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LITTLE TURKEY IN GREAT BRITAIN by Ibrahim Sirkeci, Tuncay Bilecen, Yakup Costu, Saniye Dedeoglu, M. Rauf Kesici, B. Dilara Seker, Fethiye Tilbe, K. Onur Unutulmaz is about Turkish movers in Britain. Turkish migration to British Isles has a long history but sizeable diaspora communities and enclaves of Turkish origin have emerged only in the last four to five decades. Earlier groups arrived were Cypriots fleeing the troubled island in the Eastern Mediterranean whilst Turks and Kurds of the mainland were not even considering the UK as a destination. This book is about these contemporary movers from Turkey, their movement trajectories, practices, and integration in Britain. Eight researchers from different disciplinary backgrounds and methodological schools came together to do the ground work for the students of this emerging subfield of human mobility studies. Turkey is now at the forefront of accommodating large scale inward mobility mostly due to the crisis in Syria and Iraq. This also brings some attention to Turkey's own diaspora populations.
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... These movers arrived in Europe as a result of bilateral agreements and were motivated by lack of opportunities, discomforts, tensions and conflicts back in Turkey (Sirkeci, 2006; Sirkeci and Cohen, 2016). Today, possibly there are over 5 million Turks, Kurds and other groups from Turkey live in Europe and another million is estimated to live elsewhere (Sirkeci et al., 2016a and 2016b). The movement of Turkish citizens were marked by different stories as they moved across space and time. ...
... In the 1990s and 2000s, Kurdish asylum seekers have dominated the inflows. Today, despite many controversial accounts and unsubstantiated claims putting the number of Kurds and Turks around 500,000 or above, the total size of this particular population should be somewhere around 250,000 including Turks, Kurds and Turkish Cypriots based on the 2011 UK census (Sirkeci et al., 2016b; Sirkeci and Esipova, 2013: 6). According to Sirkeci et al. (2016c), majority of 41,224 asylum applications should be by Kurds given the continuing ethnic conflict in Turkey. ...
... Hence the Turkish and Kurdish movers were dispersed around the UK. At least 41,224 Turkish citizens applied for asylum in the UK between 1980 and 2016 (Sirkeci et al., 2016b; Sirkeci and Esipova, 2013:6). Mostly Kurdish, these asylum seekers have arrived in remote places in Wales, Northern England, Scotland and Northern Ireland. ...
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People move, finances move, so does the cultures, artefacts, goods and food. Remittances literature expanded significantly in the last two decades to cover more of what we refer to as social remittances. Social remittances refer to often intangible elements, cultural artefacts, habits, opinions, attitudes, beliefs, values transferred by migrants from destination countries to their home countries. Through studies on migrant remittances, we know that even in terms of financial transfers, remittances operate in corridors and in a two-way fashion. One third of remittances are sent to countries which are called " advanced economies ". United Kingdom, Germany, France are among the top remittance receiving countries as well as leading the table of sending countries. In this paper, I explore the ways in which social remittances change the foodscapes of destination countries with particular reference to Döner Kebab in the United Kingdom. Until two decades ago, Döner Kebab was a rare meal you would enjoy when holidaying in Turkey or if you happen to be in that cosy corner of North London. Nevertheless, in 2010s Britain, it became a popular fast food, particularly when it comes to what to eat after a night out. One may find an outlet selling Döner Kebab literally in every city, every town, every neighbourhood, every village in Britain. Multiple forces were in play in the making of Döner Kebab a British national food: 1) practicality of the food itself, 2) growing number of immigrants from Turkey arriving in Britain, 3) labour market disadvantages immigrants face, 4) asylum dispersal policies of the 1990s and 2000s, 5) declining incentives making small shops not viable economically, and 6) increasing number of British tourists visiting Turkey. In this article, a number of hypotheses are proposed for a conceptual model explaining the ways in which foreign food becomes part of the national food/cultural heritage in destination.
... Even though an agreement was signed between these two countries in 1961 migration from Turkey remained highly limited in the initial years of the agreement. In the decades from mid-1980s onwards, migration from Turkey to Britain gained pace and a community of about 250,000 emerged in the 2010s (Sirkeci & Esipova, 2013;Sirkeci, Bilecen, et al., 2016). Political motives play a major role in migration from Turkey to Britain. ...
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Within migration flows from Turkey to Eurpoe it can be postulated that the UK has proportionally received more politically motivated migrants than other European destinations. The political migration from Turkey to the UK is marked with the catastrophic events that uprooted people such as 1971 coup d’état, 1978 massacres of Alevis in Maras and 1980 military coup d’état and is known to have peaked with the civil war in the 1990s in the Eastern provinces of Turkey. Hence the majority of the migrants from Turkey in the UK are Kurdish Alevis from eastern provinces such as Maras, Sivas, Kayseri and Tunceli. This research was conducted between September 2014 and September 2015. 60 individuals from Turkish speaking communities were recruited and semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted. Interviews were transcribed and then analysed using tools of thematic data analysis. The findings indicated stronger interest in politics and higher level of political participation by Kurdish and Alevi participants. Hence this paper offers a detailedanalysis of political interest and political participation of Kurdish/Alevi community living in London. Three key areas are:i) how they organize themselves under the umbrella of British Alevi Federation; ii) their relationship with civil society organisations and ethnic economy, iii) their activities in order to create public interest and opinion in relation to what is happening in Turkey.
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Doğu ve güney komşuları üzerinde gelen göç akınlarının ve üye ülkeler arasındaki göçlerin artışıyla Avrupa Birliği (AB) en büyük krizlerinden birini yaşamaktadır. Avrupa'daki en ana tartışma konuları arasında Avrupa'ya göçü ve AB içindeki göçü sınırlamak ve üye ülkeler arasında mülteci kotası ve külfet paylaşımına yapılan itirazlar yer aldı. Bu krizde Türkiye anahtar ülke olarak ortaya çıktı ve ülkedeki büyük Suriyeli mülteci nüfusu ve bu nüfusun Avrupa'ya gitmesini engellemesi karşılığında vaat edilen milyarlarca Avro nedeniyle tartışmaların odağında yer aldı. Suriye krizi 4,8 milyon mülteci yarattı ve 2016 yılı sonu itibariyle bunların 2,8 milyonu Türkiye'de ikamet etmekteydi. Suriyeli mültecilere karşı cömert tavrıyla Türkiye güvenli bir ülke olarak tescil edilmiş oldu. Bu, hikayenin daha karanlık bir başka yüzünü gölgelemektedir. Çünkü aynı ülkenin vatandaşları 1980 askeri darbesinden bu yana milyonu aşkın sığınma başvurusu yaptılar. Ülkenin bugünkü şartları ve yeni veriler, Türkiye'den AB'ye yönelen daha çok mülteci akını olacağını gösteriyor.
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The European Union (EU) has faced one of its biggest crises with the rise of population inflows through its Eastern and Southern neighbours as well as movements within the Union. In 2016, the main debate that dominated Europe was on restricting migration within and into the EU along with concerns and objections to the refugee quota systems and the sharing of the burden among member states. Turkey emerged as a 'gate keeper' in this crisis and has since been at the centre of debates because of the large Syrian refugee population in the country and billions of Euros it was promised to prevent refugees travelling to Europe. The Syrian crisis produced over 4.8 million refugees with over 2.8 million were based in Turkey by the end of 2016. Turkey with its generous support for Syrian refugees has been confirmed as a 'country of security'. This shadows the darker side of affairs as the very same country has also produced millions of asylum seekers since the 1980 military coup. Current circumstances and fresh evidence indicate that there will be more EU bound refugees coming through and from Turkey.
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Göçmenlerin emek piyasalarında ayrımcılık deneyimleri ve algısını ortaya koymak emek piyasalarında meydana gelen ekonomik ve sosyal arızaları anlamak ve çözümler üretmek, ayrımcılığın türediği kaynaklara ışık tutmak, diğer göçmen ve yerli gruplarla karşılaştırmalar yapmak ve politika yapıcılara, uygulayıcılara veri sunmak bakımından önemlidir. Bu makale, 01/09/2014 – 01/09/2015 tarihleri arasında, Londra’da gerçekleştirilen bir alan araştırmasından elde edilen verilerin derlenmesi ve analiz edilmesiyle oluşturulmuştur. Çalışmanın odağında Londra’daki Türkiyeli (Kürt, Türk ve Kıbrıslı) göçmenlerin emek piyasalarında ayrımcılık deneyimlerini ve algılarını belirlemek vardır. Çalışmanın amacı ise işe girişte veya iş kurarken, çalışırken ve işten ayrılır veya çıkarılırken bu kadın ve erkek göçmenler için bu deneyimlerini ortaya koymak, ayrımcılığa yol açan etmenleri bulmak ve aynı zamanda ayrımcılık deneyimleri ve algısı arasındaki uyumsuzlukları tartışmaktır. Bu analizle Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik ekonomide ve etnik ekonomi dışında ayrımcılığa maruz kaldıkları tespit edilmiştir. Göçmenler için ayrımcılık, çoğu örnekte kişinin göçmen olmasının, cinsiyetinin, etnik ve/veya dini aidiyetinin, dili, eğitimi gibi özelliklerinin çeşitli kombinasyonlarından dolayı ortaya çıkmaktadır. Ayrımcılık deneyimleri ve algısı göçmen kadınlarla erkekler arasında farklılıklar göstermektedir. Cinsiyet temelli ayrımcılığa da maruz kalan kadın göçmenler açısından bireysel ayrımcılığa toplumsal (yapısal) ayrımcılık eşlik etmektedir.
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Turkish Muslim immigrants in Britain consist of Turks, Kurds and Turkish Cypriots migrating for different reasons at different times for immigration and asylum. This migrant community has a non‐homogeneous structure owing to differences in their life styles, experiences, ideas, feelings, hopes and expectations. Therefore, Turkish Muslim immigrants have been observed living for a long time in the different ethnic, ideological, cultural and religious communities. In this paper, these immigrants’ religious life and religious organizations in Britain will be focused on. The methodology of this research is based on the field research that the author did from July 9, 2012 to September 9, 2012 in London. According to the investigations, there are mainly four different Turkish Islamic tendencies in Britain. Also, there are about 10 Turkish religious organizations and 27 places of worship belonging to these Islamic discourses in Britain. Keywords Turkish Muslim immigrants, religious life, Turkish religious organizations, Britain
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With the growing insurrections in Syria in 2011, an exodus in large numbers have emerged. The turmoil and violence have caused mass migration to destinations both within the region and beyond. The current "refugee crisis" has escalated sharply and its impact is widening from neighbouring countries toward Europe. Today, the Syrian crisis is the major cause for an increase in displacement and the resultant dire humanitarian situation in the region. Since the conflict shows no signs of abating in the near future, there is a constant increase in the number of Syrians fleeing their homes. However, questions on the future impact of the Syrian crisis on the scope and scale of this human mobility are still to be answered. As the impact of the Syrian crisis on host countries increases, so does the demand for the analyses of the needs for development and protection in these countries. In this special issue, we aim to bring together a number of studies examining and discussing human mobility in relation to the Syrian crisis.
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In this paper, I discuss transnational mobility using a perspective that emphasises conflicts at macro, mezzo and micro levels while seeking ways in which such a conflict model of migration can be devel-oped. I outline areas involving different degrees of conflict which are better seen on a continuous scale ranging from potential and latent tensions to violent conflicts and wars. Conflict aspects contribute to the dynamic nature of transnational human movements and, at the same time, appear to be antithet-ical to globalisation. The tensions/conflicts at individual, household, community, and state levels are not isolated from each other but inter-connect different levels. Within this conflict conceptualisation, transnational mobility appears as a move from human insecurity to human security[IN TURKISH]Bu makalede, makro, mezzo ve mikro düzeyde çatışmalara vurgu yapan bir perspektifle transnasyonal mobiliteyi (ulusötesi hareketlilik) tartışarak çatışma bazlı bir göç kuramı geliştirmenin olasılığını araştırıyorum. Potansiyel ve gizli gerilimlerden şiddet içeren çatışmalara ve savaşlara uzanan bir yelpazede daha rahat görebileceğimiz çeşitli derecelerde çatışmaları gösteriyorum. Çatışma, transnayonal insan hareketliliğinin dinamik doğasına katkıda bulunan bir öğe-dir. Bireysel, hanehalkları, toplum ve devletler düzeyinde gerilimler ve/veya ça-tışmalar birbirinden tamamen kopuk değil ve aksine farklı düzeyler arasında ilişki kurarlar. Böyle bir çatışma kuramsallaştırmasında, transnasyonal mobilite insani güvensizlik ortamından insani güvenlik ortamına göç etme olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır.
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Turkey’s accession to the European Union has turned out to be a very long saga. One of the concerns in Europe is that Turkey’s membership would open the way for millions of immigrants from Turkey arriving in Western European member states, as was believed to be the case with Eastern European enlargement in the 2000s. This paper focuses on migration flows and causes of human mobility while drawing upon the Gallup World Poll on migration in Europe with particular reference to the data on desire to migrate permanently from Turkey and to Turkey. The Gallup World Poll is an on-going project surveying residents in more than 150 countries on a variety of topics including international mobility. The full data set includes over 400,000 face-to-face interviews conducted in 2009, 2010 and 2011. Despite exceptions with different sample sizes, in each of the 160 countries 3,000 cases were collected as part of a larger survey. Turkish respondents have lower desire to emigrate compared to the rest of the world while Iranians and Germans are top groups who desire to migrate to Turkey. The data shows that Turkey has been a growing economy and attracting immigration while also producing emigration. Turkey’s overall socio-economic and political record suggests that the desire to migrate from Turkey will continue despite recent economic advances. Nevertheless, the Gallup data shows that the level of desire to migrate in Turkey is remarkably lower than many neighbouring countries and Europe.
Book
Almanya'da Türk Kimliği
Chapter
“World community has entered into the varying degrees in to a universal community and violation of rights in one part of the world is felt everywhere…the idea of cosmopolitan right is therefore not fantastic and overstrained; it is a necessary complement to the unwritten code of political and international rights, transforming it into a universal right of humanity. Only under this condition can we flatter ourselves that we are continually advancing towards perpetual peace” (Immanuel Kant, 1795). This statement succinctly summarises an ideal picture of an international system of rights through the lenses of cosmopolitanism; the only way to accomplish perpetual peace is to have a universal system of rights that makes states and people responsible for their actions and holds them to account within a realm of universal responsibility i.e. ICC (International Criminal Court) is an example of a cosmopolitan approach to moral and legal conduct of states/individuals. The cosmopolitan approach helps us to establish a universal system of law on the grounds of moral values. Thus, in this paper, I aim to analyse the rights of migrant workers taking a Human Rights (HR) based approach in the light of the concept of cosmopolitanism. I will explore the key components of cosmopolitan right which are as follows in this context; migrant workers as autonomous agents, the state and universal system of rights (UN agencies). I will then look at the key factors that become an obstacle for recognition of migrant workers’ rights. First I will analyse the state sovereignty. State sovereignty poses either as a challenge to the universal system of law that lays out the rights of migrant workers; or according to Kant’s concept of cosmopolitanism, it becomes the core element of the system of rights by acting as a moral agent-the morality of the states are reinforced by subscription to universal moral/legal rights i.e. signing up to the UN HR Conventions. I will then look at the conversation of the legal rights of migrant workers at International HR Organisations and the states’ attitudes towards the core Universal HR Conventions concerning the rights of migrant workers. Within this section, I will explore the definition of ‘migrant worker’ and the key reasons for nation states’ lack of interest into these conventions. Thirdly, I will look at the 2008 Global Economic Crisis (GEC) which is the second factor that affects the recognition and implementation of HR conventions concerning migrant workers by nation states. I will analyse the impact of the 2008 GEC on global migration flows in general and on migrant workers in particular. Fourthly, national immigration policies is my final analysis in this paper to show the impact of the GEC on the rights of migrant workers and the role of state sovereignty in implementation of the HR conventions concerning the rights of migrant workers within their territories. I will closely look at the impact of the GEC on the Turkish economy and immigration policy. The analysis of Turkish immigration policy will allow me to draw conclusions to see whether protection of migrant workers is the priority of the nation states’ policies or not.
Article
Ulus devletler birçok bakımdan bireyin aidiyetlerini kimlik politikaları çerçevesinde sınırlandırır. Günümüzde bireyler, ürünler ve fikirler ulus devletlerin geçirgen sınırlarını aşmakla birlikte hiç olmadığı ölçüde bir hareketlilik içerisindedir. Bu bakımdan gerek göç gerekse kimlik kavramları tartışılır ve yeniden tanımlanır hale gelmiştir. Göç çalışmaları içerisinde birçok çalışma hareketli bireylerin çoklu aidiyetlerini ulus devletlerin kimlik politikaları çerçevesinde ele almaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı bireylerin kimlik ve aidiyetlerini tanımlayabilmek araştırma alanı ve veri analizi sürecine perspektif sunabilecek için literatürde yer alan teori ve alan araştırmalara dayanan analitik bir çerçeve sunmaktadır. Bu çerçeveye göre hareketli bireylerin hareketlilik noktaları ile olan bağları göz önünde bulundurularak gündelik hayatları içerisinde yer alan gündelik rutinleri ve törensel edimlerinden (kutlamaları) hareketle, çeşitli seviyelerde aidiyetleri ve buna bağlı olarak sosyal kimlikleri analiz edilebilir. Bu bağlar, kültürel, ekonomik, dinsel, dilsel, siyasal, vatandaşlık ve duygusal niteliklidir. ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHAn Analytical Framework For Constructing Identity in MobilityNation states in many respects set boundaries to their citizens’ sense of belonging through their identity policies. Despite this fact, in today’s world – a world in which the boundaries of nation states are nothing but only transparent – individuals, goods and ideas have never been so mobile. In that sense, both immigration and identity issues have become to be discussed and redefined. Many studies among the ones on migration deal with the multiple belongings of individuals within the frame of identity policies of nation states. This study, on the other hand, offers an analytical frame through the findings of various theories and field researches so as to define individuals’ identity and sense of belonging. Accordingly, it presents mobile individuals’ sense of belongings at different levels and their social identities by keeping their daily routines and rituals in daily life in mind and by considering these individuals’ connections with their points of mobility. These ties can be cultural, economic, religious, linguistic, political, national and emotional in nature.
Article
In this study, a Keynesian model studying simultaneously, the impact of immigrant workers’ foreign currency transfers on macro variables such as consumption, investment, imports and income of Turkey is presented. While the calculated impact and dynamic multipliers of immigrant workers’ foreign currency transfers on consumption, imports and income is positive and gradually diminishing, their impact on investment is removed in the second year. With regard to its multiplying impact on income, it is observed that immigrant workers’ foreign currency transfers increases income notably. While the output growth resulting from immigrant workers’ foreign currency transfers reached highest level at the beginning of the seventies and the eighties, output growth during other periods, was negligibly low.[IN TURKISH]Göçmen dövizleri gelişmekte olan ülkeler için önemli bir dış finansman kaynağıdır. Güncel finansal kriz göçmen dövizleri kullanım hacmi ve yönelimini etkilemesinin yanı sıra göçmen dövizleri akımını da etkilemiştir. Bu özel sayıda, krizin hemen hissedilen etkilerini anlamak için dünyanın çeşitli yerlerinden toplanan vakalar sunulmuştur. Krizin göç yönelimlerine etkisinin yol açacağı olası tesirler henüz gerçekleşmekte ve çalışılmaktadır.
Article
In the Netherlands, a significant proportion of the immigrant population has established itself as self-employed entrepreneurs in the past few years, a process which has caught the attention of researchers. This article critically examines the output of these researchers. It is concluded that although research in the Netherlands has brought to light a number of interesting facts, it has not contributed a great deal to our understanding of immigrant entrepreneurship. The harvest is one-sided, local and theoretically not very far-reaching. Research on immigrant entrepreneurship has been dominated by social scientists, who show a great deal of interest in ethnocultural characteristics and processes of ethnocultural incorporation. In so doing, they reduce immigrant entrepreneurship to an ethnocultural phenomenon existing within an economic and institutional vacuum. It is suggested that researchers seek linkages with the latest developments in international theory-building and that they pay more systematic attention to the structural changes in the urban economy and the institutional framework of the welfare state within which entrepreneurs operate.