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The "child of the barbarian": Rape, race and nationalism in France during the first world war
... Across the twentieth century, there were monumental changes to gender relations and sexual politics. Two world wars highlighted changing attitudes towards sex, from reports of male soldiers' rapes of enemy and ally civilians, soldiers' use of brothels abroad and fears about high rates of venereal disease, and reports of 'khaki fever', or young women's sexual interest in soldiers at the home front (Woollacott 1994;Harris 1993). World War Two (1939-1945 saw unprecedented levels of sexual violence occur in Europe, particularly by Nazi German soldiers against Jewish women in death and internment camps (Sinnreich 2008). ...
Consent is more complicated than a simple ‘yes’ or ‘no’. This chapter serves as an introduction to many of the central ideas around consent in current cultures. It identifies the ways consent, violence, and coercion were and are conceptualised. It seeks to problematise simple concepts of consent and to highlight the ways power and authority influence consent. Our contemporary landscape retains important historical legacies that have left significant holes in social ideas of bodily authority and sexual autonomy. To better understand these gaps and omissions, this chapter traces the long history of consent and non-consent within social, cultural, and legal frameworks. For instance, across the nineteenth century, expectations of physical violence and force were slowly written out of the statutes surrounding rape: consent, rather than physical violence, became the criteria that distinguished sexual assault. Nonetheless, in the absence of physical violence, it remained almost impossible to convict an offender of rape, and force remained central to the way rape was ‘proven’ at trial. As this chapter explores, ideas about consent shifted over time and place, but many understandings remained resistant to change.
... Guerra Mundial, entre 1914e 1918(RHOADES, 2006. Relativamente aos crimes sexuais na Primeira Guerra Mundial, tem-se que, em agosto de 1914, quando a Alemanha invadiu a Bélgica e o norte da França (HARRIS, 1993), os soldados alemães cometeram vários estupros e outras violências sexuais contra civis (RIVIÈRE, 2014, p.2). De acordo com Nicoletta F. Gullace, apesar do assassinato do arquiduque austríaco em Sarajevo ter sido importante para a eclosão do conflito, o gatilho para a Primeira Guerra foi, na verdade, a invasão alemã à Bélgica e as atrocidades lá cometidas, uma vez que tais fatos fizeram com que a Inglaterra entrasse no conflito e investisse em uma massiva propaganda contra os alemães (1997, p. 717 (HULL, 2006). ...
O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a ocorrência do crime de estupro em contexto de conflitos armados. Para tanto, a pesquisa parte de uma análise histórica a partir do século XX, buscando observar a evolução do reconhecimento do crime de estupro como tática de guerra pelo Direito Internacional, em especial pelo Direito Humanitário e pelo Direito Penal Internacional. Inicialmente faz-se uma pesquisa sobre a construção jurisprudencial pelos Tribunais ad hoc da Ruanda e da Antiga Iugoslávia e, posteriormente, verifica-se a positivação das violências sexuais no Estatuto de Roma. Por fim, a pesquisa se volta a investigar a jurisprudência do Tribunal Penal Internacional, tanto absolutória, quando condenatória, sobre o crime de estupro. Destaca-se que a preocupação da presente pesquisa é o estudo da caracterização e da tipificação pelo Direito Penal Internacional do estupro como crime de guerra, crime contra a humanidade e genocídio.
The following research aims to analyze the crime of rape in the context of armed conflicts. In order to do so, the research part of a historical analysis from the twentieth century, seeking the recognition of the crime of rape as a tactic of war by the International Law, particularly Humanitarian Law and International Criminal Law. Initially this occurs from the study of the cases prosecuted by the Tribunal of Rwanda and former Yugoslavia and, subsequently, by the provisions of the Rome Statute. Finally, the research investigates the cases of the International Criminal Court, both acquittal and condemning, about the crime of rape. In addition, it should be noted that the biggest concern of the present research is the study of the characterization and classification by the International Criminal Law of rape as a crime of war, crime against humanity and genocide.
... 5 I teach this course together with my colleague and husband Adolph van der Walt whose focus is on African Religions. 6 Fardon, «Obituary». various religious beliefs and practices and have a non-conflicting personal, ecclesial belonging and spiritual devotion. ...
In this article I advocate the benefits of teaching Anthropology of Religion to Theology students and enriching the curricula with theories and experiences of women scholars. I discuss how the popularization of the concept of telegony within the Russian Orthodox Church can be analyzed using the theory of Mary Douglas in order to demonstrate the underlying ableist, nationalist and misogynist assumptions behind telegony. I argue that such analysis is useful for the understanding of the mechanisms of marginalization and violence both in religious and secular settings.
Keywords: telegony, medical materialism, eugenics, ableism, Russian Orthodox Church
[Telegony is a belief that an individual is influenced on the genetic level by males with whom their mother had sexual intercourse before his/her conception. ]
... Widely influential in animal husbandry in Europe and North America until the early twentieth century, telegony posits that offspring will inherit the characteristics of a previous sexual mate of the mother, not their immediate biological father (Burkhardt, 1979;Bynum, 2002a). When applied to human reproduction, telegony became the basis for a number of conflicting claims about fears of racial mixing, the long-term effects of rape atrocities in war (Harris, 1993), and the potential tainting of offspring born to a mother with multiple sexual partners (a notion currently revived in Orthodox Russia : Sudakov, 2007). The acceptance of notions like telegony is indicative of the importance of theories of biological memory in evolutionary debates up to the early twentieth century (Bowler, 2003). ...
In this article, we are concerned with the expanded public health interest in the "preconception period" as a window of opportunity for intervention to improve long-term population health outcomes. While definitions of the "preconception period" remain vague, new classifications and categories of life are becoming formalized as biomedicine begins to conduct research on, and suggest intervention in, this undefined and potentially unlimited time before conception. In particular, we focus on the burgeoning epidemiological interest in epigenetics and Developmental Origins of Health and Disease (DOHaD) research as simultaneously a theoretical spyglass into postgenomic biology and a catalyst toward a public health focus on preconception care. We historicize the notion that there are long-term implications of parental behaviors before conception, illustrating how, as Han and Das have noted, "newness comes to be embedded in older forms even as it transforms them" (Han and Das, 2015, p. 2). We then consider how DOHaD frameworks justify a number of fragmented claims about preconception by making novel evidentiary assertions. Engaging with the philosophy of Georges Canguilhem, we examine the relationship between reproductive risk and revised understandings of biological permeability, and discuss some of the epistemic and political implications of emerging claims in postgenomics.
... Further, the language used to describe and label these children is extremely derogatory. As the child born of rape in France during the First World War was called Bthe child of the barbarian^ [159], media reports showed that children born of rape in Bosnia are called Bchildren of hateô r in Kosovo they are known as Bchildren of shame^. All the labels connect the children to their fathers both rapist and enemy, a legacy they can never escape. ...
To explain war rapes in former Yugoslavia, the work of cultural ideology is never complete, but an unstable relation between cultural activism and cultural norms and practices provides the point of departure to move beyond the stereotyped accounts of mass rapes and develop a neo-structural model of canonical formalization based on discourse analysis and transformational morphodynamics. Methodologically, the new model takes lead from the abstract mathematical operations and canonical transformations suggested by Lévi-Strauss for the structural study of myth. The assumption is that mass rapes are fueled by a specific cultural activism that activates a cultural ideology that makes mass rapes effective in a military strategy of ethnic cleansing.
... That means he was not familiar with the research on war rhetoric. Using reports of rape to rally support for the war effort was a successful tactic developed in World War I, when references to the violation of international law failed to upset people sufficiently to gain their support (Harris 1993;Gullace 1997). The Rape of the Netherlands followed the same pattern: the Van Kleffenses took a defense based on international law and framed it in a gendered narrative, no doubt familiar from the British World War I rhetoric about "the rape of Belgium." ...
This article makes the case for recovering women’s roles from the forgotten corners of diplomatic history, and for considering the consequences of the gap between feminist and non-feminist research. It shows how ignorance of the gendered nature of diplomatic norms and practices impacts our understanding of diplomatic history, and how specific biographies are hampered by gender blindness in particular. Using the history of Margaret van Kleffens and Dutch World War II diplomacy as an example, the article demonstrates how historians’ continued neglect of the role of women and gender norms has influenced representations of twentieth-century diplomacy. To dismiss the history of gender and of women as by definition irrelevant to the actions of states and of male statespersons is not simply part of a self-appointed focus on the political at the expense of the personal; rather, it omits much of the political history too, reproducing stereotypes and resulting in a skewed understanding of diplomatic history and foreign policy decisions. The article argues that both historians and feminist scholars need to historicize gender in order to recognize women’s roles in diplomacy, and so gain a better understanding of the history of international politics as a whole. © 2018, © 2018 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
... It should also be noted that in extreme nationalist politics such as national socialism lesbians incarcerated in concentration camps were used for the sexual gratification of guards (Schoppmann, 1995). The use of rape in war has been well documented, for instance in the essay by Ruth Harris (1993). While the rape of women in war and nationalist struggles is more documented and studied, work is now emerging on the rape of men. ...
In the rapidly evolving global business landscape, the emphasis on diversity and inclusion has gained significant traction. Among the various dimensions of diversity, the inclusion of LGBTQIA (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Intersex, and Asexual) individuals and people with disabilities (PWD) is crucial for fostering innovation, improving workplace culture, and enhancing business performance. In this article, we explore the inclusion of LGBTQIA individuals and PWD in the workforce, examining the challenges they face, the benefits of inclusion, and the strategies businesses can adopt to create a more inclusive environment. This discussion focuses on research and practices , drawing from sources that highlight early progress and continuing challenges.
... Endnotes 1 See, for example, the documentation of sexual violence during the First World War (Harris 1993) and Second World War (Burds 2009;Tanaka 2002). 2 The term victim legally designates an individual who has suffered a human rights violation and who is subsequently entitled to protection and compensation. ...
Sexual violence has been firmly put on the internal agenda of the humanitarian community. Despite commendable advances in both policy and practice, there continues to be a gap between what is recommended and the reality in the field. In this paper, I argue that, notwithstanding the profound challenges of working in humanitarian emergencies, our understanding of sexual violence in conflict is watered down to such an extent that it impedes effective humanitarian action. First, humanitarians’ reductionist approach to sexual violence not only disregards victims/survivors other than the stereotypical but also exempts perpetrators from scrutiny—including the international humanitarian community itself, through whose extensive depoliticisation of sexual violence has erased the link between gender inequality and violence. Second, the international humanitarian community has positioned itself as the white, western, heroic protector of vulnerable women and girls (and not men and boys)—a narrative that not only escalates power differences between humanitarian and beneficiary but also reproduces the subordination of women. Third, an exposé of silences in international discourses about sexual violence in armed conflict shows the humanitarian community’s complicity in reproducing systems of gender inequality that allow for sexual violence to occur and remain unaddressed, by refusing to transform the restrictive political environment that ultimately impedes effective humanitarian action. This analysis of humanitarian sexual violence discourses indicates a mismatch between the nature of the issue and the way in which it is understood, leading to ineffective programmes on the ground. Humanitarians’ engagement with critical research, as well as researchers’ engagement with feminism, may recreate meanings that benefit our understanding rather than impede it.
During and after World War I, two humanitarian organizations galvanized the support of American men, women, and children to provide for France's children. Between 1914 and 1921, the Committee Franco-American for the Protection of the Children of the Frontier (CFAPCF) and the Fatherless Children of France Society (FCFS) capitalized on the generosity of Americans who believed that supporting a French child in need was seen as a moral and patriotic duty. Through a network of twenty-eight colonies – private homes and estates loaned for this specific purpose – the CFAPCF rescued, sheltered, and cared for children from invaded and occupied war zones, while the FCFS asked Americans to sponsor France's children of the war dead. Combining cultural, political, and diplomatic history, Emmanuel Destenay charts the rapid growth of these organizations and brings to light the unparalleled contribution made by Americans in support of France's children in time of war.
Central to the historiography of the First World War, scholarship on violence has focused on abstract and impersonal forms of violence between opposing forces or on more personal forms of violence between civilians and enemy combatants. In contrast, this article uses military justice archives to explore instances of serious interpersonal violence and sustained brutality between soldiers in the same combat unit. It provides a new vantage point to explore the complex entanglement of violence and camaraderie and how that played out in the specific context of France's multiethnic Armée d'Afrique. Unpacking the accusations, explanations, and justifications that emerge from multivocal military justice sources illustrates what it meant to commit and be criminalized for certain acts of violence in a context saturated with violence; how and where the line was drawn between acceptable and unacceptable conduct; and, most important, what violence reveals about individual combat experiences and relationships between comrades. Granting access to the perspectives and internal worlds of this diverse group of soldiers, many from racially and otherwise marginalized communities, military justice evidences a complicated and rich set of situational responses and social relationships that enhances our ability to reflect on the conflict's impact on the men caught up in it.
Within the scope of this study, how cultural heritage transfers cultural memory through digitalization is examined through caricature, which acts as a tool in memory transfer. The study aims to examine how a digitalized cultural heritage is transmitted through web technologies. In line with this purpose, the study states that a cultural heritage that is digitized through internet technologies provides information transfer to a wider audience, increases its accessibility, and thus provides ease of access to the work without damaging it in the process of information transfer. In this study, the digital web page of the Gobau cartoon, a cultural heritage of South Korea, was analyzed within the scope of purposive sampling. Published from 1950 to 2000, Gobau, which was the longest-running cartoon series with a single character and entered the Guinness Book of Records in 2001, was registered as cultural heritage in February 2013. With this registration, the National Museum of Contemporary History of Korea digitized the Gobau collection with the web page titled 고바우가바 라본우리현대사 (Our Modern History through the Eyes of Gobau). In this study, the 고바우가바라본우리현대사 (Our Modern History through the Eyes of Gobau) web page, which is taken as a case study, is examined descriptively and in depth within the scope of both the role of caricature in carrying memory and the digitization of a cultural heritage.
Bu çalışma kapsamında, kültürel mirasın dijitalleşerek kültürel belleği nasıl aktardığı bellek aktarımında bir araç görevi gören karikatür üzerinden incelenmiştir. Çalışma, web teknolojileri sayesinde dijitalleşen bir kültürel mirasın nasıl aktarıldığını incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda çalışma, internet teknolojileri aracılığıyla dijitalleşen bir kültürel mirasın bilgi aktarımını daha geniş kitlelere sağladığını, erişebilirliğinin arttığını ve dolayısıyla bilgi aktarım sürecinde esere zarar görmeden erişim kolaylığının sağlandığını belirtmektedir. Çalışmada, Güney Kore’ye ait bir kültürel miras olan Gobau karikatürünün dijital web sayfası amaçlı örneklem kapsamında ele alınmıştır. 1950 yılından 2000 yılına kadar yayım hayatına devam eden, bu sayede tek bir karakterle en uzun soluklu karikatür serisi olan ve 2001 yılında Guinness Rekorlar Kitabı’na giren Gobau, 2013 yılının şubat ayında kültürel miras olarak tescillenmiştir. Bu tescillemeyle Kore Ulusal Çağdaş Tarih Müzesi tarafından Gobau koleksiyonu, 고바우가바 라본우리현대사 (Gobau’nun Gözünden Modern Tarihimiz) başlıklı web sayfasıyla dijitalleştirmiştir. Bu çalışmada, örnek vaka olarak ele alınan 고바우가바라본우리현대사 (Gobau’nun Gözünden Modern Tarihimiz) web sayfası hem karikatürün belleği taşımadaki rolü hem de bir kültürel mirasın dijitalleştirilmesi kapsamında betimsel olarak derinlemesine incelenmiştir.
In the territories of the Russian Empire populated by the Latvians, the years of the First World War (1914–1918) and the ensuing Latvian War of Independence (1918–1920) witnessed a significant transformation in the discourse on family planning and birth control. Because men were mobilized, there was a marked fall in the number of registered marriages, which meant that women had only a slim chance of marrying and planning a family. The nation's ideologues faced a challenge: how to restrain Latvian women from marriages and casual relationships with soldiers of the multi-ethnic Russian army and the occupying German army, who had been stationed in the Latvian-populated provinces since 1915, these having been separated by the battlefront. Women's demographic behavior was changing, with sexual life beginning before marriage, giving rise to a phenomenon of casual liaisons. Latvian nationalists, seeking to prevent such casual relationships in the name of the future they imagined for their people, promoted sexual restraint, which became at this time one of the strategies of the nation-building process. This article examines the wartime possibilities for marriage and the family planning associated with it and investigates the discourse of the propaganda of sexual restraint that was maintained and developed by Latvian nationalists, looking at their assessment of the situation and the principles they formulated for the appropriate (non-) use of sexuality, which in that context acted as a birth control instrument. The article looks at the role of abortion as a traditional means of birth control, and how the wartime conditions affected the number of children born outside of marriage. The research is based mainly on analyses of press materials, statistical data, and archival documents.
This book is the first comprehensive study of images of rape in Italian painting at the dawn of the Renaissance. Drawing on a wide range of primary sources, Péter Bokody examines depictions of sexual violence in religion, law, medicine, literature, politics, and history writing produced in kingdoms (Sicily and Naples) and city-republics (Florence, Siena, Lucca, Bologna and Padua). Whilst misogynistic endorsement characterized many of these visual discourses, some urban communities condemned rape in their propaganda against tyranny. Such representations of rape often link gender and aggression to war, abduction, sodomy, prostitution, pregnancy, and suicide. Bokody also traces how the new naturalism in painting, introduced by Giotto, increased verisimilitude, but also fostered imagery that coupled eroticism and violation. Exploring images and texts that have long been overlooked, Bokody's study provides new insights at the intersection of gender, policy, and visual culture, with evident relevance to our contemporary condition.
RÉSUMÉ
L’auteur français Roland Dorgelès est surtout connu pour ses écrits de guerre. Pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, l’écrivain combattant entretint une relation amoureuse avec Madeleine Borgeaud, laquelle s’acheva sur une rupture dont il ne se remit jamais. S’ensuivit une obsession pour la fiancée de guerre qui traverse, sur plus de trois décennies, les lettres intimes autant que la création littéraire et autobiographique de l’auteur. Son écriture de la masculinité blessée se caractérise par le recours au chantage affectif, l’assomption de la culpabilité féminine, et l’expression lancinante du sentiment d’un dû dont le paroxysme envisage le féminicide comme rétribution cathartique dont Borgeaud seule trouve la parade. Publiés à la suite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les écrits tardifs de Dorgelès font enfin face au problème éthique que pose l’absence de la voix du sujet de son ressentiment. Ils dévoilent aussi l’ampleur de la violence jamais apaisée qui caractérisa cette relation amoureuse ainsi que son souvenir. S’appuyant sur une analyse de détail, cet article contribue à retracer l’histoire des relations de genre au cours de l’entre-deux-guerres français en relevant comment la masculinisation de la souffrance qui a suivi la Première Guerre mondiale a amplifié et normalisé l’agressivité genrée du vétéran de guerre.
p>This thesis represents a feminist interdisciplinary exploration of the relationship between nationalism, war, gender and violence against women. Using the conflicts in Former Yugoslavia (1991-1995) as a case-study of recent societies at war, this thesis critiques current readings of why overt nationalisms took a hold in these societies in the late 1980s, and how these led to the conflicts of 1991 and 1992 in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina. Drawing on data from fieldwork undertaken with NGO groups in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina (and correspondence with groups in Serbia), it argues that although the existing literature represents a body of knowledge on the religious, economic and political background to these wars, and the types of gendered violences that took place whilst these wars were being fought, the literature fails to examine why women experienced war-related sexual and domestic violence during these conflicts.
Whilst arguing for a change to the focus in the debate on women and war, this thesis suggests that the timing for a change to the debate is right. Attitudes to the wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, when the fieldwork for this project was carried out in 1998 and early 1999, identified a shift in the way in which individuals were remembering war. The issue of war-related violence against women had become less important to many of the groups formerly working with survivors of violence than the problems associated with post-war society: the returning of displaced and refugee women and their families' reconstruction; and the inherent poverty of post-war Bosnian and Croatian society. This social phenomenon, accompanied by a growing historicisation of the war, provides a potential void/gap in the local and global debates on violence against women in war, allowing new debates and new forums to be explored.
In response to this gap in the debate, this research project breaks new ground in the literature on women and war. It argues against the continued use of survivor testimonies of violence in the analysis of sexual violence against women in the Former Yugoslavian wars.</p
The article retraces how the notion of cultural singularity in sexuality was constructed and weaponized in the most popular French illustrated periodical of the First World War. It argues that La Vie Parisienne’s sublimation of romantic love, sex, and Frenchness worked as a cultural tactic that, while helping the readership cope with a devastating historical disruption, undermined at the same time claims for social change. The close analysis of works by illustrator Chéri Hérouard uncovers how nationalism and anxieties of sexual dispossession contributed to integrate a fraught notion of women’s sexual consent to a broader claim of cultural superiority. This article provides a critical approach to popular and visual representations of heterosexual and non-conjugal norms of desire, seduction, and sexuality in wartime France. It also offers a historical example of how the racialization and nationalisation of gender relations, discussed as ‘Gallic singularity’ in recent scholarship, trivialises masculine aggression and produces the ambivalence long associated with the notion of women’s sexual consent in France.
This article explores the relationship between tactility and point of view in Rebecca West’s The Return of the Soldier. It uncovers how etiquette books, hand-care articles and interior design copy regulate the narrator’s sensory and social perspective, arguing that her narration reconstructs and critiques the figuration of feminine tactility as an instrument of social control – one which I show was regularly employed during the Great War.
Linguistic purism in Croatia has long figured as one of the main elements of Croatian linguistic nationalism. Though it has been tackled in scholarly production, its newest embodiment, the so-called Šreter prizes, has not. The Šreter prizes are an award contest, established by the editorial board of the highly nationalist linguistic journal, Jezik (Serbo-Croatian “language”), in which competitors vie for prizes awarded for the “best new Croatian word,” often referred to as “neo-Croatian.” This article explores the narratives centered around the Šreter prizes, tackling additionally the lexical and morphological features of the newly minted “Croatian” lexemes.
Language use, Discourse and Propaganda-World War I
The Cambridge World History of Violence - edited by Louise Edwards March 2020
For a long time historical accounts of the First World War have been marked by a masculine Euro-centric perspective. Hence, women's services and the efforts made by millions of imperial soldiers for their colonial masters' cause have been generally clouded by such narrow approach. Therefore, this study will seek to address the Great War as a global conflict among empires: after having provided an overview of the topic, the essay will present the characteristics of the Indian sepoys experience in the trench warfare and it will stress the key role of British nurses and VADs in field hospitals. Finally, the study will focus on the emotional trauma that these two groups of 'forgotten youths' shared with Western male combatants.
The fifteen months between April 1814 and June 1815 brought multiple regime changes, military defeat, and foreign occupation to France. This article examines this period of confusion through the lens of lived experience, using correspondence exchanged among a small circle of family and friends to consider how they reacted to events as they were happening. The author argues that these men and women used letters and the emotional expressions voiced in them to develop a sense of shared experience and to strengthen bonds among their allies. However, those emotional expressions remained subdued, suggesting that a new emotional regime of bourgeois restraint was emerging to replace the sentimentalism that had dominated public and private discourse during the previous decades. A “keep-calm-and-carry-on” mentality reassured the letter writers and their readers that they could rely on each other as they persevered.
Pendant les quinze mois s'étalant d'avril 1814 à juin 1815, la France a subi de multiples changements de régime, des défaites militaires et deux occupations. Cet article examine cette période trouble à travers l'expérience vécue en utilisant la correspondance privée d'un petit groupe d'intimes. Ces hommes et femmes racontent leurs expériences et expriment leurs réactions émotionnelles pour souder les liens avec leurs parents et amis, mais ces expressions restent restreintes, en contraste avec le sentimentalisme visible des années précédentes. Une mentalité de calme persévérance rassure les correspondants en donnant l'impression que leurs ami(e)s feront tout le nécessaire pour les soutenir.
Sexual encounters between soldiers and civilians on the fighting fronts became frequent and sustained as the German Army shifted from expedition/invasion to occupation/colonization. The tendency among all authorities was to equate “foreignness,” female sexual promiscuity and threats of venereal disease to military efficiency. Women who could infect soldiers and remove them from the fighting for medical treatment were seen as analogs to snipers and saboteurs, an enemy “lurking” behind the lines. Even worse, they could send the infections homeward with soldiers on leave. This chapter discusses both the issues raised by soldier–civilian sexual liaisons away from the homeland and the efforts by military and civilian authorities to deal with them.
Milliyetçiliğin ne olduğu, başka milletlere karşı kendiliğinden bir düşmanlık içerip içermediği, kendinden olumsuz bir düşmanlık ideolojisi olup olmadığı sosyal psikoloji içerisindeki önemli tartışma konularından biridir. 1900’lü yılların başından günümüze psikoloji disiplini içerisinde milliyetçilik kavramına yüklenen anlamlar, sosyal, politik, ekonomik ve tarihsel bağlama göre sürekli değişkenlik göstermektedir. Bu çalışmada milliyetçilik ideolojisi ve milli kimliklerin sosyal psikoloji içinde zamanla nasıl kavramsallaştırıldığı irdelenmektedir.
Résumé
Le 18 février 1306, un traité de paix est signé entre la cité de Camerino et trois communes voisines (Matelica, San Severino et Fabriano) dans lequel est prévue une série de mariages croisés entre leurs habitants : un échantillon socialement représentatif de cent quarante hommes doivent devenir beaux-frères à travers le transfert de cent quarante femmes. À partir de ce document et de cette clause hors-norme, qui, de plus, ne sera jamais appliquée et ne mettra jamais fin aux hostilités, l’article propose une réflexion sur la manière dont se met en place, dans un contexte historique, documentaire et relationnel spécifique, un régime de genre. En adoptant une approche pragmatique et en privilégiant l’utilisation du concept de genre comme un moyen supplémentaire de lire le social, sont tour à tour étudiés les rôles que les hommes de l’élite assignent aux femmes de leur communauté dans les rituels de réconciliation, les alliances matrimoniales qui font figure de paix en miniature, le dispositif mis en place pour assurer les transferts dotaux et l’octroie de la citoyenneté. Dans ce type de régime, les femmes sont des médiatrices : elles doivent véhiculer la paix dans leur ménage pour que celle-ci se diffuse dans l’ensemble du corps de leur commune et transmettre aux hommes une dot et la citoyenneté pour leur permettre de reproduire une domination.
Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda İttifak Devletleri Bloğu’nun başını çeken Alman İmparatorluğu, savaşta düşmanlarına korku salmak, müttefiklerini ise kendi bloğunda tutabilmek için propaganda kartpostallarını etkin bir şekilde kullanmıştır. Bu süreçte Almanya’da, özellikle Türkiye’yi (Osmanlı İmparatorluğu) konu alan pek çok propaganda kartpostalının ortaya çıktığı görülmüştür. Bu çalışmada, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Almanya’da kullanılan propaganda kartpostallarındaki karikatürlerde, Almanların müttefiki Türkleri, nasıl ve ne şekilde sundukları incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu açıdan amaçlı örnekleme metodu kullanılarak belirlenen Türklerin konu edildiği beş Alman propaganda kartpostalı çalışmada analiz edilmiştir. Seçilen propaganda kartpostalları, Roland Barthes’ın düzanlam (dénotation), yananlam (connotation), metafor, metonim ve mit kavramları çerçevesinde yorumlanmıştır. Çalışmada elde edilen bulgular ışığında Almanların Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda kartpostalları propaganda amaçlı kullandığı, Alman propaganda kartpostallarındaki karikatürlerde Türklerin “fes”, “şalvar” ve “bayrak” metonimleri içerisinde sunulduğu ve Türklerin genel olarak “cesur”, “kahraman” ve “güçlü” metaforları içerisinde açıklandığı ortaya çıkarılmıştır.
This article contributes to scholarly debates about sexual violence in the First World War, providing a psychoanalytic reading of silence as a topos in wartime narratives that portray the rape and resulting pregnancies of French and Belgian women. It locates the hegemonic silencing of women in a wartime debate that mainly took place in France and was concerned with the ‘child of the enemy’ and its mother. In the light of this particular historical context, the focus turns to a psychoanalytical re-examination of rape narratives. The work unpicks fore-drawn conclusions about these war stories being merely propagandist responses to news of enemy barbarism, linking traditional psychoanalysis with the specific function of the ‘non-dit’ first as a fictional, psychodynamic response to the experience of rape. Second, and driving the analysis forward further still, it shows that the ineffable in some narratives aberrantly brings to light the need for the articulation of memory, because re-finding their voice ultimately enables female characters to overcome their trauma. © 2018, © 2018 Association for the Study of Modern & Contemporary France.
Cambridge Core - Twentieth Century European History - German Soldiers and the Occupation of France, 1940–1944 - by Julia S. Torrie
Cambridge Core - European Studies - German Women's Life Writing and the Holocaust - by Elisabeth Krimmer
German Women's Life Writing and the Holocaust - by Elisabeth Krimmer September 2018
Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda İttifak Devletleri Bloğu’nun başını çeken Alman İmparatorluğu, savaşta düşmanlarına korku salmak, müttefiklerini ise kendi bloğunda tutabilmek için propaganda kartpostallarını etkin bir şekilde kullanmıştır. Bu süreçte Almanya’da, özellikle Türkiye’yi (Osmanlı İmparatorluğu) konu alan pek çok propaganda kartpostalının ortaya çıktığı görülmüştür. Bu çalışmada, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Almanya’da kullanılan propaganda kartpostallarındaki karikatürlerde, Almanların müttefiki Türkleri, nasıl ve ne şekilde sundukları incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu açıdan amaçlı örnekleme metodu kullanılarak belirlenen Türklerin konu edildiği beş Alman propaganda kartpostalı çalışmada analiz edilmiştir. Seçilen propaganda kartpostalları, Roland Barthes’ın düzanlam (dénotation), yananlam (connotation), metafor, metonim ve mit kavramları çerçevesinde yorumlanmıştır. Çalışmada elde edilen bulgular ışığında Almanların Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda kartpostalları propaganda amaçlı kullandığı, Alman propaganda kartpostallarındaki karikatürlerde Türklerin “fes”, “şalvar” ve “bayrak” metonimleri içerisinde sunulduğu ve Türklerin genel olarak “cesur”, “kahraman” ve “güçlü” metaforları içerisinde açıklandığı ortaya çıkarılmıştır.
Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda İttifak Devletleri Bloğu’nun başını çeken Alman İmparatorluğu, savaşta düşmanlarına korku salmak, müttefiklerini ise kendi bloğunda tutabilmek için propaganda kartpostallarını etkin bir şekilde kullanmıştır. Bu süreçte Almanya’da, özellikle Türkiye’yi (Osmanlı İmparatorluğu) konu alan pek çok propaganda kartpostalının ortaya çıktığı görülmüştür. Bu çalışmada, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Almanya’da kullanılan propaganda kartpostallarındaki karikatürlerde, Almanların müttefiki Türkleri, nasıl ve ne şekilde sundukları incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu açıdan amaçlı örnekleme metodu kullanılarak belirlenen Türklerin konu edildiği beş Alman propaganda kartpostalı çalışmada analiz edilmiştir. Seçilen propaganda kartpostalları, Roland Barthes’ın düzanlam (dénotation), yananlam (connotation), metafor, metonim ve mit kavramları çerçevesinde yorumlanmıştır. Çalışmada elde edilen bulgular ışığında Almanların Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda kartpostalları propaganda amaçlı kullandığı, Alman propaganda kartpostallarındaki karikatürlerde Türklerin “fes”, “şalvar” ve “bayrak” metonimleri içerisinde sunulduğu ve Türklerin genel olarak “cesur”, “kahraman” ve “güçlü” metaforları içerisinde açıklandığı ortaya çıkarılmıştır.
Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda İttifak Devletleri Bloğu’nun başını çeken Alman İmparatorluğu, savaşta düşmanlarına korku salmak, müttefiklerini ise kendi bloğunda tutabilmek için propaganda kartpostallarını etkin bir şekilde kullanmıştır. Bu süreçte Almanya’da, özellikle Türkiye’yi (Osmanlı İmparatorluğu) konu alan pek çok propaganda kartpostalının ortaya çıktığı görülmüştür. Bu çalışmada, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Almanya’da kullanılan propaganda kartpostallarındaki karikatürlerde, Almanların müttefiki Türkleri, nasıl ve ne şekilde sundukları incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu açıdan amaçlı örnekleme metodu kullanılarak belirlenen Türklerin konu edildiği beş Alman propaganda kartpostalı çalışmada analiz edilmiştir. Seçilen propaganda kartpostalları, Roland Barthes’ın düzanlam (dénotation), yananlam (connotation), metafor, metonim ve mit kavramları çerçevesinde yorumlanmıştır. Çalışmada elde edilen bulgular ışığında Almanların Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda kartpostalları propaganda amaçlı kullandığı, Alman propaganda kartpostallarındaki karikatürlerde Türklerin “fes”, “şalvar” ve “bayrak” metonimleri içerisinde sunulduğu ve Türklerin genel olarak “cesur”, “kahraman” ve “güçlü” metaforları içerisinde açıklandığı ortaya çıkarılmıştır.
This chapter examines the concept of “war culture” as a set of beliefs that allowed the Belgians to countenance war as a necessary reality. A major contribution of this chapter is its account of King Albert’s Book, published by the Daily Telegraph for Christmas 1914, in which the “sacrifice” of Belgium was eulogized and Belgium’s status as a martyred nation established. De Schaepdrijver dismisses as a myth the widespread view of Belgian sufferings as a “sacrifice for the greater good”, and sees the reality of Belgium’s position as lying in its need to comply with international law in order to ensure its long-term survival as an independent, neutral nation.
This article represents an initial foray into the global environmental history of the First World War and suggests new approaches that can change our understanding of the conflict. With ravaged farmlands, charred trees, and muddy quagmires as iconic images of the First World War, scholars have generally tended to overlook the place and the role of nature. Yet only by taking the environment into account can we fully understand the trauma of war and how this conflict in particular shaped the most basic levels of human existence for years to come. Armies in the First World War were both social and biological entities, which depended on a “military ecology” of energy extraction, production, and supply. To keep soldiers and machines in action, belligerent states commandeered food and fuel throughout the biosphere, extending the war's environmental reach far beyond the western front. Examining a number of the ways that war shaped the periphery—evolving disease ecologies in colonial Africa, tin extraction in Southeast Asia, and food production in Latin America—will show that the boundaries of belligerency were vast. These three regions also illustrate the different ways in which the preparation and pursuit of war transformed societies and the natural world. Seeing what George Kennan called the twentieth century's “seminal catastrophe” from an environmental perspective illuminates the global dimensions of the First World War. The conflict accelerated environmental change that had begun in the previous century and established the patterns of military-industrial production, human victimization, and environmental exploitation that defined the twentieth century.
By 1907, when leaving for Spain with his family, Roberto J. Payró was already a consecrated literary figure in Argentine. After a two-year stay in the city of Barcelona, Payró decided to settle with his family in Belgium, as the correspondent of La Nación, one of the most important newspapers in the city of Buenos Aires. Based in Brussels since 1909, Payró was the only Argentine correspondent who spent four years of the Great War in Belgium. During the first months of the war he will plunge into the frantic writing of journals, features and correspondences that, with some difficulty, will get to Buenos Aires where they will see the light in the pages of La Nación.
Payro’s chronicles, published in this newspaper, are of particularly rich in information considering the news about the beginnings of the Great War provided by the locals newspapers came mostly from European news agencies, such as Reuters and Havas, from the scarce foreign newspapers that arrived by mail to the editors of the Argentine newspapers and from travelers returning from Europe after the outbreak of war. No doubt, this is why, Payro’s chronicles constitute one of the most documented sources about the violation of Belgian neutrality and the most systematic denunciation of the abuses committed by the German army that can be found in the pages of the periodical press of Buenos Aires. However, this important role as a journalist has been much less analyzed in comparison with the large amount of research devoted to his work as a writer linked to the literary realism in Argentina.
Although they are aimed at the reader of a neutral country, therefore outside the gross militarization of culture that arose among the belligerents, Payró behaves as cultural mediator between the Belgian world occupied by the Germans and Buenos Aires public opinion, broadcasting a series of images and representations of the "German atrocities" which had a major influence in the local press. Located in the framework of cultural meanings that contributed to the shaping of a particular imagination about the "German atrocities" in Belgium, Payró had access to various European sources ―especially, Belgian and Dutch newspapers but also postcards and posters of propaganda― that provided him
a set of meanings about the referred atrocities which is not explicitly mentioned.
The aim of this paper is to analyze, from the perspective of cultural history of the press, the variety of problems underwent by an Argentine when, located in the theater of operations, he tries to decipher the new reality of the Great War through the images and representations drawn by European intellectuals ― oriented by the drive to legitimize and justify the war efforts―, and write a series of chronicles for the neutral public of Argentina. With this objective in mind, this article will offer a general characterization of Payró’s chronicles about the unfolding of the German invasion and occupation of Belgium focusing images and representations deployed by the author.
But, the analysis of Payró’s writings allows revealing some particulars of his prose beyond the images and representations of the "German atrocities". First, the texts produced during the German occupation of Belgium allow to relatives the author’s perception of journalism and literature as two irreconcilable activities, a conflict that haunted him throughout his intellectual journey. For in his chronicles of the Great War, Payró stands on an eclectic narrative thread in which he combines his status as a journalist and reporter with a textual gesture that evokes that of a classical intellectual whose autonomy in the field allows him to intervene in the public sphere to denounce the abuses of the invader.
Second, the representations set forth on the "German atrocities" in Belgium allow not only to give an account of the ideological universe and cultural climate that marked the early months of the Great War in Europe but also to perceive a self-referential perspective on the cultural horizon of the observer in which it can be detected cultural values, political views and elements of the historical memory of country of origin. That skewed look between Belgium and Argentina is a recurring feature of chronicles written during the occupation of Brussels. Thus, the Payro’s writings are embedded in a much broader question of national identity that was one of the prominent reactions between different alignments of the Buenos Aires press before the start of the Great War. Finally, although closely related to the above mentioned, this article will seek to demonstrate that as long as the Great War begins to be perceived as a civilization breakdown it will emerge the questioning and uncertainty on about national identities and their fate in the new post-war scenario.
With this purpose, we will focus on the chronicles that are written in the heat of the early months of the Great War and are published in the Buenos Aires between September 1914 and September 1915; period in which Payró’s activism came to the attention of the German authorities in Belgium, unleashing repressive a barrage against which resulted in
several raids of his house, the requisition of manuscripts, his submission to interrogation and imposing strict monitoring conditions.
The proposed text to incorporate in this article is the chronicle “Dos representantes argentinos muertos en la guerra”, dated in Amsterdam on 20 October, 1914 and published in La Nación on 17 November 1914. In it, Payró denounces the shooting the Argentine vice-consul in Dinant, Remy Himmer and the death of Chancellor of the Argentine consulate general in the city of Antwerp, Julio Lemaire. The relevance of this article lays in the immediate impact it had: it resulted in various demonstrations of the public opinion of Buenos Aires, whose most radical pro-allied sector demanded the conservative government of Victorino de la Plaza Argentina's entry into the war and deserved the comments of the local and international press.
At the outbreak of the First World War, British propaganda relied heavily on the depiction of combatant nations as masculine or feminine. As Jacqueline de Vries (1994) notes, for example, one way in which hawkish suffragists justified hostilities and sought to promote active female participation in the military effort was to produce ‘a gendered interpretation of the war, in which they defined Germany as a masculine nation and Britain and her allies as feminine’ — a rhetorical strategy that ‘allowed them to support Britain’s involvement in the war while maintaining the basic tenets of their pre-war feminist perspective’ (p. 77). Such consciousness of gender, however, was by no means limited to contexts in which gender was already a central issue. On the contrary, similar representations served national interests at the highest level, as we may see by examining such governmental sources as the Bryce Report, a catalogue of atrocity accounts stemming from the German violation of Belgian neutrality and released in May 1915, immediately after the sinking of the Lusitania. Susan Kent (1993) observes that the report ‘was a kind of pornographic orgy that fostered voyeurism and made war sexually “exciting” ‘ (p. 24). Significantly, much of the report concerned affronts to women, either mothers (typically violated and deprived of their children) or women who by age or vocation should not be considered sexual beings, such as unmarried daughters and nuns, who are manoeuvred into a hideous mockery of motherhood by being impregnated by members of the German army.
For American physician Esther Pohl Lovejoy, the First World War was a vital bridge leading from local and national feminist activism to feminist activism and organization on an international scale. The conflict was also a turning point in her understanding of the impact of war and militarism on women; from it she created a new vision of the possibilities for social change on a transnational level. A suffragist and public health activist from Oregon, Lovejoy went to France for five months in 1917–1918 as a representative of American women’s organizations to study the public health needs of women and children in devastated areas. In France she found that wartime violence against women took the form of rape, dislocation, poverty, and disease, and she developed a strong critique of militarism and war. Her observations also underscored her belief that women were capable citizens who were equal with men and that women could cross national, class, and professional divides to unite for progressive action. When she returned to the United States, Lovejoy developed her views in the course of several speaking tours, written reports and published articles. She then provided a full account of these experiences and a critique of war’s violent effects on women in The House of the Good Neighbor.1 Lovejoy subsequently transformed her critique into a post-war programme for action by organizing and directing visionary new international organizations for medical women and medical relief.
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