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TAKING THE HEAT: WOMEN CHEFS AND GENDER INEQUALITY IN THE PROFESSIONAL KITCHEN
... We utilized a qualitative content analysis of fourteen advice books published from 2013 to 2018. Gender essentialism is the belief that men and women are fundamentally different in terms of attitudes, behaviors, desires, and values [7,8,17,18,26,34,46]. Essentialist differences between men and women are attributed to biology and/or socialization [19,20]. ...
... We found it highly problematic to suggest to women that they should "get to know" sexist men and show them that "we are on their side." Nevertheless, we recognize that some women in male-dominated workplaces try to capitalize on ideas about women's essential differences as strengths [14,15,26]. (2014) Women must recognize four patterns they will face in workplaces: proving their competency over and over; facing the double standard; experiencing biases and penalties due to the "maternal wall; and, navigating masculinity and femininity, which pits women against each other. ...
... This finding is similar to other research about women's experiences in maledominated workplaces. Men and women respondents in several studies have said that women's unique feminine strengths will improve workplaces, or that the mere increase in the number of women will alter behaviors, practices, and policies in male-dominated workplaces, e.g., decrease hierarchy, increase collaboration, and/or improve workplaces to be more family friendly (e.g., [14,15,26]). In Harris and Giuffre's study of women chefs, for example, women interviewed said that women's differences from men make them better leaders in the professional kitchen [26]. ...
This article examines how essentialism is depicted in recent popular press “success-at-work” books that are marketed for women. Our qualitative content analysis of fourteen advice books published from 2013 to 2018 identifies the subtle, yet powerful, messages about how men and women supposedly “are” and the depictions of men and women at work. We find a persistent tension in the advice that relies on two types of essentialism in this success discourse: (1) women are deficient, and, simultaneously, (2) women have unique strengths. We argue that these contradictory depictions of essentialism are embedded in the organizational logic of workplaces and bolster gendered ideal worker norms in the new economy. We discuss the implications of these conflicting representations and speculate about their impact and consequences for eradicating gender inequality at work.
... In a study of 33 female chefs, Harris and Giuffre (2015) explored gender inequity in the culinary profession. They determined that despite the profession's recent transition from a servant class occupation to that of cultural idol, the industry continues to foster a culture of deep inequality among sexes. ...
... They determined that despite the profession's recent transition from a servant class occupation to that of cultural idol, the industry continues to foster a culture of deep inequality among sexes. In describing the classic stereotype that cooking is a task performed by women caretakers at home (Adler, 1981;Julier, 2013;Julier & Lindenfeld, 2005), Harris and Giuffre (2015) presented the phenomenon as precarious masculinity. This describes the need professional chefs have to "to distance themselves from the unpaid, and often underappreciated, food work produced by women in the home… in order to retain and increase the social status provided by their work, and by extension, themselves" (p. ...
... As male professional chefs continue to push away from these social expectations of domestic gender roles in the kitchen, Harris and Giuffre (2015) acknowledged that it may not be men chefs' intention to consider women in such a way, but the realities of the industry, compounded by perpetual aggrandizement in chef status, grossly point out the structural inequities, despite anyone's intent. To this point, they further illuminate the dichotomy between low-pay, low-status positions held mostly by women in food preparation, like that of a cafeteria worker, to that of "high-status jobs like head or executive chef" (Harris & Giuffre, 2015, p. 4), which are male dominated. ...
Critics have observed that modern culinary education still adheres to the traditions that emerged during the feudal era as well as the modernist values of power, hierarchy, reductionism, and dualist worldviews. More recently, a critical postmodern view of modern culinary education and the corresponding culinary industry reveals the industry is environmentally unsustainable in the way they think, operate, educate, and enculture learners into the profession and in their impact on the food industry at large. For sustainability to have a chance, transformative changes to culinary education can assist in reorienting student learning toward sustainable ways of being and acting—education that is about, for and as sustainability (Sterling, 2001). The study presented ten propositions derived from the literature review as a vision for culinary sustainability education (CSE). Then, through a multi-faceted thematic case study, involving interviews with three different case groups—scholar informants, food workshop participants, and culinary graduates of a sustainability concentration in culinary education—findings were derived that explored the transformation process for transitioning a program toward culinary sustainability education as well as the outcomes and barriers that were experienced by learners. Triangulated through participant observation and autoethnographic storytelling, the study concludes that the ten propositions for CSE are largely valid with small modifications and are useful as principles for adoption into culinary curriculums. Further, study participants identified current organizational patterns of power and exclusion, the thinking patterns of modernism such as mechanist and dualist views, and the vocational status of culinary education as problematic to sustainability culinary education. To assist the transformation toward sustainability, findings profiled the potential of chefs as change agents within the culinary industry, food system, and broader community. Finally, the study identified pedagogical approaches that can best foster sustainability and break down current problematic patterns. This study concludes that CSE should be adopted by culinary schools to break the negative feedback loop of unsustainability in culinary arts and help foster a more sustainable future for humanity.
... Alonso & O'Neil (2010) argued that more research is required on open kitchens as it is a growing trend. Moreover, the work of the chef in this environment requires a deeper understanding as open kitchens are changing their profession from production to experience work (Harris & Giuffre, 2010;Rousseau 2012). This paper makes three main contributions. ...
... Chefs were socialised into these practices and culture ( Harris & Giuffre, 2010;Meloury & Signal, 2014;Robinson & Baum, 2020) as part of their induction (Alexander et al., 2012;Burrow et al., 2015) and they then maintained such actions (Wood, 2000). This socialisation process was important in creating a work culture of collective belonging (Barker, 2018;Fine, 1996). ...
... These hostile behaviours occurring in closed kitchens contributed to the marginalisation of female chefs (Bloisi & Hoel, 2008) as it created an unpleasant work environment. Such treatment occurred to remind women that they were outsiders and was used to protect the feminisation of the male chefs' territory (Harris & Giuffre, 2010). Female chefs were often confronted with harassment, discrimination, and mistreatment in kitchens (Bagguley, 1991;Cooper et al., 1997;Giousmpasoglou et al., 2018a;Harris & Giuffre, 2010;Sims, 2012). ...
The open kitchen as a customer restaurant vista is an emerging phenomenon. The existing research on chefs has primarily focused on the dark side of professional kitchen work which is often facilitated by being closed production spaces. To date, limited research has explored the transformation of chefs' experience through the reorientation of their work environment from closed to open kitchens which now necessitate customer engagement. We build on the research gap, by investigating chefs' perceptions of this transition, through a Goffmanian lens to theorise the impact of customer interactions. Purposive and snowball sampling strategies were employed to identify and interview twenty-eight chefs located in different cities in the UK. Chefs spoke passionately about how their social reality and shared perceptions of kitchen work are shifting due to exposure to customers. Fundamental, positive changes are occurring for chefs' working practices and the skills required in meeting the demands of the experience economy. Theoretically, our novel findings offer a fresh perspective of the modern chef and advance the conversation beyond the negative connotations portrayed of kitchen life.
... The book discusses their particular competencies. Harris and Giuffre (2015), with their book "Taking the Heat", based on interviews with 33 women chefs in Texas, discuss how they endure the strong stereotypes of professional cooking and solve their conflicts with their family and social life. Fine (2008), with his book "Kitchens the culture of restaurant work", based on a qualitative approach in the mid-west of the USA tries to describe the daily lives of kitchen workers, seeking to discuss how an American restaurant works, as well as its culinary culture. ...
... This research relied primarily on quantitative methods. Finally, two books, Skirt Steak by Druckman (2012) and Taking the Heat by Harris and Giuffre (2015), analyze these barriers profusely from interviews with numerous women chefs. As one of the main barriers pinpointed in the academic literature and media, the stressful kitchen environment received particular attention in fourteen journal articles emphasizing how kitchen violence is embedded in male chefs' culture and creates a hostile kitchen environment where employees, and especially apprentices, feel underevaluated (Johns and Menzel, 1999;Ineson et al., 2013;Meloury and Signal, 2014;Murray-Gibbons and Gibbons, 2007;Tongchaiprasit and Ariyabuddhiphongs, 2016;Bloisi and Hoel, 2008;Murray-Gibbons and Gibbons, 2007;Giousmpasoglou et al., 2018;White et al., 2005;Burrow et al., 2015;Nilsson, 2013;Pratten, 2003). ...
... Three qualitative studies analyze entrepreneurship as a strong enabler offering women the possibility of starting a restaurant and enhancing their position from that perspective (Aggestam and Wigren-Kristoferson, 2017;Anderson, 2008;Madichie, 2013). Druckman (2012) and Harris and Giuffre (2015) outline this role in their books on women chefs. Other authors (Albors-Garrigos et al., 2019) consider entrepreneurial activity as a critical enabler based on quantitative analysis. ...
... Håkan Jönsson (2012) has briefly problematized the gendered restaurant kitchen and how the historical demarcation of women and men-with women in the cold kitchen (kallskänken) or as waitresses and men as chefs and cooks in the hot kitchen (cf. Harris & Giuffre, 2015). However, he did not detail how masculinity was enacted in these gastronomic relations between chefs and cooks. ...
... They do sociability when they are working, but the (homo)sociality explains their particular gendered actions and their gendered effects. A good example of this is how the women chefs in the study by Harris and Giuffre (2015) constantly negotiated their femininity to fit into the male-dominated restaurant kitchens. As leaders, the women chefs had to be hard enough not to be stepped on but still soft enough not to be "bitches." ...
... These forms of cooking are associated with exclusivity, refined taste, and accrued knowledge of "right" and "wrong." Gastronomy has always been, and continues to be, defined mostly by men (e.g., Ferguson, 2004;Ferguson & Zukin, 1998;Harris & Giuffre, 2015;Swinbank, 2002;Trubek, 2003), and "the chef," as a cultural symbol, is a man (Bååth & Neuman, in press;Druckman, 2010;Trubek, 2003). 36 This is further demonstrated in a growing body of cultural studies research exploring male chefs and cooks on TV and in the print media (Brunsdon, Johnson, Moseley, & Wheatley, 2001;Chao, 1998;Feasey, 2008;Holden, 2005;Hollows, 2002Hollows, , 2003bHollows & Jones, 2010b;Lane, 2011Lane, , 2013Leer, 2013Leer, , 2014Mitchell, 2010;Nilsson, 2013;Swenson, 2009). ...
The general aim of this thesis is to use foodwork and cooking in Sweden as a way to better understand theoretical questions about men and masculinities. Paper I discusses how an increased public interest in elaborate cooking and gastronomy in Sweden, a country with a cultural idealization of gender equality, could explain why men in Sweden assume responsibilities for domestic cooking without feeling emasculated. Papers II, III and IV draw on interviews with 31 men from 22 to 88 years of age and with different levels of interest in food. Paper II shows how domestic foodwork and cooking are associated with ideas of Swedish progress in terms of gender equality and culinary skills. Paper III demonstrates further that domestic cooking is not only a responsibility which men assume, but also a way of being sociable with friends, partners and children. Thus, both papers II and III challenge the idea that men only cook at home if they enjoy it. The data rather indicate that domestic foodwork responsibilities are a cultural expectation of men in Sweden, ingrained in desirable masculine practices. Paper IV explores men’s responses to media representations of food. The interviewed men responded to these representations with indifference, pragmatism, irony, and at times even hostility. In general, the responses are based on gender and age-differentiated taste distinctions and notions of masculine and culinary excess. Paper V uses a mix of texts (81 online texts and two magazines) and observations from the food fairs GastroNord (2014 and 2016), Mitt kök-mässan (2014) and the chef competition Bocuse d’Or Europe (2014) complemented with pictures and videos. I argue that a Swedish culinary community that promotes Swedish culinary excellence is constructed by drawing on preestablished national (self-)images. This culinary community is constructed as open and tolerant, with ethical concerns for the environment and for nonhuman animals. Its culinary icons are represented by chefs in whites and the leading restaurants. In sum, this dissertation provides empirical and theoretical contributions to both food studies and gender studies that critically scrutinize men and masculinities. Food-issues are permeated by gender, both in people’s everyday life and in the gastronomic elite.
... Female cooks and culinary students have long been channeled into pastry (rather than line) positions, which have lower status, pay scales, and fewer numeric positions in the professional kitchen (Burros, 1992). While the gender politics of many kitchens are shifting, a number of institutional mechanisms-such as time-intensive career structures and hyper-masculine, military-style (even misogynistic) work cultures-have prevented many women from advancing within the occupation (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). The most commonly cited causes for women leaving professional kitchens are inflexible work hours and incompatibility with family life (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). ...
... While the gender politics of many kitchens are shifting, a number of institutional mechanisms-such as time-intensive career structures and hyper-masculine, military-style (even misogynistic) work cultures-have prevented many women from advancing within the occupation (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). The most commonly cited causes for women leaving professional kitchens are inflexible work hours and incompatibility with family life (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). Additionally, Druckman (2012) discovered in interviews with 75 female chefs and restaurant owners that sexism-both interactional (such as verbal abuse and sexual harassment) and institutional (such as greater difficulty in securing bank loans or insurance)-remains rampant for those who stay. ...
... Furthermore, female chefs receive far lower levels of public acclaim than their male peers. Epitomized in 2013 by the myopic absence of women in Time magazine's now-infamous "Gods of Food" issue, women are poorly represented in food media in both the quantity and quality of descriptions of "who is a great chef" (Harris & Giuffre, 2015 and Alice Waters, a forbearer of California cuisine, has used her fame to champion issues like improving school lunch programs (Goldstein, 2013). Nevertheless, glossy magazines' "Best New Chefs" features often include a single, token woman in a crowd of men, if they do at all (and sometimes those women already possess superior reputations than those with whom they share the spotlight). ...
... Drawing on his military background, Escoffier conceptualized the kitchen as a series of "stations" staffed in an expressly hierarchical fashion, with those doing cooking right before the food is delivered to customers given higher status, and those preparing the food to be cooked much lower status. As Harris and Giuffre show, this highly masculinized space demands military-like precision (Harris and Giuffre 2015). Each "soldier" is to carry out the chef's orders for that (battle) station. ...
... Unlike in many other low-wage jobs, the professional kitchen is run by a chef who, as Opazo (2016) writes in her book on renowned Chef Ferran Adria, relies on charismatic authority (Weber 2015) to get work done. Chefs often establish and rule over a "boy's club" where brash attitudes, flippant behavior, and ill-temperedness are acceptable-within limits set by the Head Chef (Bourdain 2000; Harris and Giuffre 2015;Johnston and Baumann 2010). The use of vulgar language, the overt sexism toward women, and the hyper-masculinity mirrors that which can be found in other hyper-masculine places, like a football locker-room (Harris and Giuffre 2015). ...
... Chefs often establish and rule over a "boy's club" where brash attitudes, flippant behavior, and ill-temperedness are acceptable-within limits set by the Head Chef (Bourdain 2000; Harris and Giuffre 2015;Johnston and Baumann 2010). The use of vulgar language, the overt sexism toward women, and the hyper-masculinity mirrors that which can be found in other hyper-masculine places, like a football locker-room (Harris and Giuffre 2015). Pushing the limits is part and parcel of kitchen life, but complaining to or fighting back against the head chef is rarely -if ever-acceptable: the response is always "Yes, Chef." ...
Welfare‐to‐work training (workfare) programs are designed to technically and affectively prepare marginalized people for jobs that are often routinized and dirty. They are expected to accept personal responsibility for their situation and demonstrate submission to bosses as means of “working off” their “debt” to society. Ethnographic observation at workfare training sites has tended to emphasize the indignities that trainees suffer, with less attention to how workers maintain dignity in the face of these experiences. Using ethnographic observation and interviews in a Chicago workfare kitchen training program, we show that neoliberal kitchen training work encompasses paradoxical expectations for trainee‐workers; they must demonstrate high levels of discretion and creativity required in professional kitchen work and demonstrate submission to charismatic authority as a means of getting kitchen work done and of affective compliance with the goals of the program. To combat the direct efforts of others to produce indignities, trainees developed two dignity strategies that are highly dependent on the structure of kitchen work: operating in a slipstream, and banking confidence that allows them to take liberties normally allowed for chef‐trainers. These findings contribute to sociological understandings of workplace dignity, a privilege that has been especially elusive for the poor under welfare‐to‐work programs.
... In 'Haute Cuisine' like in any men dominated field, women face the challenge of being an outsider who has to 'fit in homogenous work environments' (Harris and Giuffre, 2015). According to Harris and Giuffre (2015), women chefs are 'encouraged to lean in at work and to find ways to fit within current occupational arrangements'. ...
... In 'Haute Cuisine' like in any men dominated field, women face the challenge of being an outsider who has to 'fit in homogenous work environments' (Harris and Giuffre, 2015). According to Harris and Giuffre (2015), women chefs are 'encouraged to lean in at work and to find ways to fit within current occupational arrangements'. They are also required to demonstrate their physical and mental strength by adhering to workplace work rules and culture such as 'working long hours', 'refusing help', 'learning to avoid any forms of feminine emotional displays', and proving that 'they will not be disruptive to the masculine culture'. ...
... While these integration strategies may be valid for 'a percentage of women at work', they remain a restricting factor to others and they reproduce the established masculinity and gender inequality, very powerful in male-typed environments in general (Harris and Giuffre, 2015;Heilman and Haynes, 2005). ...
Despite the numerous examples and testimonies in the Internet, few researches are made on challenges and success factors for women chefs. This study aims to identify the barriers women face and how they succeeded to achieve the chefs’ position. It also evaluates the entrepreneurial path, its motives, and the advantages it offers to them. The authors selected a qualitative approach. They organized a couple of structured interviews and two focus group sessions with eight entrepreneurial women chefs who shared and discussed their experiences and their points of view, based on pre-selected topics. From their perspective, women׳s main barriers are: masculinity, gender perceptions to their skills and capabilities, and work-life balance. To face them, they had to be resilient, to keep learning, and to prove their competence. They also worked on acquiring management and leadership skills and were completely dedicated to their careers at the expense of family and social life. Those who aimed for better balance moved to other niches of the profession or followed the entrepreneurial path. The latter, offered them better time management flexibility and opportunities for professional evolution. Studying women in management position in this Haute Cuisine field is particularly interesting because of the dichotomy of the cooking task, considered female in the domestic sphere and male in the professional one. This article provides a basement for later qualitative and quantitative research in order to research gender barriers and success factors for women to leadership positions.
... As a result, culinary and Haute Cuisine have celebrated since their inception qualities and values linked to "men and masculinity" (Hendley, 2016). Although now many women are entering this field, they still have a hard time meeting both their gender roles and expectations and their workplace requirements (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). Cairins et al. (2010) argued that currently women are not able to have it all yet and that they are still struggling between "traditionally feminine qualities" and "traditional masculine subject positionalities." ...
... Women chefs have less freedom using and exerting their leadership style because of their gender roles and expectation and because of the masculine culture of the kitchen. They should earn respect in a masculine way and be careful not to be disliked because they are not in line with their gendernurturing and supportive rather than being competitive and bold (Harris & Giuffre, 2015;Kawakami, White, & Langer, 2000). ...
... (1) Women are negatively impacted by the male culture of the restaurant and by the shared gender stereotypes. Consequently, they face many barriers to remain or evolve in the job (Alan Fine, 1995;Cairns et al., 2010;Druckman, 2010;Farrell, 2016;Harris & Giuffre;Hendley, 2016;Ortner, 1974). are expected to dedicate more time to their household (Bourne & Calàs, 2013;Ortner, 1974;Reid & Wilson, 2011). ...
Many researchers argue that gender is a cultural construction rather a natural one. Haute Cuisine and the culinary field is a good illustration to how gender influenced the evaluation and the recognition of the cooking task in two different spaces, the professional and domestic. To analyze the reasons behind the low number of women chefs, we run a survey that targeted professionals in the cooking field. It included both gender and participants from Europe and USA. The survey results confirm the main argument that women are under-represented due to the masculine culture of kitchen work and culinary industry. Women therefore need to deal with it and to keep developing themselves professionally in order to achieve their place. A change in the industry dynamics will assess the barriers encountered in general by all professionals. The same change should impact household arrangements to facilitate women’s evolution in the professional sphere.
... To achieve status and differentiate them from domestic cooking, which in general was associated with women as part of their family and caring responsibilities, male chefs emphasized cooking as an art and then dominated the industry (Harris & Giuffre, 2015;Trubek, 2000). As a consequence, women were excluded from their circles, and the divergence was strengthened, although many famous male chefs mention their mothers or grandmothers as a source of inspiration and motivation to pursue a cooking career (Cairns, Johnston, & Baumann, 2010). ...
... In haute cuisine, as in any male-dominated field, women face the challenge of being an outsider who has to adapt to the traditional work environment (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). According to Harris & Giuffre (2015, p. 215), women chefs have to "lean in and fit" according to current occupational arrangements. ...
... They also had to demonstrate their physical and mental strength by adhering to work rules and culture, such as long working hours, not asking for help, avoiding emotions or feminine traits, and not challenging the masculine culture. While these integration strategies are valid for some women, they were criticized because they don´t disrupt the traditional masculinity and gender inequality that is robust in male-dominated environments in general (Druckman, 2012, p.208;Bourdain, 2013, pp.44-45;Harris & Giuffre, 2015;Heilman & Haynes, 2005). In a broad context gender role has been reported to influence tourism management discourse (Costa, Bakas, Breda, & Durão, 2017). ...
This article reviews gender differences in the career paths of successful chefs, including barriers, success factors, and the entrepreneurial path. The research was developed in 2016–17, using an international survey carried out in Spain, France, and the United States among culinary students, cooks, and chefs who responded to a structured questionnaire based on pre-selected topics. The results show that a chef’s career requires various sets of skills. They should be leaders, mentors, and entrepreneurs. They work in a hard and competitive environment where building their brand and achieving public recognition is a must. Their professional satisfaction depends on learning, evolving, and launching their restaurant. There were two main differences between the sample of women chefs and the general sample of chefs: they required more mentoring, and they achieved greater job satisfaction when they were self-employed.
... Numerous sociological studies have found that gendered stereotypes present significant challenges for women's success at work. Women have been stereotyped as being too emotional, lacking assertiveness, and having less drive and work commitment compared with men (Bobbit-Zeher, 2011;Brumley, 2018;Correll, 2017;Gorman & Mosseri, 2019;Harris & Giuffre, 2015;McKay, 2006;Ridgeway, 2011;Roth, 2006;Wallace & Kay, 2012). However, few sociological studies have explored how these negative stereotypes affect women's solidarity with other women at work. ...
... Multiple studies have found that women often ignore, or altogether dismiss, sexism at work in some work contexts (Bird & Rhoton, 2011;Britton, 2017;Harris & Giuffre, 2015;Irvine & Vermilya, 2010;Rhoton, 2011). Britton's (2017) study of women faculty identified a paradox: Despite their recognition of gender inequalities and biases, women said that gender does not matter at work and downplay its ubiquity. ...
... In their study of the culinary industry, Harris and Giuffre (2015) found that women chefs similarly maintained that gender did not matter in their work and espoused a meritocracy rhetoric despite clear evidence that gender inequality was structured into professional kitchens (for another study of women supporting a meritocratic vision of their work, see Seron, Silbey, Cech, & Rubineau, 2018). Likewise, Irvine and Vermilya (2010) analyzed a newly feminized occupation, veterinary medicine. ...
Voluminous scholarship documents the wage gap, occupational segregation, sexual harassment, and other forms of gender inequality at work. Few sociological studies explore women's work relationships with other women. Our article summarizes existing research from several disciplines on women's working relationships with other women. Specifically, three themes about the conditions of work emerge that discourage women's support for other women: (a) negative stereotypes about women, (b) lack of recognition of gender inequality, and (c) the devaluation of women's relationships, groups, and networks. We assert that these conditions reinforce essentialized notions of women, ignore larger structural inequalities at work, and cast women as the primary culprit in perpetuating gender inequality at work. We conclude with promising areas for future research on women's working relationships with other women.
... While there is some, albeit limited, evidence from studies conducted outside Australia (e.g. Burrow et al., 2015;Harris and Giuffre, 2015), the nature of job quality among chefs in Australian restaurants remains unknown. As such, the type of interventions necessary to redress any problems cannot be determined without a fuller analysis of job quality in this context and its underpinnings. ...
... Research focusing on the hospitality industry suggests job quality is objectively poor and characterised by long and inflexible working hours, low pay, high work intensity, restricted autonomy and poor physical conditions (Harris and Giuffre, 2015;Hay, 2015). These findings are also reflected in the relatively limited number of studies focusing specifically on job quality in restaurants (e.g. ...
... Empirically, the findings extend the hitherto incomplete, ad hoc research on chefs' job quality (e.g. Harris and Giuffre, 2015). Our results indicate that objective job quality among chefs is generally poor. ...
Chefs are lauded in popular culture. Yet doubts regarding the quality of chefs’ jobs have intensified in Australia following recent instances of underpayments in high-profile restaurants. This case study-based research examines the job quality of chefs in mid-level and premium restaurants. The findings allow for the development of empirical and theoretical contributions by revealing the prevalence of objectively ‘bad’ jobs and why they are tolerated subjectively. The article finds that temporal orientations influenced workers’ subjective perceptions of job quality, which represents an original contribution to job quality scholarship.
... Women in IT still tend to be gender segregated into specific, technical roles that have less status and are associated with female characteristics, as design, user-friendliness, and appearance as had been suggested for example by Roman (1994) and Peterson (2007). Similar to what has been shown for restaurant kitchens and newsrooms (Chambers et al., 2004;Harris & Giuffre, 2015), women in IT tend to be responsible for the more monotonous, routine tasks, with reference to "preserving traditions" and "testing the work quality," while men retain the activities requiring innovation, creativity, and strategizing, such as system analysis, design, and control. Thereby, "skills ghettos" are maintained, and women are segregated into less important positions which are difficult to leave through career progression. ...
... In a male-dominated work environment-even in a relatively gender-equal context such as Swedenthis adversity triggers the need of women programmers to legitimize themselves in gendered organizations. Reaching a legitimized status opens doors to further professional opportunities, such as professional trainings, and acknowledgment by "influential outsiders" with high status-quo (Harris & Giuffre, 2015) or the clients of IT firms. ...
Sweden is known to be one of the most gender‐equal societies in the world. Thus, it remains an enigma why a large discrepancy continues to exist regarding the gender balance in career choice and progression in many professions. Drawing on Yvonne Hirdman's(1988) theory of gendered systems, in this paper we explore the role of career resilience in the career progression of women who choose to work in the male‐dominated IT sector. We draw attention to how the day‐to‐day process of practicing career resilience in a gendered workplacetends to evolve as women progress in their careers. Based on an interview study with 50 female IT professionals as well as a discourse analysis of 502 newspaper articles on women in this sector, we develop a process model of career resilience in gendered professions, outlining different coping strategies that allow women to develop and enhance such resilience over time. We conclude the paper by providing some practical recommendations.
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... Therefore, gender barriers may not be viewed in the same way. From another perspective, Harris and Giuffre (2015) found during their research on women chefs that many of the very well established ones claimed gender neutrality. They argued that gender neutrality discourse could be explained by many reasons. ...
... First, it helps women chefs to avoid "negative feeling about discrimination or unfairness in the kitchen workplace since their gender is not something they can control" (Harris & Giuffre, 2015, p. 120). Second, by crediting their success to their personal attributes, skills, hard work, and dedication, they confirm their positions and their achievement (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). Finally, internalizing the kitchen norms could explain 3 She is quiet in her kitchen workplace, and she does not adapt a hot temper. ...
The higher the status in the "haute cuisine" field, the fewer women are employed in prestigious positions. Although cooking is considered a feminine competence, it becomes masculine when it is considered a professional job. Therefore, there are recognized gender barriers for women to achieve chef positions in the field. This article discusses the case of six female chefs who were awarded three Michelin stars in 2014 and one with two stars. The goal was to research how these women met the criteria of the Michelin Guide and which were the specific aspects that distinguished them from the rest. Although in their discourse, gender barriers were not highly accentuated, however, passion, the feminine approach to management, and family support were considered mandatory for their success.
... Uma análise da historiografia tradicional da gastronomia nos permite perceber como essa área se centra, majoritariamente, na Europa e sobre feitos masculinos (COOPER, 1997;FERGUSON, 1998;HARRIS;GIUFFRE, 2015). Inicialmente, interessa-nos observar como a narrativa da formação da gastronomia destaca a importância de trabalhadores domésticos que atuavam como cozinheiros profissionais nas cozinhas nobres europeias. ...
... Com as transformações políticas e econômicas ocorridas ao longo do século XVIII (como a Revolução Industrial e Francesa), esse quadro passa por mudanças importantes, resultando na criação de uma nova estrutura de profissionalização do trabalho culinário (HARRIS; GIUFFRE, 2015;LIMA, 2011;SARTI, 2012). Além do papel dos chefs de cozinha em hotéis e restaurantes, podemos citar também a importância das publicações gastronômicas, que sistematizavam receitas e técnicas, como importantes para a difusão da gastronomia e de sua legitimidade como esfera profissional do trabalho culinário: "( ) o trabalho escrito ajudou os chefs a deixar de ser trabalhadores domésticos anônimos nas casas da nobreza para se tornar especialistas para o público ( )" (TRUBEK, 2000, p. 29, tradução nossa). ...
... Women could also eschew women-centered mentorship due to fears that any formal efforts to improve the experiences of women in the workplace may mark them as "other" or even as "losers" who need special help (Britton & Logan, 2008;Dashper, 2017). Women in male-dominated jobs may avoid gender-based affinity groups to prevent being labeled as "whiners" who cannot "cut it" in these fields (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). While extensive mentoring for men may indicate they are an "up and comer" in an organization or industry, for women, these same actions could indicate they need remedial training (Ghosh, 2015). ...
... As previously mentioned, organizations may fear encouraging overtly feminist mentorship due to concerns it could send the message that women are getting "special" treatment and that they may demand changes to the workplace (Dashper, 2017;Williams et al., 2014). At the individual level, barriers include women's fears that engaging in these types of relationships may get them labeled "complainers" (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). Another barrier is that women mentors, particularly women of color, may already be engaged in numerous activities relating to mentorship and diversity in addition to their regular workload, leaving them little time for mentoring (Dua, 2007;Ghosh, 2015;McGuire & Reger, 2003). ...
Women‐focused mentoring programs are often cited as an important tool to help address gender inequality at work. Despite their popularity, there remain questions about how useful they are at improving women’s career trajectories or transforming gender demographics at the organizational or industry level. A frequent critique of current women‐focused mentoring efforts is that they reflect and uphold neoliberal feminism and have shifted from collective support to an individualized focus on competition and accruing human and social capital. These programs encourage women to internalize neoliberal subjectivities and prescribe individual change while shoring up ideas about meritocracy that are utterly divorced from gender. I discuss how feminist mentoring, which takes central tenets of feminism including focusing on collective action and organizational change, can serve as a countermeasure to neoliberal feminism and how this form of mentorship can help address gender inequality at work.
... Hence, women have to act in a masculine way to eradicate that prejudice. According to Harris and Giuffre (2015), women chefs are 'encouraged to lean in at work and to find ways to fit within current occupational arrangements' and they have to 'fit in homogenous work environments' as an outsider. Otherwise, men chefs may harass women chefs verbally and physically, and that workplace may be degrading for them. ...
... A number of interesting studies on restaurants and foodservice have emerged from America in recent years, including research on gender in the kitchen (Harris & Giuffre, 2015), the changing historical role and acceptance of the ethnic restaurateur (Ray, 2016), and the practice of tipping (Estreicher & Nash, 2016). Leschziner (2015) focuses on creativity in elite restaurants but provides a comprehensive theoretical underpinning to the study of restaurants (organizational analysis, theory of action, theory of practice), particularly the notion of the culinary field, built on the cultural production theory of Bourdieu (1996) and the gastronomic field theory developed by Ferguson (1998Ferguson ( , 2006. ...
Failure rates in the restaurant industry are popularly perceived to be far higher than they actually are. This paper calculates failure rates in the Irish Food and Drinks Sector (IFDS), for the first time, using longitudinal census data from the Central Statistics Office (CSO) in Ireland, which follows the European statistical classification of economic activity (NACE). The results are compared with previously published literature on restaurant failure rates in the United States of America. This study also compares IFDS failure rates with other industry sectors in Ireland (construction, manufacturing). Drawing on Stinchcombe’s ’liability of newness’ theory, the informal fallacies theory ’Argumentum ad Populum’, and critical success factors (CSFs) for restaurants theory, the paper explores restaurant failure rates both in Ireland and internationally. The research finds that the average failure rates for the IFDS are 15% after one year; 37.62% after three years; and 53.06% after five years in business, which, although marginally higher than other industry sectors in Ireland, are considerably lower than popularly perceived. Comparisons with previous studies in the United States of America shows that Irish rates are significantly lower, particularly in the first few years. The methodology can be replicated to provide comparative studies between other European countries using the NACE classifications. The results may assist in ensuring that future policy decisions made by governments, financial institutions and other restaurant/ hospitality industry groups are more empirically based and better informed.
... In their recent book-length study based on interviews with women in the industry and analysis of food media, Harris and Giuffre argue that gender disparities in the gastronomic field continue to be sustained by the gendered "rules of the game" that valorize men's ways of doing things (Harris and Giuffre 2015). They seek to shed light on the paradox that chef careers are of great interest to contemporary women, but few who start out at catering school progress to higher levels, and many move out of restaurant work into other areas of catering. ...
MasterChef Australia is the most popular television series in Australian history. It gives a wide range of ordinary people the chance to show they can master culinary arts to a professional standard. Through content and textual analysis of seven seasons of the show this article examines gendered patterns in its representation of participants and culinary professionals. Women are often depicted as home cooks by inclination while the figure of the professional chef remains almost exclusively male. Despite its rhetoric of inclusivity, MCA does little to challenge norms of the professional gastronomic field that have devalued women’s cooking while valorising “hard” masculinized culinary cultures led by men.
... Since October 2018, the Coalition of Immokalee Workers has run a #TimesUpWendy's campaign calling out the fast food giant for failing to join the Fair Food Program that works for harvests without violence for farmworkers. Despite the long-standing feminization of food and care work, in the United States women formally head < 20% of restaurant kitchens, with the number dropping to nearly 7% among elite restaurant groups (Harris and Giuffre 2015;Garsd 2015;Sutton 2014;Hartke 2018). At the highest levels of the culinary world, more and more women and people of color are achieving renown. ...
This introduction and special issue takes as its inspiration Kyla Wazana Tompkins’ 2012 articulation of Critical Eating Studies. We examine how value is produced through the circulation and transformation of the parts that constitute eating and edible bodies. Guided by the presumed dead, done, and discarded, we find material and structural meaning by focusing not on finished goods but on by-products – both intended and unintended. The Edible Feminisms special issue foregrounds scientific methods through which neoliberal market relations write-off matter and bodies as wastes and metabolic discontents. We explore how devaluation, or systemic discard, is built into technical modes of capitalist value production and echoes in social structure and cultural forms. In asking: what does feminism have to do with edibility? with waste and metabolic science? we illustrate the stakes of how, why and who of devalued parts and bodies. In the eleven essays of this special issue, we examine how cultural logics of devaluation (classism, racism, sexism) are related to the technical practices of revaluation (e.g. quantitative reductionism, nutritionism). We attune our readers to the messy insides of things, to food science through the Marxian concept of creative destruction.
... Although conservation networks have changed over the last century and women are now included in most organizations, the legacy of exclusion may have a lasting impact because networks change slowly and institutional memory is strong (Linde 2008). Additionally, several scholars argue that creative industries receive less gender inequality scrutiny because they are thought to operate as meritocracies where those showing the greatest "merit" will naturally rise to the top, which means they may be slower to address inequality issues (Florida 2014;Harris and Giuffre 2015). In the new economy, where work is increasingly defined by job insecurity and networking prowess, women may be facing another sequence of hurdles (Williams, Muller, and Kilanski 2012). ...
Since the 1980s, much has been written about the importance of including women in environmental decision making. However, when and how women are included remains an issue. The goal of this article was to explore how the historical exclusion of women from the production of conservation visual narratives continues to have an influence on conservation networks. We surveyed 121 National Geographic Society‐affiliated conservation/wildlife photographers, which produced a usable sample of 98 photographers, to assess whether there is evidence of the historical legacy of female exclusion in contemporary elite conservation photography networks. Using network analysis, we find a strong network among 67 conservation photographers, with eight subgroups. Our analysis shows that there are formal networks among conservation photographers, but these networks are sparsely populated with women. Of the women who are present, they mostly engage in the same subnetworks. Our findings provide evidence to support the notion that the historical exclusion of women from the production of visual conservation narratives has had a lasting impact on the network of conservation image producers, which may influence the way conservation is depicted to the general public. We situate our findings using gendered organizational theory.
... Both works are now considerably dated. Research has begun on various aspects of the chef's occupation and culture, including work on kitchen violence and bullying (Alexander, MacLaren, O'Gorman, & Taheri, 2012;Bloisi & Hoel, 2008;Johns & Menzels, 1999), occupational stress (Murray-Gibbons & Gibbons, 2007), retention and training (Pratten, 2003;Robinson & Beesley, 2010), liberal education (Hegarty, 2004;Magnusson Sporre, Johnson, & Ekström, 2015), and gender (Bartholomew & Garey, 1996;Harris & Giuffre, 2015). However, specific research on head chefs remains extremely rare (Allen & Mac Con Iomaire, 2016). ...
One-hundred and seventy head chefs from the Republic of Ireland scored 59 variables for success on two scales: (a) competencies needed for success (NS), and (b) personal ownership of these competencies (PO). Results showed that variables were rated with means of 1.18 (extremely important) to 3.23 (moderately important). The top three were an ability to work hard, commitment to quality, and knowledge of Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Points (HACCP). Variables rated lower in ownership than importance highlight areas for culinary educators to develop training programs. Average wages of head chefs (objective success) mirror the average industrial wage, but higher wages were gained with longer time working. Eighty percent of head chefs were satisfied (subjective success) in their current jobs. Factor analysis showed the factors needed to succeed in the culinary industry include professionalism, individual characteristics, leadership skills, management skills, and interaction with the job context. Applications for industry include talent management, mentoring future leaders, reducing staff turnover, and curriculum development.
... Buscemi (2014) studied the semiotics of the gender roles of Italian women in the kitchen as represented in three programs and noted that women were managing the roles of housewives and chefs. By reflecting on 2,206 restaurant reviews and chef profiles given in American newspapers and magazines, Harris and Giuffre (2015) explored the professional kitchen as a space of inequalities. By studying the kitchen catalogues of IKEA from 1975 to 2016, Ledin and Machin (2018) explored the changing semiotic representation of the kitchen from the perspective of technologization and neoliberal order which is based on flexibility, dynamism, creativity, and self-management and solution-oriented approach. ...
The semiotics of the kitchen in Pakistan in terms of sustainable development, structural violence and unequal distribution of resources, particularly technological ones, has been analyzed. The diverse architecture and resources in the kitchen in rural and urban settings have been linked with gender-based oppression and inequality in the light of the concepts of patriarchal relativity and compound patriarchy elaborated by Akgul (2017), capabilities suggested by Nassbaum (2000), and the semiotics of kitchen attributed to Rosler (1975). By studying the semiotics of the architecture of nine purposively selected images of kitchens in Pakistan, the gender hierarchies and binaries of men and women as ‘haves’ or ‘have-nots’ and privileged or multi- marginalized have been elaborated. The analysis of Pakistani rural and urban kitchens suggests that the architecture of the kitchen connotes unequal distribution of resources, such as the supply of gas, electricity, and water among women living in rural and urban areas.
Keywords: Compound patriarchy, inequalities, gender, rural vs urban areas, structural violence, access to resources, semiotics of the kitchen
... In this sense kitchen knives are valued because they are functional and ordinary (though some have more value than others dependent upon their monetary worth) and when placed in the context in which they are most frequently used, the kitchen, they are also gendered. Thus the (kitchen) knife has both value and purpose in a gendered domain long seen as the preserve of women (Cowan, 1985) in the domestic (private) setting, and still predominantly seen as the preserve of men in the commercial (public) setting (see Harris and Giuffre, 2015). Moreover, there is an overlap embedded within these observations which connects the materiality of the knife with the materiality of the home (Meth, 2003). ...
The knife is a relatively mundane, domestic and easily accessible household item. At the same time, it is the most commonly used weapon in intimate partner homicide. Recently however the knife has become an object of fear and panic in England and Wales when used in public by mostly young men on other young men. This aim of this article is to offer some reflections on the conundrums posed by these two observations. Here the ‘knife’ is considered through the integrated lenses of space, gender and materiality. Situated in this way the contemporary preoccupation with ‘knife’ crime illustrates the ongoing and deeply held assumptions surrounding debates on public and private violence. Whilst criminology has much to say on gender and violence, the gendered, spatialized and material presence of the knife remains poorly understood. In prioritizing ‘knife’ crime as a ‘public’ problem over its manifestation as an ongoing ‘private’ one, its gendered and spatialized features remain hidden thus adding to the failure of policy to tackle ‘knife’ crime in the round.
... It would be reasonable to expect a similar representation in the workplace, with an almost equal number of male and female executive chefs in the Kenyan hospitality industry. Research in the US suggests that female chefs do not make it to an executive chef's position (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). However, there is no research that highlights the challenges faced by female chefs in the Kenyan hospitality industry. ...
... Faced with the denial of gender discrimination, organizations are appreciated as environments supported by merit. 'Queen bee women adhere to meritocratic discourses', even when faced with clear evidence of inequality (Harris & Giuffre, 2015). The meritocratic discourse strengthens the idea that dedication and hard work are crucial to achieving success (Weber & Giuffre, 2019). ...
This study aimed to develop an instrument to measure the queen bee phenomenon, present in women in positions of command who hinder the professional development of other women. In this article, the phenomenon is understood as a response to the social threat experienced by women who aspire to high positions in organizations. The sample, of 495 women who worked in higher education institutions, was divided into two groups: Group 1 (G1; 248, MAge = 44 years old) and Group 2 (G2; 247, MAge = 42 years old). These individuals answered the Queen Bee Phenomenon Scale (QBPS) and demographic questions. Considering the G1 participants, a principal component analysis was performed, which allowed the identification of a hexafactorial structure, explaining 60.5% of the total variance and presenting an overall internal consistency of 0.72. Subsequently, for the G2 participants, the adequacy of the QBPS hexafactorial structure was confirmed (CFI = 0.935, TLI = 0.923, and RMSEA = 0.049). It was concluded that there is evidence for both the validity of the factors and the internal consistency of the measure, which thus may be properly used in other studies.
... Furthermore, kitchens seem a masculinized territory, described as possessing a "reputation for sexism" (Pratten, 2003, p. 455). Awareness and discussion of gender inequality in professional kitchens in both academic literature and the media is growing (Albors-Garrigos et al., 2020;Harris & Giuffre, 2015). ...
The purpose of this paper is to explore the concept, types, and causes of food production failure (FPF) in restaurant kitchens from the perspective of chefs. Employing a phenomenological epistemology, a qualitative methodology was adopted to explore FPF. Extant literature was reviewed. Using purposive sampling, and employing an emic posture, 15 semi-structured interviews were conducted with senior restaurant and hotel chefs until saturation occurred. Interviews were transcribed, read repeatedly, and coded using the qualitative analysis software package QDA Miner Lite. An inter-rater reliability score of .78 using Cohen’s Kappa coefficient formula reflected substantial agreement between coders. Thematic analysis was used. The study revealed three main categories of FPF types (sensory/organoleptic, safety, other) and FPF causes (People related failure; Operation-related failure; and Food supply/supplier-related failures). A conceptual model was developed from these categories underpinned by management control systems, continuous training, clear communication, and the organizational culture and climate of kitchens. Chefs found that FPF was inevitable based on human error, and can be precipitated by certain factors but reduced by other interventions. Research findings may assist in reducing its frequency, thereby increasing customer satisfaction and retention while reducing financial and environmental costs of FPF. Practical, theoretical, and managerial implications are discussed.
... 23 Research. Once the 2000s arrived, research on gendered organizations mushroomed, producing a bevy of studies (e.g., Britton 2000;Correll et al. 2007;Dellinger 2004;Ely and Meyerson 2010;Gherardi and Poggio 2007;Harris and Guiffre 2015;Martin 2001Martin , 2003Martin , 2005Martin , 2006Roth 2006). As part of this trend, research on sexuality and bodies in organizations increased. ...
Gendered organizations is a recent academic specialty within sociology, management, communications, and other disciplines. Martin reviews the history and emergence of the field, its transition to a feminist perspective, and her involvement in its development. Before the 1970s, when “rational-technical” conceptions of organizations were hegemonic, minimal attention was paid to women at work; formal organizations were viewed as men’s domain. Yet, critical scholarship on gendered organizations began appearing in the 1970s, blossomed in the 1980s, and developed at a feverish pace in the 1990s and beyond, largely inspired by sociologist Joan Acker’s work. Martin reviews the history of the field and points to the future regarding gendered change, practice(s), and research and theory on organizations.
... Shweta's experience represents tokenism-the process of evaluating minorities against local hegemonic standards. Research shows this is especially the case for white women and racial minorities, who often find themselves involuntarily representing their groups in white-and maledominated spaces (e.g., Harris and Giuffre 2015;Kanter 1977;Wingfield 2009;Yoder 1994). Tokenism allows workplaces to signal inclusivity while also harboring institutionalized barriers to full integration and career advancement for underrepresented employees (Giuffre, Dellinger, and Williams 2008). ...
Much research on tokenism has focused on the organizational processes by which white women and racial minorities experience heightened surveillance at work and become occupationally immobile. Little research has considered how tokenism operates for other minority workers, such as immigrants. We theorize cultural tokenism to explain the ways in which foreign-born minorities in the United States are held up against hegemonic ethnic markers besides cultural gender standards and racial stereotypes, resulting in their interpersonal and institutional exoticization. Drawing on interviews with 33 immigrant women university faculty, this study shows how cultural contrasts make work difficult for high-status, foreign-born professional women. Specifically, they experience gendered pressures to provide U.S.-born students with “cultural enrichment” experiences and demonstrate organizational diversity while navigating the effects of tokenism. This research explains barriers to promotion and work satisfaction for immigrant women in white-collar jobs, and raises questions about how organizations can benefit from hiring these workers without exploiting them.
... These historic injustices combine with economic and structural changes to undermine possibilities for more diverse food production practices (Leslie et al. 2019). Similarly, women in the kitchen are categorized as cooks, while men dominate the more valued, vaunted, and remunerated role of chef (Harris and Giuffre 2015). Minority communities that lack access to nutritious and/or culturally preferred foods also face racebased health disparities that become inscribed in the body in the form of diabetes, hypertension, and heart disease. ...
Multiple factors create food injustices in the United States. They occur in different societal sectors and traverse multiple scales, from the constrained choices of the industrialized food system to legal and corporate structures that replicate entrenched racial and gender inequalities, to cultural expectations around food preparation and consumption. Such injustices further harm already disadvantaged groups, especially women and racial minorities, while also exacerbating environmental deterioration. This article consists of five sections that employ complementary approaches in the humanities, design studies, and science and technology studies. The authors explore cases that represent structural injustices in the current American food system, including: the racialized and gen-dered effects of food systems and cultures on both men and women; the misguided and de-territo-rialized global branding of the Mediterranean Diet as a universal ideal; the role of food safety regulations around microbes in reinforcing racialized food injustices; and the benefits of considering the American food system and all of its parts as designed artifacts that can be redesigned. The article concludes by discussing how achieving food justice can simultaneously promote sustainable food production and consumption practices-A process that, like the article itself, invites scholars and practitioners to actively design our food system in ways that empower different stakeholders and emphasize the importance of collaboration and interconnection.
... First, this research was conducted in Turkey. Additionally, due to gender inequalities with a heavy volume of masculinity in professional kitchens (Harris & Giuffre, 2015), the sample of this study was shaped around male chefs owning to screening criteria. Relatedly, Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov (2010) highlighted that masculinity tends to prevail high in the Muslim world. ...
This study aims to ascertain and understand the art of plating dimensions from the perspective of master chefs. A semi-structured interview method was conducted with sixteen master chefs in Turkey to address this research purpose. The gathered data was analyzed via content analysis. As a result, four interrelated dimensions were identified; design principles, target audience, the character of the chef, and characteristics of the food. The findings contribute to the research agenda on the plating phenomenon to better understand the main framework of the art of plating. Further, many practical implications were also offered for relevant practitioners of the restaurant industry. The study is one of the first attempts to explore the dimensions of the art of plating from the perspective of master chefs in the restaurant-marketing context.
Alaylı ve eğitimli aşçılar Aşçılık Öz Bu çalışmanın amacı Türkiye'de aşçılık mesleğinin tarihsel ve sosyolojik olarak geçirdiği değişimi ele almaktır. Meslekler sosyolojisi içerisinde değerlendirilebilecek bir perspektiften mesleğin değişen statüsü, günümüzde farklılaşan algısı araştırmanın odağında yer almaktadır. Geleneksel ve alaylı ustalar olarak tanımlanan "koca usta"lardan, okullu, eğitimli aşçılara bir geçiş süreci yaşanmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın verileri Mengen kökenli dokuz alaylı aşçı ile gerçekleştirilen yarı yapılandırılmış görüşmeye ve eğitimli, okullu olarak tanımlanan yeni nesil aşçılarla yapılan dokuz yarı yapılandırılmış görüşmeye dayanmaktadır. Alaylı aşçılar değişime ve yeni mutfak akımlarına kapalı iken, okullu aşçıların küresel ve yerel ikiliğini bir fırsata dönüştürme potansiyeli taşıması sosyolojik açıdan önemlidir. Türk mutfağına yaklaşım açısından iki kuşak aşçılar arasında belirgin bir farklılık bulunmamaktadır. Kadınların kamusal alanda aşçılık mesleğinde arka planda kalması ve bunun toplumsal cinsiyet örüntüleri ile gerekçelendirilmesi her iki kuşak aşçılar arasındaki nadir ortaklıklardan biri olarak görülmektedir. Tüm bunların dışında Türkiye'de aşçılık mesleğinin pek çok dernek, federasyon tarafından örgütlü olduğu bilinse de bu örgütlülüğün mesleğin çalışma koşullarında tatmin edici bir değişim yaratamadığı görülmektedir.
The purpose of this study is to examine the transformation of the cookery profession historically and sociologically in Turkey. The changing status of the profession from a perspective that can be evaluated within the sociology of professions and the differing perception of the profession are at the center of the research. There is a transition process from "big master cooks" who are defined as traditional and old-school chef, to school-educated chefs. The data of this study are based on semi-structured interviews with nine untutored chefs and nine semi-structured interviews with educated, new generation cooks. It is sociologically important that school chefs have the potential to turn their global and local dichotomy into an opportunity while untutored cooks are closed to change and new culinary trends. There is no significant difference between two generations of chefs in terms of approach to Turkish cuisine. It is seen as one of the rare partnerships between the two generations of chefs that women remain in the background of the culinary profession in the public sphere and the justification of this with gender patterns. Apart from all these, the culinary profession in Turkey are known to be organized by many associations. However, it is seen that this organization cannot create a satisfactory change in the working conditions of the profession.
Bu çalışmanın amacı, kültürel miras turizmi amacıyla kültürel miras alanlarını ziyaret eden turistlerin memnuniyeti ve hizmet kalitesi ile alanı tekrar ziyaret etme niyeti arasındaki ilişkiyi araştırmaktır. Bu amaçla, 2019 yılı Ağustos ayında Bergama kültürel miras alanlarını ziyarete gelen toplam 400 yerli ve yabancı turiste anket tekniği uygulanarak araştırmanın verileri elde edilmiştir. Çalışmada, turist memnuniyeti ve hizmet kalitesinin, turistlerin kültürel miras alanını tekrar ziyaret etme niyeti ile arasındaki ilişkiyi incelemeye yönelik hipotezler geliştirilmiştir. Geliştirilen hipotezlerin analizinde iki yönlü ki-kare bağımsızlık testinden faydalanılmıştır. Çalışmanın bulguları değerlendirildiğinde,
turistlerin harcadığı masraflara ve zamana göre memnuniyetin kültürel miras alanını tekrar ziyaret etme niyeti ile ilişkisi olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Diğer bir bulgu da hizmet kalitesi ile kültürel miras alanını tekrar ziyaret etme niyeti arasında ilişkinin bulunmasıdır. Sonuç olarak, turistlerin tekrar ziyaret etme niyeti ile istatistiksel olarak anlamlı ilişkisi bulunan turist memnuniyetinin ve hizmet kalitesinin sağlanması, turistik destinasyon olan kültürel miras alanlarının temel amaçlar arasında olmalıdır.
Drawing on interviews with private and personal chefs, this study highlights the interplay between internal and external forces shaping boundary work. Private and personal chefs’ social and professional position is ambiguous, and their employment is precarious. In order to navigate their uncertain standing and assert self-worth, some drew boundaries between themselves and clients. They disliked clients who were wasteful, lacked the ‘right’ motivations for hiring a chef, or lacked the ‘right’ taste or approach to food. But rather than simply seeking to establish superiority, the chefs distanced themselves from and disregarded clients who seemed not to see them as they saw themselves – as skilled and valuable workers. This article argues that a desire for self-verification – to have one’s self-views verified by others – can activate boundaries. It suggests that an uncertain standing might foster this desire, and that workers’ views of themselves vis-à-vis other workers can drive their evaluations of clients.
Managing People in Commercial Kitchens: A Contemporary Approach uses original research to argue that senior managers (head chefs) should differentiate their people management practices in kitchen brigades from those used in the hospitality industry more generally (induction, socialisation, and performance evaluation) due to the group’s strong occupational identity and culture.
The understanding of chefs’ work from a management perspective is critical for successful hospitality operations but has been historically under-researched. Chapters provide a detailed account of chefs’ work in commercial kitchens from an HRM perspective. Using occupational identity and culture as a vehicle, this book explores the different aspects of managerial work in commercial kitchen settings: general management, leadership, education and training, skills and competencies, managing deviant behaviour, managing stress, and managing diversity (focused on gender segregation). The final chapter looks at future perspectives on this unique working environment and the many challenges arising from the latest developments such as the COVID-19 pandemic.
Providing both theoretical insights and practical applications with the use of case studies throughout, this will be of great interest to upper-level students and researchers in hospitality, as well as a useful reference for current managers in the field.
Araştırma, UNWTO (2019) verilerine göre Dünya’nın en çok turist alan ilk on ülkesinin destinasyon pazarlama sürecinde resmi web sitelerini gastronomi turizmi açısından değerlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda araştırmada nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden doküman inceleme tekniği kullanılmıştır. Araştırmanın kapsamını dünyanın en çok turist alan ilk on ülkesinin resmi web sitelerinde yer alan gastronomi turizmine yönelik pazarlama ve tanıtım çalışmaları oluşturmaktadır. Bu kapsamda veriler, 1 Aralık 2020 ile 10 Ocak 2021 tarihleri arasında ilgili ülkelerin İngilizce dilindeki resmi turizm web sitelerinden metin, fotoğraf ve video şeklinde toplanmıştır. Elde edilen verilere içerik analizi uygulanmıştır. Analiz sonuçları incelenen ülkelerin tamamının gastronomiyle ilgili bir sayfası veya kategorisi bulunduğunu, bazı ülkelerin ciddi eksiklikleri olmasına rağmen genel olarak değerlendirildiğinde dünyanın en çok turist ağırlayan ilk on ülkesinin destinasyon pazarlama sürecinde resmi web sitelerinde gastronomi turizmine yönelik tanıtım ve pazarlama çalışmaları yaptıklarını göstermektedir.
In recent decades, there has been growing interest in renowned gourmet restaurants, and increased awareness about how food is prepared, presented and served. A small and select group of chefs have thereby gained prestigious positions and high-profile images as restaurateurs. Most of these restaurateurs are men. The research question this article sets out to study is: How is the identity and ideology of masculinity imbued into the subjectivity and representations of gourmet restaurateurs? The selection of data sources means that our geographical focus is on Stockholm, Sweden’s main urban region. The methodological approach of this article to employ empirical material from interviews and media articles reveals how this masculine discourse is attained through a particular interplay of subjects (the chefs and entrepreneurs) and representations (the media). The focus of this article has included a quite exclusive category of a few restaurants and restaurateurs, which may have implications on the findings pointing to a homogenous profile of the ideals of the gourmet chefs. The results point out that the micro-spaces of gourmet restaurants’ kitchens and dining rooms can be understood as nurseries for ‘nostalgic and conservative masculinities’.
The author examines how immigrant networks and labor segmentation by race and gender facilitate inequality in immigrant-owned restaurants. The author conducted three months of participant observation at an immigrant-owned restaurant and supplemental interviews with 18 workers and owners at similar restaurants in Austin, Texas. Labor segmentation by gender and race resulted in varied degrees of wage inequality, surveillance, and exposure to hazardous working conditions. Also, although ethnic networks among workers offer benefits, embedded in these networks are unwritten rules of obligation, gift giving, and repayment. Shared ethnicity or identity as immigrants did not prevent immigrant owners from exploiting workers of the same ethnicity and other immigrant workers. Ultimately, the author argues that ethnic networks are embedded in the larger economy and context of racial-ethnic hierarchies. This research sheds light on everyday interactions among Asian immigrant restaurant owners and workers. The author highlights how an uncritical focus on the benefits of ethnic networks obscures constraints in social networks.
Pascual Soler offers a reading of chef Marco Pierre White’s autobiography, The Devil in the Kitchen: Sex, Pain, Madness and the Making of a Great Chef (2007) within the larger framework of criminal autobiography. The chapter offers a summary of the relationship between cooking and crime, focusing on the gangster conventions used by White, the sensational ingredients in his story and the moral ambiguity that ends the text. As well as looking at the ways in which fact combines with fiction, Pascual Soler explores White as the archetypal example of the criminal-chef persona. The chapter concludes by suggesting that this criminal persona is erected by the chef as proof of his artistic genius and as a defense mechanism against the feminization of the kitchen.
The chef profession is considered a challenging career, with female chefs seeming to be most affected. As such, it is rare to find female chefs occupying the coveted executive chef positions. The aim of this research was to establish if female chefs in Kenya encounter similar challenges to those experienced by female chefs elsewhere. Previous research shows that female chefs encounter career challenges in hospitality organisations and hence they struggle to make it as chefs; for example, studies by Druckman [1] and Harris and Giuffre [2,3] in the United States, Murray-Gibbons and Gibbons [4] in the United Kingdom, as well as Zengeni et al. [5] in Zimbabwe. This article poses the important question: how can these challenges be overcome? The study sought to make sense of the lived work experiences of Kenyan female chefs. Baum [6] recommends contextualised research methodologies to explore hospitality issues in non-Western countries. Moreover, Adelowo [7] asserts that lived experiences are better expressed through stories. Therefore, a qualitative approach was employed in this study where 15 chefs working in the Kenyan hospitality industry were interviewed [8]. Ten female chefs told stories of their workplace experiences while five male executive chefs recounted their experiences of working with female chefs. Despite the different geographical, socio-cultural and economic factors between Kenya and other countries previously studied, female chefs expressed common challenges such as sexual harassment, gender discrimination, unsupportive attitudes towards pregnancy and an unhealthy work environment, as well as hierarchical kitchen structures that they believed discriminated against them. There was an indication of engrained patriarchal attitudes that limit the professional success of potential female chefs. Unfortunately, hospitality employers appeared to support the status quo; that is, a gendering of the chef’s profession that privileges men and penalises women. These findings suggest a trend that must worry hospitality employers. The highly competitive career structures and the male domination that discourages women from making a long-term career in the kitchen [2], coupled with stiff competition for scarce hospitality human resources, support the need to retain female chefs. Christensen and Rog [9] stress that employee retention strategies will only work if human resource managers are fully committed to creating a positive workplace culture that treats all employees equally, regardless of their gender or any other dimension of diversity. In his study, Orido [8] suggests that the following measures may help to attract and retain female chefs. Firstly, employers should introduce personalised career development plans. For instance, a female chef who has attained postgraduate qualifications ought to be promoted and remunerated accordingly. This will not only retain female chefs but also enable them to further their career aspirations within the hospitality industry. Secondly, female chefs should be given the opportunity to fully participate at all levels of the kitchen hierarchy, thereby acquiring the necessary skills for promotion in the future to executive chef’s positions. Additionally, it will encourage a clear career progression path within the kitchen hierarchy. Hospitality employers must ensure that employment opportunities as well as employment terms and career progression are not dependant on a chef’s gender, but on their qualifications and competencies. By investing in female chefs and, most importantly, keeping them safe from bullying at work, the hospitality industry will not only attract, but retain, these talented professionals in satisfying culinary careers. If you would like to read the PhD thesis this research is based on you can access it here: http://hdl.handle.net/10292/10626 Corresponding author Charles is a chef and lecturer at Kenya Utalii College, Nairobi, Kenya. His research interests include inhospitable hospitality, culinary arts, human behaviour in the hospitality industry, and indigenous research. He holds a Certificate in Food Production (currently Culinary Arts) from Kenya Utalii College, a BA degree in Hospitality Management from the University of Nairobi, Kenya, and a Master of International Hospitality Management (MIHM) from Auckland University of Technology, New Zealand. Charles Orido can be contacted at: chaloridoh@gmail.com or corido@utalii.ac.ke References (1) Druckman, C. Why Are There No Great Women Chefs? Gastronomica 2010, 10, 24–31. https://doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2010.10.1.24 (2) Harris, D. A.; Giuffre, P. “The Price You Pay”: How Female Professional Chefs Negotiate Work and Family. Gender Issues 2010, 27, 27–52. (3) Harris, D. A.; Giuffre, P. Taking the Heat: Women Chefs and Gender Inequality in the Professional Kitchen; Rutgers University Press: New Brunswick, NJ, 2015. https://books.google.co.nz/books?id=qTaACgAAQBAJ (4) Murray-Gibbons, R.; Gibbons, C. Occupational Stress in the Chef Profession. International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 2007, 19, 32–42. https://doi.org/10.1108/09596110710724143 (5) Zengeni, D. M. F.; Tendani, E.; Zengeni, N. The Absence of Females in Executive Chef Position in Zimbabwean Hotels: Case of Rainbow Tourism Group (RTG). Australian Journal of Business and Management Research 2013, 3, 1–18. (6) Baum, T. Human Resources in Tourism: Still Waiting for Change? – A 2015 Reprise. Tourism Management 2015, 50, 204–212. (7) Adelowo, A. The Adjustment of African Women Living in New Zealand: A Narrative Study; Ph.D. Thesis, Auckland University of Technology, 2012. http://aut.researchgateway.ac.nz/handle/10292/4601 (8) Orido, C. O. Challenges Faced by Female Chefs in the Kenyan Hospitality Industry: A Study through an African Oral Tradition of Storytelling; Ph.D. Thesis, Auckland University of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10292/10626 (9) Christensen, J.; Rog, E. Talent Management: A Strategy for Improving Employee Recruitment, Retention and Engagement within Hospitality Organizations. International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 2008, 20, 743–757.
The culinary profession and discourses advocating the pursuit of passions have gained prominence in the American cultural landscape, along with having captured scholarly attention. Yet, research on career changes into culinary entrepreneurship is lacking. Drawing on interview and survey data, this article examines career changers' motivations for pursuing personal cheffing. Participants wanted to follow their passion, and they also were attracted to the autonomy and flexibility of personal cheffing. Most were satisfied with their new work, but this study also suggests some limitations to discourses promoting the pursuit of self-fulfillment through work. The physical toll and low and/or unstable pay were not ideal, and not everyone can feasibly prioritize self-fulfillment. Moreover, the social/cultural context and/or one's social position influence what passions are seen as possible careers and what activities feel self-fulfilling. The impetus to do what you love has the potential to reproduce existing social divisions and inequalities.
Pascual Soler offers a reading of the autobiographies of chefs Michael Ruhlman (The Making of a Chef 1997), Bill Buford (Heat 2006) and Grant Achatz (Life, on the Line 2011) utilizing Joseph Campbell’s archetype of the hero described in The Hero with a Thousand Faces (1949). The chapter draws attention to the relevance of Campbell’s work in today’s cultural landscape and uses a broad historical and literary perspective to facilitate a better understanding of its continuity. As well as looking at the heroic journeys these chefs recount in their autobiographies, Pascual Soler explores the question of authenticity in life-writing and food studies. “Authentic Chef-Heroes” concludes by connecting these autobiographies to the feminization of cooking and contemporary challenges to masculinity in the professional and private kitchens.
In this article, we explore how women craft their jobs in male‐dominated occupations in ways that respond to the job demands relating to contradictory gender expectations. With material from 21 interviews with female chefs working in professional kitchens, we show, through the lens of constructing gender identities and meanings at the gender‐body nexus, that three job crafting practices – negotiating physical competence, reframing creativity, and managing men co‐workers' reactions – are invented as creative responses to gender‐related job demands. The findings contribute to the job crafting literature by showing that women's job crafting in male‐dominated occupations is less about increasing or decreasing certain types of job demands, but more about enacting “dynamic displays” – material, discursive and fluid – of their gender identities and meanings as situated responses to a given job demand being made. Our research indicates the importance of understanding the conditions under which job crafting is mostly likely to generate positive, negative, or mixed experiences over time. .
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MasterChef Australia is the most popular cooking show in its nation's television history. In recent times, the Australian version of MasterChef has garnered positive reviews, feedback and a colossal fan base world over. The show's concept to put amateur home-cooks under the spotlight, by giving them a chance to showcase their culinary skills and make a career in the food industry, is a premise that drives thousands of Australians to apply for the competition. Despite the fact that the show strives vigorously to impress upon the ideas of equality and inclusiveness, it barely makes a statement in shutting stereotypical gender roles. So much so, that the trailer released for season 5 projected a flimsy 'boy versus girl' battle with women priding over being better at 'presentation because we are used to grooming ourselves'! The show received backlash and eye rolls on social media for it. This paper takes the content and visual representations of the show's seasons eight, nine and ten, to study the gendered patterns, their conventional representations and language used to delineate participants, celebrity guest chefs and their dishes. It has often been debated that women are characterized as 'cook' and men as 'chef' the moment their dishes are discussed at a professional platform. It is the researcher's attempt to question the show's dearth on challenging the norms of the professional gastronomic field that glorifies male chefs for their refined culinary skills but does little to value that of the women.
Women artists are systematically disadvantaged across cultural fields. Although some of these disadvantages resemble gender inequalities in non-artistic work, such as lower pay, underrepresentation, work–family conflict, and symbolic devaluation, others are unique to artistic careers. In this essay, I extend Acker's work on the implicit gendering of the ideal-typical worker to show how gender implicitly organizes social expectations around artists and artistic work. I highlight themes emerging from past research on gender relations in artistic careers, which suggest that the ideal-typical artist builds on a masculine model in at least three ways. First, collective understandings of creative genius center a masculine subject. Second, bias in aesthetic evaluations systematically favors men over women. Third, the structure of artistic careers, particularly the need for entrepreneurial labor and self-promotion, requires artists to engage in behaviors that are more socially acceptable in men than in women.