrones de asociación distintos entre cada dimensión del sentido de eficacia política y otras variables de interés para la investigación sociopolítica. Cuarto, el análisis de invarianza de medida del instrumento, efectuado a través de Análisis Factorial Confirmatorio Multigrupo (AFCMG), sugiere la existencia de invarianza factorial, lo cual significa que los ítems del instrumento son capaces de realizar la misma distinción entre eficacia interna y externa en las dos muestras analizadas, además de ser interpretados de forma idéntica por los participantes de cada grupo. Finalmente, se discuten las implicaciones y limitaciones de los resultados obtenidos, así como las recomendaciones para futuros esfuerzos de investigación que permitan mejorar el ajuste de la escala propuesta al conjunto de países hispanoparlantes.Political efficacy sense constitutes a fundamental explanatory concept for understanding the repertoire of political behaviors that take place in democratic contexts. The purpose of this work is to contribute methodologically to the measurement of political efficacy sense, for which it proposes an applicable instrument for Spanish-speaking environments, taking as a starting point the empirical evidence of its psychometric performance in the Ecuadorian case. This scale of political efficacy has two components or subscales: a) the adaptation and translation of the internal political efficacy scale (4 items) developed by Niemi, Craig and Mattei (1991), and b) the development of 4 items for the measurement of the external political efficacy of the individuals, taking as reference the available literature about this subject. For the evaluation of the psychometric properties of the proposed instrument, two non-probabilistic samples were used, same as were taken before (n_1 = 1136) and after (n_2 = 540) of the Ecuadorian presidential elections held during the year 2017. The most relevant results of the study are the following: first, the tests of construct validity, through confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), allow to verify the two-dimensional structure of the scale, being able to measure differently the internal and external political efficacy. Second, the reliability of each subscale has statistically satisfactory values. Third, tests of external validity corroborate theoretical expectations relative to the existence of different association patterns between each dimension of political efficacy sense and other interest variables for sociopolitical research. Fourth, the measurement invariance analysis of the instrument, performed through Multi-Group Confirmatory Factor Analysis (MGCFA), suggests the existence of factorial invariance, which means that the items of the instrument are capable of making the same distinction between internal and external efficacy in the two analyzed samples, in addition they are interpreted identically by the participants of each group. Finally, the implications and limitations of the obtained results, as well as the recommendations for future research efforts to improve the adjustment of the proposed scale to the set of Spanish-speaking countries are in discussion.
... Jenkins et al. investigate how young people appropriate digital platforms and popular culture for civic action taking, and highlight their capacity to use creative communication techniques for political expression and advocacy (Jenkins et al., 2018). Similar research shows young people embrace 'hybrid activism', where they integrate online tools with physical protest to express and advocate for causes (Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2017). These new practices reflect a shifting landscape for how we define expressive civic practices, and the forms of communication that contribute to such practices. ...
Article
Full-text available
Young people today are immersed in digital culture: often considered savvy navigators of online ecosystems and adept at using everyday technologies to share, create and express. These technologies are often seen as social and personal tools instead of spaces for meaningful participation. This paper shares the results of an investigation in young people’s attitudes towards popular social communication modalities – memes and hashtags – for civic purposes. The study employs Emerging Citizens: a suite of digital literacy tools and accompanying learning content that teach people of all ages how to critique and create hashtags and memes. This inquiry explores how young people perceive memes and hashtags as relevant avenues for civic expression, and the impact that a digital literacy intervention can have on youth attitudes. An analysis of the student experience using the Emerging Citizens tools and reflection of their creations finds that digital literacy interventions impact young people’s perceptions of popular social modalities for civic impact.
... For example, Curtin, Kende, and Kende (2016) showed that most activists interviewed reported having multiple identities and drew connections between multiple social identities and people's willingness to engage in activism. In the context of online activities, studies have shown that there is a relationship between online and offline civic activism (Milošević-Dorđević & Žeželj, 2017). There is also evidence suggesting that multiple identities related to online and offline activism could facilitate collective actions. ...
Article
The purpose of the present studies was to examine (a) whether multiple group membership (in the context of opinion-based groups) relates to collective action (CA) tendencies and (b) to what extent group efficacy belief, feeling of injustice, group identification, and identity fusion mediate the relation between multiple group membership and CA tendencies among Polish protesters against attempts by the government to restrict access to abortion. Two studies among Facebook opinion-based group users were conducted. In study 1, 181 users participated (108 women; Mage = 25.1, SD = 8.90), and in study 2, 262 users participated (146 women; Mage = 25.6, SD = 6.70). The results showed that multiple group membership is related to collective action tendencies, even when other important predictors of CA are accounted for (studies 1 and 2). Group efficacy belief partially mediates the effect of multiple group membership on CA tendency and has a positive effect on CA tendency (studies 1 and 2). Furthermore, group efficacy belief fully mediates the relationship between group identification and CA tendency (study 2). Perceived injustice fully mediates the relationship between identity fusion and CA (study 1). Results are discussed in the theoretical frame of opinion-based groups. See: https://authors.elsevier.com/a/1YU7E2f~UW8Y-s
... There is no doubt that the Internet has changed the ways and conditions of activism. Especially over the last three decades, online activism has become increasingly prevalent for political participation via sharing information, connecting people, and mobilizing crowds to express their discontent (Dordevic & Zezelj, 2016). On the contrary, online activism is important not only for one's sense of identity and belonging but also for the ability to have one's voice heard. ...
Article
Full-text available
The Internet has changed the ways and conditions of activism. Especially over the last three decades, online activism has been prevalently used for sharing information, connecting people, and mobilizing crowds to express their discontent. The Internet is often referred to as a new form of public sphere, which demonstrates many distinctive and advantageous features compared with traditional types of public spheres. By following public sphere theory, this study examines online activism in the context of environmental activism and aims to understand the potential of the Internet within online activism practices. The studied website “Save the Floodplain Forest” ( www.longozukoru.org ) is an environmentalist activist platform dedicated to saving the Iğneada floodplain forest. The study employed the five-dimensional content analysis scale developed by Kavada to evaluate and analyze the campaign website. The results exhibit inadequacies and point out the potential rooms for improvement for the campaign website.
... The majority of people do not want intergroup conflict to arise again, but trust their own groups most, and are not sure how to make sure further conflict is prevented. Young people are reluctant to dive into politics, but can still be active in various real-life and online civic activities (Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2016). ...
... The majority of people do not want intergroup conflict to arise again, but trust their own groups most, and are not sure how to make sure further conflict is prevented. Young people are reluctant to dive into politics, but can still be active in various real-life and online civic activities (Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2016). ...
Book
Full-text available
This book examines the identities of young adults in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, and Macedonia. With research drawn from a large multidisciplinary project exploring a potential for reconciliation in post-conflict societies, the authors discuss the interplay between ethnic, religious and national identities that have been the source of recent violent conflicts. They focus on people aged 18-30, representing generations that are socialized after the wars, but live in ethnically divided societies burdened with a difficult history. Another aim of the project was to compare majority and minority perspectives within each country, and to provide a unique view on how to reinterpret and build more inclusive social identities. Scholars and organizations interested in areas of social psychology, political science and sociology will find this research of great value.
... Social media platforms enable online social cohesion by offering distributed information-gathering and realtime information dissemination. Given its accessibility and proficiency as an information exchange tool, Twitter has provided social and political activists an opportunity to complement [8], and not hinder participation in [9,10], real-world social mobilization. During the 2012 Italian protests for global economic change, tweeting was determined to be more effective locally in discussing real-world, real-time events than traditional mainstream media platforms [11]. ...
Article
Full-text available
In recent years, political activists have taken to social media platforms to rapidly reach broad audiences. Despite the prevalence of micro-blogging in these sociopolitical movements, the degree to which virtual mobilization reflects or drives real-world movements is unclear. Here, we explore the dynamics of real-world events and Twitter social cohesion in Syria during the Arab Spring. Using the nonlinear methods cross-recurrence quantification analysis and windowed cross-recurrence quantification analysis, we investigate if frequency of events of different intensities are coupled with social cohesion found in Syrian tweets. Results indicate that online social cohesion is coupled with the counts of all, positive, and negative events each day but shows a decreased connection to negative events when outwardly directed events (i.e., source events) were considered. We conclude with a discussion of implications and applications of nonlinear methods in political science research.
... The majority of people do not want intergroup conflict to arise again, but trust their own groups most, and are not sure how to make sure further conflict is prevented. Young people are reluctant to dive into politics, but can still be active in various real-life and online civic activities (Milošević-Đorđević & Žeželj, 2016). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
The post-conflict generation experiences ethno-religious identity as being thrust upon them, regardless of how much they care about belonging to such groups. Language and physical barriers segregate groups; in addition, one ethnic group in each nation is promoted above others in constitutions and political rhetoric. Because religious groups and ethnicities overlap almost perfectly, identifying with one is the same as identifying with the other, and that leaves little opportunity to develop complex identities that can overlap with those of different others. Yet young adults do not want inequality to be made of the meaning of their social identity and minor changes in social practices could help build nations as communities.
... In this sense, the internet has amplified and enhanced the possibilities of social activism [2]. Here, social media serve as a platform for the viral dissemination of information that has a high impact potential on the public's opinion [3]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Background: Digitalization and hyperconnectivity generate spaces for youth participation in social activism through social media platforms. The purpose of this research was to analyze young people's online experience in social activism movements, including their preferences, themes, usage of language, and perceived impact. Methods: The research is framed within a qualitative interpretative-descriptive paradigm. Five focus groups were conducted, including 58 high school students from Malaga, Spain. Results: Several themes were identified through the coding process, including technological devices and social media preferences, participation in social movements or activism, perception of the degree of participation, the focus of interest, motivation for involvement, language use on social media, and beliefs. Conclusions: In a hyperconnected world, youth participation in social movements becomes more relevant. Their interest is reflected in the enormous potential that this social participation of young people has through networks and virtual platforms, becoming an informal communication model with characteristics to be an effective vehicle for social transformation.
... A pesar del innegable interés gubernamental por establecer un nuevo marco legislativo comunicacional en el país con un enfoque participativo e integrador, según hemos podido observar, no se ha producido un gran estímulo de la participación en las plataformas digitales en unos usuarios referenciales como son los estudiantes universitarios. Más bien, nuestros resultados coinciden con los aportados por otros estudios, en los que se ha visibilizado que la participación de los jóvenes se da todavía sobre todo asociada a los escenarios convencionales (Milosevic & Zezelj, 2017). Y ello a pesar del desarrollo de instrumentos como la Ley Orgánica de Participación Ciudadana, con sus consiguientes instituciones que, como el Consejo de Participación Ciudadana y Control Social, tendrían que haber estimulado una mayor profundización en el concepto de democracia participativa, es decir, en el involucramiento de la ciudadanía en los asuntos públicos a nivel local, regional y nacional. ...
Chapter
Full-text available
En la última década, la participación a través de las redes sociales ha tenido un elevado protagonismo en la esfera política ecuatoriana, como un escenario de intercambio cuyo uso eficiente se relaciona, por ejemplo, con la victoria electoral de Rafael Correa en su primera campaña electoral (León, 2007). En este capítulo, abordaremos la participación política de una población estratégica para la democracia ecuatoriana: los estudiantes universitarios. Para ello, compararemos las percepciones de los estudiantes de una universidad privada y urbana, la Universidad de las Américas (UDLA), y los de una universidad pública y enclavada en el entorno rural, la Universidad Laica Eloy Alfaro de Manabí (ULEAM).
... A pesar del innegable interés gubernamental por establecer un nuevo marco legislativo comunicacional en el país con un enfoque participativo e integrador, según hemos podido observar, no se ha producido un gran estímulo de la participación en las plataformas digitales en unos usuarios referenciales como son los estudiantes universitarios. Más bien, nuestros resultados coinciden con los aportados por otros estudios, en los que se ha visibilizado que la participación de los jóvenes se da todavía sobre todo asociada a los escenarios convencionales (Milosevic & Zezelj, 2017). Y ello a pesar del desarrollo de instrumentos como la Ley Orgánica de Participación Ciudadana, con sus consiguientes instituciones que, como el Consejo de Participación Ciudadana y Control Social, tendrían que haber estimulado una mayor profundización en el concepto de democracia participativa, es decir, en el involucramiento de la ciudadanía en los asuntos públicos a nivel local, regional y nacional. ...
Book
Full-text available
América Latina es un sub-continente que, independientemente de sus niveles contextuales, está profundamente marcado por la brecha tecnológica. Alrededor de la mitad de los ciudadanos de esta parte del mundo carece de conexión a Internet, debido a problemas como la falta de desarrollo de las infraestructuras, o a la existencia de grandes capas poblacionales con escasos recursos económicos y, por tanto, con un irregular acceso a la red. Sin embargo, con este libro presentamos un conjunto de artículos que revela un continente en donde los intercambios a través de los medios sociales está adquiriendo una gran relevancia social. Desde la movilización social en el paro nacional agrario de Colombia –donde los campesinos de ese país emplearon la tecnología para generar un impacto nacional, frente a la labor cercana al oficialismo de los medios-, pasando por el empleo de las redes para contrastar el discurso oficial en Bolivia, hasta la exposición de diversos estudios de caso relacionados con la resistencia de los movimientos sociales en Brasil. Son estos algunos de los temas que se tratan a lo largo de los siguientes 11 capítulos, en los cuales se muestra la ebullición de las plataformas digitales a través de una cada vez mayor movilización de las sociedades latinoamericanas, con el fin de promover una erosión de esos factores que asientan la desigualdad generalizada y, en definitiva, para transformar, progresivamente, el autoritarismo histórico de sus democracias en sistemas más participativos e incluyentes.
Book
Full-text available
The present book focuses on certain conceptual and methodological dilemmas related to the concept of political culture. It deals with the majority of topics that have proved to be inevitable in discussing the phenomenon of political culture and it is divided into several chapters. The first chapter provides a brief historical overview of the concept of political culture, focusing in more detail on the modern grounding of the concept in the classic study by Almond and Verba. The second chapter contains a discussion pertaining to several topics. First, a number of different definitions of the concept of political culture are provided, and the main tenets of these definitions are discussed. The dilemmas pertaining to the content of political culture and its individualistic and/or aggregate conceptual status are further elaborated. Finally, one possible definition of the concept of political culture is given, referring to the basically psychological or subjective nature of the phenomenon. It underlies the topics covered in the chapters to follow and serves as the basis for comparing the concept of political culture with a number of similar concepts: public opinion, ideology, national character and values. Chapter three expounds on different views on the types and forms of political culture. Special emphasis is placed on some contemporary, empirically grounded conceptions on the basic dimensions of cross-cultural variation, which are very influential nowadays. The fourth chapter provides an extensive debate on political socialisation as the basic way of forming, maintaining and changing political culture. Although it figures as only one of the factors of political socialisation, the role of modern technologies and the Internet in the change of political culture has been explored as a separate topic in chapter five. The sixth chapter contains a discussion on the dominant concepts in analysing the relationship of political culture and political structure, culturalist and the institutional or the rational choice model. The two penultimate sections of the book have a somewhat different focus: they deal with the political culture in Serbia. The seventh chapter provides an overview of the most important results of empirical research of different political orientations in Serbia, starting from the middle of the 20th century until the present day. The eighth chapter reflects on the characteristics of political culture with respect to the prevailing practises of political elites, the rules of the political game and the underdevelopment of the democratic institutional framework, as well as on their importance for the phenomenon of political culture in this area. The concluding chapter dwells on the possible perspectives in studying political culture, both globally and locally.
Thesis
Full-text available
Numa aposta de que as cidades exercem papel político revitalizado para o enfrentamento da crise contemporânea urbana e da democracia, este trabalho debruça-se sobre os movimentos sociais recentes que emergem nas grandes cidades, e que se apoiam principalmente no uso e apropriação das Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação (TIC) para ampliar possibilidades de ação e mobilização de recursos na busca por espaços mais inclusivos e sustentáveis. Apoiado em um referencial teórico sobre sinergias e interfaces entre o que se caracteriza como ambiente urbano no século 21 e o impacto das TIC nos modos de vida, o estudo traz resultados de uma análise de experiências em curso na megacidade de São Paulo e uma breve imersão sobre experiências na cidade de Roma, na perspectiva de ampliar o olhar sobre as especificidades destes movimentos, cada vez mais presentes nas grandes cidades ao redor do mundo. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa baseada em diferentes métodos incluindo observação participante, entrevistas com integrantes desses movimentos e análise bibliográfica e documental. Com base nos princípios da Grounded Theory (Teoria Fundamentada nos Dados), o estudo realizado não parte de teorias pré-estabelecidas; sua base teórico-analítica emerge dos dados. Como recorte para análise, foram escolhidos movimentos sociais que se apropriam das TIC em seus processos de formação, atuação, mobilização e projeção e atuam nas temáticas de infraestrutura verde, mobilidade e uso e ocupação de espaços públicos. Tendo em vista a análise da situação de ação desses movimentos, o trabalho apresenta e discute suas essências, formações, motivações e conquistas e, particularmente, se (e como) reconfiguram a participação social no processo de tomada de decisão e na gestão da cidade, tanto no contexto macro como nos contextos micro de discussão e negociação. Argumentamos que estes movimentos sociais encontram no uso das TIC um meio de mobilizar recursos e estratégias de organização e de ação dos cidadãos nas cidades, com objetivo principal de definir rumos condicionados ao "direito à cidade" na busca de maior participação democrática, relações políticas mais horizontalizadas e modelos de autogestão apoiados em uma nova forma de ativismo digital. Os resultados apontam que, tanto em São Paulo como em Roma, esses movimentos lutam por uma mudança na lógica da cidade. Construídos em rede e nas redes, promovem formas de atuação e diálogo criativas, interativas, dinâmicas e inovadoras, nunca antes vistas. Em se tratando de participação pública, parece não haver dúvidas de como a forma de utilização das TIC por estes movimentos tem alterado e ressignificado este conceito.
Article
Full-text available
Online advertisements are representations of ethnographic knowledge and sites of cultural production, social interaction and individual experience. Based on a critical discourse analysis of an online Iberia Airlines advertisement and a series of blogs, this paper reveals how the myths and fantasies privileged within the discourses of the advertising and travel industries entwine to exoticize and eroticize Cuba. The paper analyses how constructions of Cuba are framed by its colonial past, merging the feminine and the exotic in a soft primitivism. Tourism is Cuba’s largest foreign exchange earner and a significant link between the island and the global capitalist system. These colonial descriptions of Cuba create a rhetoric of desire that entangles Cuba and its women in a discourse of beauty, conquest and domination and have actual consequences for tourism workers and dream economies, in this case reinforcing the oppression of Afro-Cuban women by stereotyping and objectifying them.
Article
Full-text available
Modern democracies around the world are threatened by growing political populism and intolerance. This fact is prominent especially in the Balkan region , where the effect of violent ethnic conflict is still present. Empirical data from this region registered low level of political engagement, high ethnic stereotyping and distance toward non-majority groups. We examined the effects of activism in real and virtual worlds on social distance toward minority groups, and how it is mediated by belief in a just world, political interest, political anomie and cynicism. We employed analysis of national representative survey data on adult citizens, collected through face to face method in Serbia in 2017 (N=1258). Survey design has been used to investigate the extent to which common forms of online/offline civic activity mediated by different psychological constructs foster offline forms of social inclusion of marginal groups. Results confirmed that both online and offline activities can have a positive effect on social inclusion in real world by reducing political anomie and cynicism and belief in a just world, and increasing political interest. This research highlights the importance of fostering different types of civic activism because the impact of political engagement in the real and even more in the virtual 1) 16 world leads to a reduction of social distance toward minority groups in reality. Data suggested that broadening platforms for civic engagement could be an effective strategy in building social inclusion.
Article
As youth civic engagement is widely considered important for social cohesion and democracy, concerns have been expressed regarding a perceived decline in civic and political engagement among young people throughout the western world. While research has shown that the social environment is influential in terms of the development of civic values, knowledge and behaviours among youth, limited research has been conducted on these issues in an Irish context. Drawing on survey research conducted with 167 young people aged 12–15 years in Irish secondary schools, this paper examines young people's civic attitudes and behaviours and how they are linked to their social contexts. Findings indicate that youth report high levels of social responsibility values but low engagement in both online and offline civic engagement. Furthermore, while parent, peer, school and/or community contexts were found to have a significant influence on youths' social responsibility values and offline civic behaviours, youth's online civic behaviours were not connected to these social environments. This study provides insights into the socialisation of civic values and behaviours among young people in Ireland and highlights the importance of investigating the link between the social context and different forms of youth civic involvement.
Conference Paper
Protests are important social forms of activism, but can be inaccessible to people with disabilities. Online activism, like the 2017 Disability March, has provided alternative venues for involvement in accessible protesting and social movements. In this study, we use identity theory as a lens to understand why and how disabled activists engaged in an online movement, and its impact on their self-concepts. We interviewed 18 disabled activists about their experiences with online protesting during the Disability March. Respondents' identities (as both disabled individuals and as activists) led them to organize or join the March, evolved alongside the group's actions, and were reprioritized or strained as a result of their involvement. Our findings describe the values and limitations of this activism to our respondents, highlight the tensions they perceived about their activist identities, and present opportunities to support further accessibility and identity changes by integrating technology into their activist experiences.
Article
Full-text available
We argue that the often-used critique of social media activism as merely a ‘feel-good’ mechanism can be countered by conceptualizing social media activism as a necessary type of collective action (i.e., consensus mobilization), incorporating theory on the benefits of positive feelings for activism, and by examining how power may affect these relationships. Women from two different samples (MTurk and university) were randomly assigned to recall a high- versus low-power experience, view real-world events of sexism, and then complete questionnaires assessing endorsement of social media activism, positive affect, and collective action intentions. A dual moderated mediation analyses at the second stage of mediation showed equivalency across two samples, at which point the single moderated mediation model was tested on the combined sample. The model was significant, such that among those in the high-power condition, endorsing social media activism was associated with greater positive affect, which in turn predicted greater collective action intentions. Among those in the low-power condition, however, this indirect effect was not significant. This study provides counter-evidence to the ‘slacktivism’ critique, contributes to theories of collective action, power and their integration, and identifies a possible intervention to enhance the effectiveness of social media activism.
Article
Full-text available
The current study explored the relationships between parenting styles and problematic internet use (PIU) in male adolescents from Israeli-Arab families. In the research literature, little is known about the role played by parenting in relation to children’s PIU in Arab societies. One hundred and eighty male adolescents whose age ranges from 12 to 16 (M=13.92, S.D.=1.42) reported their internet behavior and their parents’ parenting styles. Controlling for the participants’ age, family size, and grades, parenting styles explained 24% of the variance in PIU scores, with authoritarian parenting being the only significant unique predictor. A further analysis of covariance revealed that adolescents who perceived their parents as authoritative scored lower than their counterparts in PIU. Our findings suggest that while Israeli-Arab male adolescents might benefit from authoritative parenting at home, it is the parental authoritarian practices and behaviors per se that should be targeted as part of PIU intervention and prevention efforts.
Chapter
Design students Esther Fan and Olivia Park created the Sad Asian Girls Club (SAGC) as an online community platform for artistic self-expression with a political mission. This chapter considers how the SAGC used multiple digital platforms (a Tumblr blog, a Twitter account, a YouTube channel, an Instagram account, and a print magazine) to mobilise collective and collaborative life narrative that aims to intervene in pervasive stereotypes of Asian girls and women. I consider the SAGC blog’s engagement with the cultural politics of speech, language, and silence through activist practices of “speaking back” through art and media.
Article
Women, more so than men, are using social media activism to respond to sexism. However, when they do, they are also faced with gendered criticisms 'hashtag feminism' that may instead serve to silence them. Based on social identity theory, this research examined how women's social media activism, in response to sexism, may be a first step towards further activism. Two studies used a simulated Twitter paradigm to expose women to sexism and randomly assign them to either tweet in response, or to a no-tweet control condition. Both studies found support for a serial mediation model such that tweeting out after sexism strengthened social identity, which in turn increased collective action intentions, and in turn, behavioural collective actions. Study 2 further showed that validation from others increases the indirect effect of tweeting on behavioural collective action through collective action intentions, but group efficacy did not moderate any indirect effects. It was concluded that social media activism in response to sexism promotes an enactment of women's social identity, thereby mobilizing them to further action.
Article
In this contribution, we look at climate change denial alongside growing controversies and protest regarding both climate policies and public measures addressing the pandemic induced by COVID-19. Scientific evidence on the Coronavirus as well as on climate change is disregarded by considerable shares of the population who, instead, choose to believe in conspiracy theories and alternative facts. Thus, while those protesting public approaches to cope with the pandemic have not been made subject to scientific enquiry to date, research on climate change deniers may inform scholars’ attempts to address said gap. Based on studies on characteristics of climate change deniers and their strategies, we elaborate on how to deal with people who distrust science’s and politics’ capacity to adequately identify and address contemporary crises. Der Beitrag widmet sich dem Phänomen der Klimawandelleugnung sowie der Kritik an Klimaschutz-Politiken und Maßnahmen zur Bewältigung der Corona-Pandemie, welche in jüngster Zeit immer stärker zunehmen. Es zeigen sich Parallelen zwischen den Teilnehmer*innen der „Corona-Demonstrationen“ und Klimawandelleugner*innen – etwa die Nichtanerkennung wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnisse und die Bezugnahmen auf sowie Verbreitung von Verschwörungstheorien. So können Ergebnisse zu Klimawandelleugner*innen, die bereits gut beforscht sind, auch für die Analyse und Einordnung der Denkmuster und Strategien der gegen die Maßnahmen zur Pandemie-Bewältigung Demonstrierenden in Wissenschaft und Praxis aufschlussreich sein. Der Beitrag beleuchtet, was Klimawandelleugner*innen und ihre Kommunikationspraktiken auszeichnet. Auf dieser Grundlage werden Überlegungen für den Umgang mit Menschen vorgestellt, die Wissenschaft und Politik hinsichtlich der Einschätzung und adäquaten Adressierung von Krisen misstrauen.
Article
Social media have expanded citizens' political repertoires with new modes of action. To measure these changing political practices, a new instrument, called the Social Media Political Participation Scale was developed and psychometrically tested. The instrument aims to capture both active, expressive forms of political action through social media as well as cognitive political social media use (e.g., sharing posts versus information seeking and acquiring). Based on a literature review and the recommendations of an expert panel, an item pool was generated. The second phase consisted of a questionnaire completed by 595 teenagers. The construct validity was assessed using exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), as well as convergent validity and internal consistency. The analyses revealed four theoretically grounded constructs measured with 21 items: latent engagement, follower engagement, expressive engagement and counter engagement. As a validated instrument , the Social Media Political Participation Scale allows future research to gain a more profound insight into who is politically engaged and why, as well as how digital technologies are embedded in diverse forms of political action.
Article
Purpose Given the profound impact of social media on civic activism, as demonstrated by the #BlackLivesMatter and #MeToo movements, the current study aimed to examine the factors that influence the public to engage in civic activism on social media platforms. Design/methodology/approach This study used the responses from 4,316 social media users who participated in the 2018 American Trends Survey (Wave 35) conducted by Pew Research Center. The dataset was analyzed using hierarchical regression. Findings The results suggest that respondents who were younger, female, White and liberal were more likely to participate in activism-related behaviors, such as using hashtags, changing profile pictures and participating in groups with shared interests in political and social issues. Respondents' engagement in online civic activism increased particularly when they had a strong motive for expressing and sharing their opinions. In contrast, external online political efficacy – the belief that social media influences policymaking and decision makers – was not significantly associated with activism engagement on social media. Originality/value This study identified key demographic characteristics of social media users who participate in online civic activism. In addition, the findings extend previous lines of inquiry by examining and assessing the impact of external online political efficacy and opinion expression motive. We conclude that individuals engage in civic activism on social media mainly because they find it important to express views on political and social issues and to find others who share these views, as opposed to thinking that social media can be used to exert influence on policy decisions.
Article
The longitudinal causal relationships between individuals’ online and offline forms of civic participation require further understanding. We provide a robust test of four competing theoretical perspectives to establish the direction of causality between online political participation and offline collective action as well as the persistence of their longitudinal effects. Two longitudinal panel studies were conducted in the socio-political context of Chile. Study 1 involved university students (a 2-year, 5-wave longitudinal study, N wave 1 = 1221, N wave 2 = 954, N wave 3 = 943, N wave 4 = 905, and N wave 5 = 786) and Study 2 used a nationally representative sample of adults (a 3-year, 3-wave longitudinal study, N wave 1 = 2927, N wave 2 = 2473 and N wave 3 = 2229). Results from both studies supported the spillover perspective compellingly showing that offline participation fostered subsequent online collective action over time, whereas the reverse causal path from online political participation and offline collective action was consistently nonsignificant. In Study 2, previous offline collective action predicted increased online participation after controlling for the effects of age, gender, and educational level. The need for further fine-grained longitudinal research on the causal relations between offline and online collective action is discussed.
Article
Though notable progress has been made in protections for LGBTQ people in the United States, they are still disproportionately victims of discrimination and harassment. Activism efforts on behalf of LGBTQ communities by heterosexual, cisgender people—known as cishet allies—are critical to maintaining and gaining civil rights. Social justice praxis encourages people with privileged identities, such as heterosexuals, to act on behalf of and in coalition with LGBTQ communities. The current study conducted a thematic qualitative content analysis of open-ended self-report data about activist behaviors and beliefs of 249 self-identified cishet allies. Results describe: types of activism, events that sparked activism, motivators for activism, and barriers to activism. Findings show that educating self and others are key activist behaviors while social media usage may mitigate barriers, such as perceived lack of social support and time. Findings are discussed in context of sample limitations and future research directions are outlined.
Article
Social media provides marginalized activists multiple options for constructing alternative narratives that challenge mainstream discourse. However, despite these platforms’ increasing accessibility, disabled activists may struggle in creating their counter-narrative. Their inability to conform to able-bodied notions of activism leaves their individual experiences out of the discussion of social media activism. This paper addresses this gap by presenting the individual decision-making process of disabled social media users regarding activists’ performances in social media as gleaned from the qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews. This process includes three phases that demonstrate the experiences of social media users with communicative concealable disabilities – autistics, hard-of-hearing (HoH), and people who stutter. First, these interviewees present a spectrum of perceptions of disability activism in social media. Second, these perceptions lead to a spectrum of motivations, which mirror the interviewees’ various risk-benefit calculations regarding public self-disclosure as disabled. Third, these perceptions and motivations are manifested through interviewees’ strategic design of their activist performances in private and public spheres. By rethinking key concepts in social media activism – risk-benefit calculation, slacktivism, and digital storytelling – this process illustrates taken-for-granted assumptions of personalization, visibility and representation, that challenge current discussions on social media activism.
Article
Full-text available
Resumen Una de las funciones de Twitter es el etiquetado digital denominado: hashtag. A través de las etiquetas, ordena y clasifica los mensajes de esta plataforma de redes sociales. El objetivo de esta investigación es estudiar el fenómeno del etiquetado social conocido como hashtag activism (activismo de etiquetas) como impulsores de la participación cívica, respondiendo la pregunta: ¿cómo entender la participación cívica online a través del etiquetado social en redes socio digitales? Nuestra metodología hace un análisis cualitativo de 33 casos representativos de las etiquetas #Ladies y #Lords utilizadas en México que realizan un escrutinio social desde el 2011. Concluimos que el etiquetado digital impacta en la participación cívica y la comunicación en la sociedad de la información. Palabras clave: hashtag, etiquetas digitales, Twitter, participación cívica. Abstract One of the functions of Twitter is the digital tagging called: the hashtag. Through tags, it orders and classifies messages on this social networking platform. This research aims to study the phenomenon of social tagging known as hashtag activism as drivers of civic participation, answering the question: How to understand online civic participation through social tagging in socio-digital networks? Our methodology makes a qualitative analysis of
Article
Augmented reality (AR) filters are a popular social media feature affording users a variety of visual effects. Despite their widespread use, no research to date has examined either ‘why’ people use them (i.e., motivations) or ‘how’ their usage makes people feel (i.e., well-being effects). Through the uses and gratifications theory supported by a sequential mixed-method approach (interviews N = 10 and survey N = 536), we provide three overarching contributions. First, based on prior literature and a qualitative study, we identify nine motivations that can potentially drive AR face filter usage on Instagram. Our survey indicates that seven of those motivations (e.g., creative content curation, social interactions) are significant drivers of usage behaviours, while two (true self-presentation and silliness) did not have a significant impact. Second, we provide nuanced insights into the multi-faceted nature of the self-presentation motives underpinning AR face filter use (ideal, true and transformed self-presentation). Lastly, we show filter usage can have both positive and negative well-being effects depending on the underlying motivation. The results offer important implications for policymakers, site designers and social media managers.
Article
Las recientes elecciones presidenciales en Ecuador durante la campaña de los candidatos Lenín Moreno y Guillermo Lasso, suscitaron un uso creciente de las redes sociales. El objetivo del presente estudio es analizar cómo las emociones hacia los dos candidatos promueven la participación política en redes sociales y online, en una muestra de 1136 participantes de la ciudad de Quito. Los resultados evidencian que las emociones sean positivas o negativas, cumplen un rol movilizador sobre la ciudadanía en términos de activismo político vía internet.Asimismo, el candidato Moreno genera estímulos emocionales con un efecto movilizador sobre el electorado, efecto que no se verifica en el caso del candidato Lasso. Se discuten las implicaciones de estos resultados en un contexto de creciente debate en Ecuador sobre la necesidad de establecer mecanismos de control a su uso.
Article
Full-text available
América Latina, a grandes rasgos, es un continente con varios niveles contextuales, dependientes de las características históricas, económicas, políticas y sociales. Con todo, hay aspectos que –como la brecha tecnológica- se reproducen en mayor o menor medida en los distintos países. Dicha brecha promueve unas sociedades parcialmente desconectadas –y, por tanto, invisibilizadas- y tiende a aminorar las posibilidades de innovación y desarrollo del periodismo digital. En este estudio, y a partir de un análisis de contenido, hemos analizado la gestión de la interactividad en 87 cibermedios de Colombia, México y Ecuador durante 2016. Los resultados muestran una baja implementación general de las opciones de interactividad en los ecosistemas digitales de estos tres países latinoamericanos.
Article
Full-text available
This article examines how the Internet transforms collective action. Current practices on the web bear witness to thriving collective action ranging from persuasive to confrontational, individual to collective, undertakings. Even more influential than direct calls for action is the indirect mobilizing influence of the Internet’s powers of mass communication, which is boosted by an antiauthoritarian ideology on the web. Theoretically, collective action through the otherwise socially isolating computer is possible because people rely on internalized group memberships and social identities to achieve social involvement. Empirical evidence from an online survey among environmental activists and nonactivists confirms that online action is considered an equivalent alternative to offline action by activists and nonactivists alike. However, the Internet may slightly alter the motives underlying collective action and thereby alter the nature of collective action and social movements. Perhaps more fundamental is the reverse influence that successful collective action will have on the nature and function of the Internet.
Article
Full-text available
Research on intergroup relations in the Balkans typically reveals low trust and high prejudice, even in the young generation born after the conflicts in the 1990s. The intergroup contact is documented to be an efficient means for prejudice reduction, and it is expected to work through enhancing perceived out-group heterogeneity. A total of 1046 young people aged 13 to 18 from five Balkan countries (Serbia, Montenegro, FYRoM, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo) were interviewed for the research. We registered their attitudes towards five minority groups: a dominant ethnic minority in the country, Roma population, gays/lesbians, and very poor and physically disabled people. We also registered their contacts with the out-group members and perceived heterogeneity of all five groups. Data showed the similar pattern of social distance in all five Balkan countries: it was the highest towards gays and lesbians, followed by ethnic minorities and Roma population, whilst it was the lowest towards physically disabled and very poor people. However, the young people from Kosovo consistently reported somewhat higher distance towards all five groups. As expected, a path analysis revealed that more contacts with the out-groups led to a lower social distance both directly and indirectly, mediated by perceived out-group heterogeneity. We also registered a positive relation between ethnic identification and distance towards minority out-groups. This research highlights the importance of fostering different types of intergroup contacts. It also suggests that it would be more informative if we broadened its scope, and investigate both ethnic, and other social groups, especially different types of stigmatized minorities.
Article
Full-text available
As we belong to a host of groups, we have a multitude of social identities that are interdependent. Social identity complexity refers to the degree of overlap between cross-cutting group memberships while social identity inclusiveness to the range of people a person identifies with through shared group membership. In this paper, we explored the relationship between the complexity and inclusiveness of social identity, and feelings toward ethnic/religious in-groups, as well as feelings toward out-group members. The research was conducted in two cities in Serbia: Belgrade and Novi Pazar (N = 178; average age 23), allowing for comparisons between young Serbs and Bosniaks, who belonged to the groups with a recent history of conflict. We found that social identity complexity was unrelated, whilst social identity inclusiveness was systematically and positively related to more positive feelings toward religious and ethnic out-groups. This effect was significant across different ethnic groups (Serbs and Bosniaks) and local contexts (Belgrade and Novi Pazar). Both social identity complexity and inclusiveness were unrelated to emotions toward members of the own group. We related these results with the existing data on the social identity structure and intergroup relations, and discussed the importance of inclusive identities for building tolerant societies.
Article
Full-text available
The Internet can be used to reconfigure access to information and people in ways that can support networked individuals and enhance their relative communicative power vis-à-vis other individuals and institutions, such as by supporting collective action, sourcing of information, and whistle blowing. The societal and political significance of the Internet is a matter of academic debate, with some studies suggesting a powerful role in creating a “Fifth Estate,” and other studies challenging such claims. Research on this issue has not yet comprehensively focused on social network sites and those operating in a very liberal-democratic context. Based on an embedded case study of Facebook use in Finland, this study focuses on the uses of social media in building communicative power, such as in capacity to foster social movements in ways that conform to conceptions of the Internet’s Fifth Estate. The case study combines qualitative and quantitative methods to examine a sample of 2,300 Facebook pages and their online and offline activities and impact qualities. The results located 27 pages that reached a threshold we established for identifying online social movements with the potential for enhancing their communicative power, with a small minority of four cases appearing to have actualized communicative power. These findings not only reinforce the potential of Fifth Estate activity on social media but also underline the challenges of societal change in this predominantly entertainment-oriented social context. In addition, the study showcases the intertwined process of online and offline attributes affecting societal influence of online social movements.
Article
Full-text available
It is considered that political knowledge is one of the most prominent features of democratic citizenship, which makes its analysis especially relevant in a democratising society. This paper explores the predictors and correlates of youth political knowledge in Serbia. Political knowledge was measured by 12 multiple-choice questions pertaining to three areas: everyday politics, the rules of political game and foreign politics. Research participants were 788 fourth-grade students from 25 Belgrade secondary schools. The results show that the level of youth political knowledge is generally low and unevenly distributed among students. Its main predictors are interest in politics, academic achievement, gender and father's interest in politics. Other predictors that are usually regarded as very important (e.g. socioeconomic status, civic education) proved to be non-significant. Although political knowledge is positively correlated with political tolerance, political activism and diffuse political support, the coefficients are very low. The concluding part discusses possible causes of the obtained results.
Article
Full-text available
Recently, scholars tested how digital media use for informational purposes similarly contributes to foster democratic processes and the creation of social capital. Nevertheless, in the context of today's socially-networked-society and the rise of social media applications (i.e., Facebook) new perspectives need to be considered. Based on U.S. national data, results show that after controlling for demographic variables, traditional media use offline and online, political constructs (knowledge and efficacy), and frequency and size of political discussion networks, seeking information via social network sites is a positive and significant predictor of people's social capital and civic and political participatory behaviors, online and offline.
Article
Full-text available
The popularity of social networking sites (SNS) changed to a great extent not only media environment, but also everyday life activities of modern humans. Despite their obvious benefits in terms of communication, there is evidence of addictive tendencies in SNS use. The study examined psychological and socio-demographic predictors of these addictive tendencies in Serbian SNS users drawn from a representative sample (N = 2014), having in mind that Serbia has Facebook penetration rate over European average. Results indicate a low incidence of self-reported addictive tendencies, with some individual differences worth addressing. We developed and tested exhaustive model that included three sets of predictors (socio-demographic, psychological and exposure to traditional media), as well as restrictive models that systematically excluded group by group. Path analysis revealed that psychological traits were stronger predictors than socio-demographic ones: people with lower self-esteem, lower general self-efficacy and higher introversion were more likely to report addictive SNS use. Although our results in general support the so called “social compensation hypothesis”, it can be due to the focus on addictive tendencies instead of other indicators of SNS use.
Article
Full-text available
This article examines the political uses of social networking (SN) Web sites by young adults in context of the early stages of the 2008 presidential primary season. Using a survey of over 3,500 18- to 24-year-olds contacted immediately prior to the Iowa caucuses, we illustrate that although SN Web sites are recognized by youth as a possible source of news and that many receive some of their news from these sites, the types of news gathered probably do little to inform them or add to democratic discourse. Moreover, the study shows that in spite of the promise SN sites hold for increasing political interest and participation among a chronically disengaged cohort, users are no more inclined to participate in politics than are users of other media.
Article
Full-text available
This article examines the role of the Internet as a source of political information and a sphere for public expression. Informational media use, whether traditional news sources or online public affairs content, is expected to foster interpersonal political discussion and online civic messaging, contributing to increased civic participation. Using two-wave national panel survey data, three types of synchronous structural equation models are tested: cross sectional (relating individual differences), fixed effects (relating intraindividual change), and auto regressive (relating aggregate change). All models reveal that online media complement traditional media to foster political discussion and civic messaging. These two forms of political expression, in turn, influence civic participation. Other variable orderings are tested to compare the theorized model to alternative causal specifications. Results reveal that the model produces the best fit, empirically and theoretically, with the influence of the Internet, rivaling the mobilizing power of traditional modes of information and expression.
Article
Full-text available
This article examines how the Internet transforms collective action. Current practices on the web bear witness to thriving collective action ranging from persuasive to confrontational, individual to collective, undertakings. Even more influential than direct calls for action is the indirect mobilizing influence of the Internet’s powers of mass communication, which is boosted by an antiauthoritarian ideology on the web. Theoretically, collective action through the otherwise socially isolating computer is possible because people rely on internalized group memberships and social identities to achieve social involvement. Empirical evidence from an online survey among environmental activists and nonactivists confirms that online action is considered an equivalent alternative to offline action by activists and nonactivists alike. However, the Internet may slightly alter the motives underlying collective action and thereby alter the nature of collective action and social movements. Perhaps more fundamental is the reverse influence that successful collective action will have on the nature and function of the Internet.
Article
Full-text available
Motives to participate in online versus offline collective action were investigated among environmental activists in the Netherlands. A sample ( N = 738) consisting of activists, sym- pathizers, and nonactivists, reported past and intended participation in online and offline activism. Using structural equation modeling, it was examined whether online activism was predicted by different factors than offline activism. A wide range of predictors was derived from central theories about mobilization and collective action, including identification, rela- tive deprivation, attitudes, subjective norm, perceived efficacy of action, and self-efficacy. Results show that when compared with offline actions, participation in online actions was slightly more motivated by cognitive calculations (efficacy) and less by affective factors (identification). Moreover, results reflect the popularity and potential of the Internet for activities that surpass the individual. This research gives an empirical insight in the influ - ence of Internet on motives for collective action and on the participation of peripheral members. Activists and social movements have been quick to discover the powers of mass communication of the Internet. In recent years, we have witnessed a steep rise in the number of independent news pro- viders that attempt to raise awareness about social issues and that communicate calls for action ranging from protest e-mails to digital sit-ins. Organizations at the forefront of this development are inde -
Article
Full-text available
Research has shown consistently that news consumption both online and offline is related positively to interpersonal discussion, political involvement and political engagement. However, little consideration has been given to the role that new sources of information may exert on different forms of political engagement. Based on secondary analysis of data collected by the Pew Internet & American Life Project, this article contrasts the influence of traditional sources of information online with that of emergent sources (blogs) in predicting further political discussion, campaigning and participation in both the online and the offline domains. The results show that the use of traditional sources online is related positively to different types of political engagement, both online and offline. Most interestingly, the article finds that blog use emerges as an equally important predictor of political engagement in the online domain. Its analyses provide support for the contention that asserts the democratic potential of the internet.
Article
Full-text available
Recently, research revolving around blogs has flourished. Usually, academics illustrate what blogs are, motivations to blog, and, only to some extent, their role in politics. Along these lines, we examine the impact of digital politics by looking specifically at blog readers. Although blog readers might be considered at the forefront of a new technological revolution, and people have speculated about their participatory habits both online and off, little research has specifically looked at this growing proportion of the population. This article models factors that predict traditional and online forms of participation, presenting a portrait of a new type of political advocate.
Article
Full-text available
The impact of the Internet on political participation has been a debated issue in recent decades. Internet activities have been criticized for being slacktivism, where the real life impact of the activities is limited; the main effect is to enhance the feel-good factor for participants. This article examines whether this accusation is valid. It does so by examining two aspects of Internet campaigns: Whether they are effective in affecting real-life political decisions, and whether Internet activism substitutes traditional forms of off-line participation. Although it is not possible to determine a consistent impact of Internet campaigns on real-life decisions, there is no evidence of the substitution thesis. If anything, the Internet has a positive impact on off-line mobilization. Accordingly, there is little evidence to support the accusation of Internet campaigns being slacktivism. It is at worst harmless fun and can at best help invigorate citizens.
Article
Full-text available
Reporting practices in 194 confirmatory factor analysis studies (1,409 factor models) published in American Psychological Association journals from 1998 to 2006 were reviewed and compared with established reporting guidelines. Three research questions were addressed: (a) how do actual reporting practices compare with published guidelines? (b) how do researchers report model fit in light of divergent perspectives on the use of ancillary fit indices (e.g., L.-T. Hu & P. M. Bentler, 1999; H. W. Marsh, K.-T., Hau, & Z. Wen, 2004)? and (c) are fit measures that support hypothesized models reported more often than fit measures that are less favorable? Results indicate some positive findings with respect to reporting practices including proposing multiple models a priori and near universal reporting of the chi-square significance test. However, many deficiencies were found such as lack of information regarding missing data and assessment of normality. Additionally, the authors found increases in reported values of some incremental fit statistics and no statistically significant evidence that researchers selectively report measures of fit that support their preferred model. Recommendations for reporting are summarized and a checklist is provided to help editors, reviewers, and authors improve reporting practices.
Article
Response to W. Lance Bennett’s review of The Language of Contention: Revolutions in Words, 1688–2012. - Volume 12 Issue 2 - Sidney Tarrow
Article
The idea that interpersonal discussion moderates the effect of public affairs mass media on participatory behavior has been empirically supported by recent research. However, these studies focus on face-to-face conversations as the only means by which citizens discuss political issues with others. This study takes the idea one step further and not only examines the effects of face-to-face interactions, but examines the effects of computer-mediated interactions and internet hard-news use on participatory behavior. We found that not only did internet hard-news use have a positive main effect on participatory behavior, but that this effect was moderated by both face-to-face interpersonal discussion and computer-mediated interactions such as chat. This study explores explanations for this phenomenon and implications for future research.
Article
Scholars and commentators have debated whether lower-threshold forms of political engagement on social media should be treated as being conducive to higher-threshold modes of political participation or a diversion from them. Drawing on an original survey of a representative sample of Italians who discussed the 2013 election on Twitter, we demonstrate that the more respondents acquire political information via social media and express themselves politically on these platforms, the more they are likely to contact politicians via e-mail, campaign for parties and candidates using social media, and attend offline events to which they were invited online. These results suggest that lower-threshold forms of political engagement on social media do not distract from higher-threshold activities, but are strongly associated with them.
Article
Scholars disagree about the impact of the Internet on civic and political engagement. Some scholars argue that Internet use will contribute to civic decline, whereas other scholars view the Internet as having a role to play in reinvigorating civic life. This article assesses the hypothesis that Internet use will contribute to declines in civic life. It also assesses whether Internet use has any significant effect on engagement. A meta-analysis approach to current research in this area is used. In total, 38 studies with 166 effects are examined. The meta-data provide strong evidence against the Internet having a negative effect on engagement. However, the meta-data do not establish that Internet use will have a substantial impact on engagement. The effects of Internet use on engagement seem to increase nonmonotonically across time, and the effects are larger when online news is used to measure Internet use, compared to other measures.
Article
While the study of e-participation has gained increasing attention within political science, our understanding of its underlying structure and relationship to offline participation is limited. This article addresses these gaps by focusing on three interrelated questions: (1) Is e-participation a multidimensional phenomenon (differentiation hypothesis)? (2) If submodes exist, do they mirror existing modes of participation (replication hypothesis)? (3) If offline forms are replicated online, do they mix together (integration hypothesis) or operate in separate spheres (independence hypothesis)? We test our hypotheses through confirmatory factor analysis of original survey data from the U.K. General Election of 2010. The results show that distinct submodes of e-participation, comparable to those occurring offline, can be identified. Support for integration and independence varies according to the type of participation undertaken. Finally our results suggest that the online environment may be fostering a new social-media-based type of expressive political behavior.
Article
Political communications literature has long been concerned with the question of whether media exposure results in symptoms of “malaise”—disaffection and withdrawal from politics—or, alternatively, whether it can mobilize people for political activity. Thus far, the results of research into this question have been inconclusive and at times contradictory in nature. However, nearly all such studies have been conducted in the context of the United States or other advanced democracies, and in these countries media use competes with a variety of other—perhaps much stronger—factors influencing political engagement, such as well-developed partisanship, strong group loyalties, lifelong personal experiences with the political system, and so forth. We chose to investigate the “malaise versus mobilization” question in the context of three new democracies—the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland—where the above-mentioned factors have not yet had a chance to mature, and where media use could potentially have an especially strong impact on attitudes and behavior. The project utilizes a series of comparable questions on national random-sample surveys carried out in each country during the parliamentary election campaigns of 2005 and 2006 to map party supporters and media audiences, and assess questions about malaise versus mobilization. Our maps of party supporters and media audiences show that TV news and tabloids reach larger and more diverse audiences than broadsheets and some niche broadcasting channels. In all three countries, while there were no significant relationships between media use and trust in government, there was some evidence to support the mobilization hypothesis: the use of broadsheets and politically opinionated weekly news magazines had a strong positive relationship with political engagement that remained when controlling for political interest and a number of sociodemographic characteristics. Our research suggests that the malaise versus mobilization debate continues to be an important basis for studying these more recent democracies.
Article
In what ways do online groups help to foster political engagement among citizens? We employ a multi-method design incorporating content analysis of online political group pages and original survey research of university undergraduates (n = 455) to assess the relationship between online political group membership and political engagement—measured through political knowledge and political participation surrounding the 2008 election. We find that participation in online political groups is strongly correlated with offline political participation, as a potential function of engaging members online. However, we fail to confirm that there is a corresponding positive relationship between participation in online political groups and political knowledge, likely due to low quality online group discussion.
Article
The role of traditional media and the Internet in relation to young people’s political participation has attracted a great deal of scholarly attention. Starting from a notion of differential media use and an encompassing notion of political participation, this article tests the relationships between media use (newspaper, television, and Internet) and offline and online forms of political participation. Findings from a national survey (n = 2,409, age 16 to 24) reveal that a variety of Internet uses are positively related with different forms of political participation, whereas the relationship between most uses of traditional media and participation are weak, albeit positive. The study rejects the predictive power of duration of media use but finds support for the type of media use. Positive relationships between online communication and noninformational uses of the Internet vis-à-vis participation are found. The research demonstrates how a wider and more contemporary conception of political participation, together with more detailed measures of media use, can help to gain better insight in the roles media can play in affecting participatory behavior among the Internet generation.
Article
An emerging scholarly consensus asserts that patterns of Internet political participation will merely imitate the established patterns of participatory inequality in the United States. Because those from advantaged backgrounds access the medium at higher rates, the opportunities to participate via the Internet should disproportionately extend to high-resource individuals. I argue that the focus on access has important theoretical limitations. If one accepts the future possibility of near-equal access, then explorations of the Internet’s participatory potential should include theoretical guidance about what types of individuals would most likely participate if equal Internet access were achieved. Drawing on diverse literature, two expectations develop; one predicts the reinforcement of existing participation patterns, and the other suggests a change in those patterns to include new types of individuals. I empirically test these competing claims, concluding that given equalized access, the Internet shows genuine potential to bring new individuals into the political process.
Article
Data from a nationwide survey of the year 2000 were used to investigate the level and distribution of political knowledge among the Dutch population. The influences of four demographic and socio-economic characteristics on political knowledge were estimated as well as the associations of the latter with the use of various media contents. In order to measure political knowledge adequately, a so-called Mokken scale was constructed contending five cumulative items. The empirical results indicated that political knowledge is not equally distributed among the Dutch population by a long way. A large part of that population, about 40 per cent, is hardly or not aware of simple political facts. Education, and to a lesser extent sex, age, and income appeared to be substantial determinants of political knowledge. The results also showed that citizens, independently of their level of education, age, sex, and income do use specifically politically oriented media-contents more frequently to the extent that they have more political knowledge. © The Author 2005. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.
Article
A framework for hypothesis testing and power analysis in the assessment of fit of covariance structure models is presented. We emphasize the value of confidence intervals for fit indices, and we stress the relationship of confidence intervals to a framework for hypothesis testing. The approach allows for testing null hypotheses of not-good fit, reversing the role of the null hypothesis in conventional tests of model fit, so that a significant result provides strong support for good fit. The approach also allows for direct estimation of power, where effect size is defined in terms of a null and alternative value of the root-mean-square error of approximation fit index proposed by J. H. Steiger and J. M. Lind (1980). It is also feasible to determine minimum sample size required to achieve a given level of power for any test of fit in this framework. Computer programs and examples are provided for power analyses and calculation of minimum sample sizes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The Internet could change the lives of average citizens as much as did the telephone in the early part of the 20th century and television in the 1950s and 1960s. Re- searchers and social critics are debating whether the Internet is improving or harming participation in com- munity life and social relationships. This research exam- ined the social and psychological impact of the lnternet on 169 people in 73 households during their first i to 2 years on-line. We used longitudinal data to examine the effects of the Internet on social involvement and psycho- logical well-being. In this sample, the Internet was used extensively for communication. Nonetheless, greater use of the Internet was associated with declines in partici- pants'communication with family members in the house- hold, declines in the size of their social circle, and in- creases in their depression and loneliness. These findings have implications for research, for public policy, and for the design of technology.
Article
Comparing the fit of alternative models has become a standard procedure for analyzing covariance structure analysis. Comparison of alternative models is typically accomplished by examining the fit of each model to sample data. It is argued that rather than using this indirect approach, one should do direct comparisons of the similarities and differences among competing models. It is shown that among the existing good‐ness‐of‐fit indexes, the root mean square residual (RMSR) is the only one that can be used for this purpose. However, the RMSR fails to satisfy some important statistical desiderata. Rao's Distance (RD), an alternate measure, is shown to overcome this limitation of RMSR. The preference for RD over RMSR for model comparisons is illustrated through a detailed analysis of a particular sample of multitrait‐multimethod data. A simulation study conducted to empirically investigate the sampling behavior of RD reveals that the true orderings of intermodel proximities are recovered (on average) with a fair degree of accuracy.
Article
Using a confirmatory factor analytic (CFA) model as a paradigmatic basis for all comparisons, this article reviews and contrasts important features related to 3 of the most widely-used structural equation modeling (SEM) computer programs: AMOS 4.0 (Arbuckle, 1999), EQS 6 (Bentler, 2000), and LISREL 8 (Joreskog & Sorbom, 1996b). Comparisons focus on (a) key aspects of the programs that bear on the specification and testing of CFA models-preliminary analysis of data, and model specification, estimation, assessment, and misspecification; and (b) other important issues that include treatment of incomplete, nonnormally-distributed, or categorically-scaled data. It is expected that this comparative review will provide readers with at least a flavor of the approach taken by each program with respect to both the application of SEM within the framework of a CFA model, and the critically important issues, previously noted, related to data under study.
Article
The high cost of contacting individuals encourages mobilizing institutions to maximize resources by targeting those most likely to effectively respond, resulting in stimulation of the politically engaged, civically skilled, and socioeconomically advantaged. By dramatically reducing communication costs, the Internet should eliminate the underpinning of this “rational prospecting.” However, because most e-mail addresses are not available in public directories and cultural norms make sending unsolicited e-mail politically risky, individuals generally must provide their e-mail address before receiving e-mail messages from political organizations. Online mobilization campaigns should disproportionately contact those with the political motivation and technical ability to submit their e-mail. The author tests these expectations about online political mobilization using a probability sample survey. Although most of the long-standing determinants of offline political mobilization fail to predict online mobilization, political interest and Internet skills powerfully determine online mobilization. However, because socioeconomic status, civic skills, and political interest directly predict online skills, these factors indirectly influence the likelihood of online mobilization.
Article
This study analyzes survey data obtained from members in neo-Nazi and environmentalist discussion forums. It assesses the links between participation in radical and ideologically homogeneous online groups and two forms of political engagement (Movement Support and Movement Promotion). This study also tests whether perceived political dissimilarity of offline friends and family (core ties) and of more distant interpersonal associates (significant ties) encourages or thwarts political engagement and whether it moderates the influence exerted by online groups. As expected, political engagement among the analyzed respondents increases with online participation, also controlling for extremism, political discussion and news media use. Although dissimilar core ties neither encourage nor discourage political engagement, they moderate the mobilizing influence from neo-Nazi and radical environmentalist online groups. Dissimilar significant ties, in turn, do not directly affect political engagement and do not interact with online participation. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
Article
The idea that interpersonal discussion moderates the effect of public affairs mass media on participatory behavior has been empirically supported by recent research. However, these studies focus on face-to-face conversations as the only means by which citizens discuss political issues with others. This study takes the idea one step further and not only examines the effects of face-to-face interactions, but examines the effects of computer-mediated interactions and internet hard-news use on participatory behavior. We found that not only did internet hard-news use have a positive main effect on participatory behavior, but that this effect was moderated by both face-to-face interpersonal discussion and computer-mediated interactions such as chat. This study explores explanations for this phenomenon and implications for future research.
Article
A framework for hypothesis testing and power analysis in the assessment of fit of covariance structure models is presented. We emphasize the value of confidence intervals for fit indices, and we stress the relationship of confidence intervals to a framework for hypothesis testing. The approach allows for testing null hypotheses of not-good fit, reversing the role of the null hypothesis in conventional tests of model fit, so that a significant result provides strong support for good fit. The approach also allows for direct estimation of power, where effect size is defined in terms of a null and alternative value of the root-mean-square error of approximation fit index proposed by J. H. Steiger and J. M. Lind (1980). It is also feasible to determine minimum sample size required to achieve a given level of power for any test of fit in this framework. Computer programs and examples are provided for power analyses and calculation of minimum sample sizes., (C) 1996 by the American Psychological Association
Article
Describes some of the issues raised by electronic communication, including time and information-processing pressures, absence of regulating feedback, dramaturgical weakness, paucity of status and position cues, social anonymity, and computing norms and immature etiquette. An empirical approach for investigating the social psychological effects of electronic communication is illustrated, and how social psychological research might contribute to a deeper understanding of computers and technological change in society and computer-mediated communication (CMC) is discussed. A series of studies that explored how people participate in CMC and how computerization affects group efforts to reach consensus is described; results indicate differences in participation, decisions, and interaction among groups meeting face to face and in simultaneous computer-linked discourse and communication by electronic mail. Findings are attributed to difficulties of coordination from lack of informational feedback, absence of social influence cues for controlling discussion, and depersonalization from lack of nonverbal involvement and absence of norms. (103 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The information criterion AIC was introduced to extend the method of maximum likelihood to the multimodel situation. It was obtained by relating the successful experience of the order determination of an autoregressive model to the determination of the number of factors in the maximum likelihood factor analysis. The use of the AIC criterion in the factor analysis is particularly interesting when it is viewed as the choice of a Bayesian model. This observation shows that the area of application of AIC can be much wider than the conventional i.i.d. type models on which the original derivation of the criterion was based. The observation of the Bayesian structure of the factor analysis model leads us to the handling of the problem of improper solution by introducing a natural prior distribution of factor loadings.
Digital inequality. Social Inequality: From unequal access to differentiated use
  • P Dimaggio
  • E Hargittai
  • C Celeste
  • S Shafer
DiMaggio, P., Hargittai, E., Celeste, C., & Shafer, S. (2004). Digital inequality. Social Inequality: From unequal access to differentiated use (pp. 355e400).
Bowling alone, the collapse and revival of civic America The political socialization of youth in a post-conflict community
  • R Putnam
  • C M Reidy
  • L K Taylor
  • C E Merrilees
  • D Ajdukovi C
  • D C Biru Ski
  • E M Cummings
Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling alone, the collapse and revival of civic America. New York. Reidy, C. M., Taylor, L. K., Merrilees, C. E., Ajdukovi c, D., Biru ski, D. C., & Cummings, E. M. (2015). The political socialization of youth in a post-conflict community. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 45, 11e23.
The role of contact in reducing social distance of youth from the Balkans towards minority groups
  • J M Milo Sevi C-Ðorcevi C
Milo sevi c-ÐorCevi c, J. M. (2016). The role of contact in reducing social distance of youth from the Balkans towards minority groups. Primenjena psihologija [Applied Psychology], 8, 415e432.
Validation of the new scale for measuring behaviors of Facebook users: Psycho-social aspects of Facebook use (PSAFU)
  • J C Baumgartner
  • J S Morris
Baumgartner, J. C., & Morris, J. S. (2010). MyFaceTube politics: Social networking web sites and political engagement of young adults. Social Science Computer Review, 28, 24e44. Bodro za, B., & Jovanovi c, T. (2016). Validation of the new scale for measuring behaviors of Facebook users: Psycho-social aspects of Facebook use (PSAFU). Computers in Human Behavior, 54, 425e435.
The role of contact in reducing social distance of youth from the Balkans towards minority groups. Primenjena psihologija [Applied Psychology], 8, 415e432. Milo sevi c-ÐorCevi c
  • Milo Sevi C -Ðorcevi C
Milo sevi c -ÐorCevi c, J. M. (2016). The role of contact in reducing social distance of youth from the Balkans towards minority groups. Primenjena psihologija [Applied Psychology], 8, 415e432. Milo sevi c-ÐorCevi c, J. S., & Ze zelj, I. L. (2014). Psychological predictors of addictive social networking sites use: The case of Serbia. Computers in Human Behavior, 32, 229e234. Pavlovi c, Z. (2012). Predictors and correlates of youth political knowledge in Serbia. Psihologija, 45, 433e449.
Bowling alone, the collapse and revival of civic America
  • R Putnam
  • C M Reidy
  • L K Taylor
  • C E Merrilees
  • D Ajdukovi C
  • D C Biru Ski
Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling alone, the collapse and revival of civic America. New York. Reidy, C. M., Taylor, L. K., Merrilees, C. E., Ajdukovi c, D., Biru ski, D. C., &