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Policy review: The Cyberspace Administration of China

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... (Vice President 1,personal interview) Nevertheless, Blued recognizes that working with the state is a long-term and complicated task. Currently, the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission, a state agency established in 2014 to manage Internet ideology and content, regulates Blued's operation (Miao and Lei 2016). Therefore, building a favorable relationship with the commission has become Blued's priority. ...
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Given China’s political conservativism and limited social acceptance of sexual minorities, it is paradoxical to find that Blued, a gay social app headquartered in Beijing, has become the largest app of this kind globally. Informed by the social construction of technology perspective and based on a yearlong ethnography, this article identifies three major factors that have shaped the developmental trajectory of Blued: (1) work with the Communist Party of China to employ Blued as a health education platform; (2) switch in orientation from a hookup app to a social app; and (3) push for the commercialization and internationalization of the app. This article spotlights that the voices of users were missing in the development process and argues that, for Blued to continue maintaining its success, it must stop relying on the “I-methodology” in its design and development. Lastly, it contributes to the SCOT scholarship and social app studies by deciphering the role of the state in app development in the Chinese context.
... (Vice President 1,personal interview) Nevertheless, Blued recognizes that working with the state is a long-term and complicated task. Currently, the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission, a state agency established in 2014 to manage Internet ideology and content, regulates Blued's operation (Miao and Lei 2016). Therefore, building a favorable relationship with the commission has become Blued's priority. ...
Article
Given China’s political conservativism and limited social acceptance of sexual minorities, it is paradoxical to find that Blued, a gay social app headquartered in Beijing, has become the largest app of this kind globally. Informed by the social construction of technology perspective and based on a yearlong ethnography, this article identifies three major factors that have shaped the developmental trajectory of Blued: (1) work with the Communist Party of China to employ Blued as a health education platform; (2) switch in orientation from a hookup app to a social app; and (3) push for the commercialization and internationalization of the app. This article spotlights that the voices of users were missing in the development process and argues that, for Blued to continue maintaining its success, it must stop relying on the “I-methodology” in its design and development. Lastly, it contributes to the SCOT scholarship and social app studies by deciphering the role of the state in app development in the Chinese context.
... While President Xi has consolidated Internet regulatory power at the highest level via the CAC (Miao & Lei, 2016), decentralization (F. Yang & Mueller, 2014) and fragmented authoritarianism (Lieberthal & Oksenberg, 1988) will remain useful explanatory frameworks as conflicts between regulators persist. ...
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Despite growing scholarly attention, few studies have systematically investigated the historical evolution and patterns of Chinese Internet policies. We created the first comprehensive database of Chinese Internet laws and policies between 1994 and 2017 and conducted a meta-analysis of 358 policy documents using content analysis and social network analysis. We found: 1) among the 71 government agencies involved in Chinese Internet regulation, there are central-peripheral dynamics as well as complex networks of collaboration; 2) although more than 40% regulations concern information services, the overall regulatory emphasis has evolved from Internet infrastructure to online content to digital economy; 3) Chinese Internet policies historically follow the principle of “rule by directives” instead of “rule of law,” dominated by low-level policies, leading to both arbitrariness and adaptability. Overall, our study contributes to debates on three core issues in Internet governance from a Chinese perspective: Who (should) regulate the Internet? What issues (should) fall under regulatory oversight? And how to regulate the Internet via what mechanisms?
Chapter
Digital authoritarianism emerged in full-fledged form during the Xi era of Chinese politics. The shift from fragmented authoritarianism (FA) to party-centric governance (PCG) underpins the development of a more assertive, proactive, centralised, and ideological internet approach. This chapter examines how and in what ways this shift in mode of governance has occurred within the internet sector, with a focus on both institutional design and the promulgation of high-level internet laws. ‘Top-level design’ and the use of leading small groups (LSGs) to centralise internet governance are key components of this party-led institutional dynamic. The CCP’s promotion of law-driven governance is another important, and often overlooked, element that ensures alignment of the development of internet technologies and the internet economy with party interests and imperatives. The latter half of this chapter is devoted to analysing the Cybersecurity Law (CSL), Data Security Law (DSL), Personal Informational Protection Law (PIPL), Cryptography Law, and new algorithm regulations, in terms of the implications they have for politics, business, and the internet economy in China.KeywordsXi JinpingLeading small groupsTop-level designRule of lawInternet lawsParty-centric governance
Chapter
Through in-depth ethnographic fieldwork in the form of interviews and participant observation placements, this chapter produces a ‘thick description’ of the production cultures and reveals individual media workers’ fears and the hidden politics behind official slogans and trade publications in the convergence era. Firstly, this chapter will briefly look at the historical background to media censorship exerted by the evolving media regulatory bodies since the Reform and Opening-up in 1978. Secondly, it will explore the various types of fears—political obligations, commercial pressures and market competition—which prevail among individual Chinese producers as well as the responses these workers have devised to deal with those fears. These observations occurred not only overtly in the accounts of producers but also implicitly in the fieldwork. The chapter is particularly aimed at exploring the extent to which the producers acknowledge the ideological censorship and how they understand and respond to it, and how these pressures and responses result in distinct types of fears that are incorporated into their daily practices in specific production contexts. Political awareness among Chinese media workers, I argue, is a Foucauldian act of self-discipline that enacts state censorship via the fear of the censorship itself, borne of a need to protect oneself from being punished by an omniscient and omnipotent central authority.
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尽管学界对中国网络政策的关注在持续增加,但系统性地研究网络政策的历史演变与模式的文献相对较少。本文创建了首个国家层面的网络法律和政策综合性数据库(1994-2017),并运用内容分析法和社会网络分析法对358项政策文件进行了元分析。研究发现:一是在参与网络治理的71个治理机构中,存在着中心与边缘的动态和复杂的合作网络;二是尽管有超过40%的政策涉及信息服务领域,但整体上看,中国网络治理的重点经历了从基础设施到网络内容再到数字经济的逐步转变;三是虽然中国的网络政策长久以来存在着被法律阶位较低的政策所主导,继而带来的模糊性与调试性并存的局面,但近些年来国家正在朝着提高政策制定效率的方向努力。总体而言,本文以中国为案例探讨网络治理中的三个核心问题:谁(应该)治理网络?哪些问题(应该)受到监管机构的监督?应该通过怎样的机制去治理网络?
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The Chinese government plays a crucial role in domestic Internet development. This research represents the first attempt to comprehensively investigate the history and evolution of government agencies that are important in regulating the Internet. The study finds that the China’s Internet governance can be classified into four models: (1) the Central Leading Group model; (2) the centrally led, governed by specialty model; (3) the multi-pronged management model; and (4) the recentralization of Internet governance. The historical development of these models represents an overall trend in China's cyberspace governance, which evolved from campaigns at the ministry/commission level into a top-down approach to governance, from administrative management into specialized management, and from decentralized management into centralized coordination. Moreover, changes in the regulatory responsibility and authority of various agencies indicate a shift of government priorities from technology development and infrastructure building to cyber security, informatization and ideological security.
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Since 2015, the strong resentment in Chinese social media against international immigration triggered by the European migrant crisis has been noticed, and in many cases harshly criticised, by foreign media. Using primary sources retrieved from a major microblogging site, this article provides a critical review of the way in which the crisis was represented in popular discourse between 2015 and 2017and explores the intricate sentiments it provoked. It employs the analytical framework of critical discourse analysis developed by Fairclough to illustrate how multi-dimensional discourse construction shaped the perceptions in social media. It argues that the mostly sensationalist narratives, created through recontextualisation of long-standing nationalist discourses, reflect the dilemma between China’s ambitious globalist vision for future development and the persistent myth of homogeneity of Chinese nationhood. As China undergoes a slow and reluctant transition from a traditional source of emigration to a budding destination for international immigrants, such a dilemma has broader implications for the Chinese perceptions of the European Other and China’s self-positioning in the world.
Thesis
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China ist eine aufstrebende Volkswirtschaft. Das Wirtschaftswachstum im Land führt zu einer steigenden Kaufkraft und der digitale Fortschritt verändert die Kaufgewohnheiten und die komplette Customer Journey. Einheitliche Online Marketing-Ansätze sind dabei längst überholt. Die Konsumierenden erwarten eine persönliche Customer Experience mit Integration von neuesten Technologien, die ihren mobilen Lebensstil effizienter gestaltet. Deutsche Unternehmen erkennen die Auswirkungen dieser Veränderungen und stehen vor der Herausforderung die neuen, anspruchsvollen Verbraucher/innen mit innovativen Online Marketing-Maßnahmen anzusprechen. Für die eigene Studie wurden deutsche Unternehmen befragt, die bereits erfolgreiches Online Marketing in China betreiben. Anhand der Online-Befragung und Experten- /Expertinneninterviews sollen die wichtigsten Online Marketing-Instrumente, deren Plattformen, Ziele und Herausforderungen ermittelt werden.
Book
This book examines the genesis, mechanisms, and dynamics of forging a network-based economy in China during the crisis and the restructuring act that followed. Through historical analysis of the entire range of communications, from telecommunications to broadband, from wireless networks to digital media, it explores how the state, entangled with market forces and class interests, constructs and realigns its digitalized sector. It argues that corporatization, networking, and investment within the state-dominated realm of communications intensified after the 2008 global economic crisis, to overcome the contradictions generated by the old investment-and-export dependent growth model, on the one hand, and to enhance China’s techno-economic capacities in the renewed global competition for command, on the other. Despite the qualitative changes it brought in communications, this strategy achieved limited results for economic restructuring, because the ensuing spending binges paid little attention to social needs. Ultimately, this book historicizes and theorizes China’s state-led model of digital capitalism, which contends, collaborates, and overlaps with the U.S.-dominated system of global digital capitalism. It reveals so-called cyber nationalism or networked nationalism as neither monolithic nor guaranteed but contingent upon specific political-economic relations. It also predicts the future: While China’s embrace of communications is likely to accelerate the country’s global rise, it is not going to be a simple rise to power but a continual effort to tamp down crises and manage contradictions.
Book
In recent years, China’s leaders have taken decisive action to transform information, communications, and technology (ICT) into the nation’s next pillar industry. In Networking China, Yu Hong offers an overdue examination of that burgeoning sector’s political economy. Hong focuses on how the state, in conjunction with market forces and class interests, is constructing and realigning its digitalized sector. State planners intend to build a more competitive ICT sector by modernizing the network infrastructure, corporatizing media-and-entertainment institutions, and by using ICT as a crosscutting catalyst for innovation, industrial modernization, and export upgrades. The goal: to end China’s industrial and technological dependence upon foreign corporations while transforming itself into a global ICT leader. The project, though bright with possibilities, unleashes implications rife with contradiction and surprise. Hong analyzes the central role of information, communications, and culture in Chinese-style capitalism. She also argues that the state and elites have failed to challenge entrenched interests or redistribute power and resources, as promised. Instead, they prioritize information, communications, and culture as technological fixes to make pragmatic tradeoffs between economic growth and social justice. © 2017 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. All rights reserved.
Book
Faked in China is a critical account of the cultural challenge faced by China following its accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001. It traces the interactions between nation branding and counterfeit culture, two manifestations of the globalizing Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) regime that give rise to competing visions for the nation. Nation branding is a state-sanctioned policy, captured by the slogan “From Made in China to Created in China,” which aims to transform China from a manufacturer of foreign goods into a nation that creates its own IPR-eligible brands. Counterfeit culture is the transnational making, selling, and buying of unauthorized products. This cultural dilemma of the postsocialist state demonstrates the unequal relations of power that persist in contemporary globalization.
State Council Released an Guideline of National Informatization Development Strategy. Xinhua News
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Speech at the 2nd World Internet Conference Opening Ceremony
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Youth volunteers to spread sunline online. China Digital Times
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President Xi Jinping on the acceleration of improving the leadership system for managing the Internet. People's Net, 15 November
People's Net (2013) President Xi Jinping on the acceleration of improving the leadership system for managing the Internet. People's Net, 15 November. Available at: http://politics.people. com.cn/n/2013/1115/c1001-23559689.html (accessed 4 June 2016).