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VOLUME 10 ?ISSUE 3 ?PAGES 307–320 ?Fall 2016
“Why Not Me?” College Enrollment and Persistence of
High-Achieving First-Generation Latino College Students
Desiree´ Vega
The University of Arizona
ABSTRACT: The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand the college-going
experiences of 10 high-achieving first-generation Latino college juniors and seniors at a
Hispanic-Serving Institution in the southwest. Despite facing barriers, many first-
generation Latino students succeed in attending and completing their postsecondary
education. Yet, minimal research exists to document these students’ success stories.
This study explored participants’ perceptions of their decisions to attend college and
motivation to persist in college. Results revealed four main themes: academic rigor,
support networks, internal motivation, and responsibility as a first-generation college
student. Recommendations for school psychologists working at the secondary level are
provided to address inequities in postsecondary attendance among first-generation
Latino students.
Latinos represent the largest minority group in the United States and are projected to comprise
approximately 29% of the population by the year 2060 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). Yet, they continue
to perform significantly lower than other racial and ethnic groups in the area of academics (Becerra,
2012; Ga´ndara, 2010). Among Latinos ages 25–29 only 15% have a bachelor’s degree or higher
compared to 22% of African Americans, 41% of Whites, and 63% of Asians (Pew Research Center,
2016). Low educational attainment often results in unemployment, low wages and earnings, and
increased poverty rates, which can have an impact on the ability of Latinos to contribute to the
economy and the global competitiveness of the United States (Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009). Latinos also
represent a significant proportion of the unskilled labor force and, accordingly, they are
underrepresented in the highest paying careers (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014).
Latino students are more likely to come from low-income backgrounds and be first-generation college
students (Engle, 2006). The intersection of these identities compounds the difficulties faced when
attempting to advance one’s education. First-generation status often has a negative impact on college
attendance and persistence (Hudley et al., 2009). First-generation college students tend to have lower
grade-point averages (GPA), enroll in advanced courses at a lower rate, and perform lower on
standardized tests when compared to non–first-generation college students (Atherton, 2014; U.S.
Department of Education, 2014). Current research on first-generation college students–defined as
students who are the first in their family to obtain a bachelor’s degree (Boden, 2011)–does not
comprehensively attend to the unique experiences of Latino students. More specifically, existing
research has not examined the educational process in terms of how first-generation Latino college
students make the decision to attend college and what factors contribute to their successful
enrollment and persistence (Pe´rez & McDonough, 2008; Reyes & Nora, 2012).
Correspondence concerning this article should be directed to Desiree´ Vega, Department of Disability and
Psychoeducational Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ 85721; dvega2@email.arizona.edu.
Copyright 2016 by the National Association of School Psychologists, ISSN 1938-2243
Limited access to college enrollment and completion represents a social injustice. Thus, the goal of
increasing Latino college access and graduation should be a national priority (Excelencia in Education,
2015). Researchers (i.e., Shriberg, 2009; Shriberg et al., 2008) have called for the field of school
psychology to enact a social justice agenda to combat the disparities (e.g., disproportionate
placement in special education, disproportionate disciplinary consequences, high levels of grade
retention and dropout rates, and involvement in the criminal justice system) experienced by racially
and ethnically diverse students. School psychologists play a critical role in supporting student
achievement through various activities including assessment, consultation, counseling, prevention
and intervention, and advocacy (National Association of School Psychologists [NASP], 2010). Further,
school psychologists’ knowledge, skills, and practices “reflect understanding and respect for human
diversity and promote effective services, advocacy, and social justice for all children, families, and
schools” (NASP, 2010, p. 4). School psychologists must implement a proactive and preventative
approach to social justice that attends to the ecological and systemic factors that have an impact on
educational success (Speight & Vera, 2009). As school psychologists continue to move toward
expanding their role beyond assessment-related activities (Fagan & Wise, 2007), involvement in
college and career readiness activities serves as an opportunity to effectively meet the needs of first-
generation Latino students and further social justice through access to college for this student
population.
FIRST-GENERATION COLLEGE STUDENTS’ EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES
In high school, first-generation students report limited access to enrollment in rigorous courses and
discouragement from enrolling in these courses by school staff (Klopfenstein, 2004; Solo´ rzano & Ornelas,
2004). Hudley et al. (2009) examined college freshmen’s perceptions of support in high school and found
that support from high school teachers and counselors were strongly related to social and academic
adjustment in college for first-generation and non–first-generation students. Additionally, the rigor of
students’ high school curriculum has been found to be strongly associated with overall performance in
college (Garza, Bain, & Kupczynski, 2014). Therefore, school support and access to advanced classes can
prepare students to successfully enroll in college (Hill, 2008).
Upon enrollment in college, first-generation college students are likely to leave within the first four
semesters (Ishitani, 2003). These students also tend to work fulltime and attend college parttime.
Consequently, they are less academically and socially integrated into the college community (Kuh, 2008).
With this in mind, it is necessary to focus not only on college enrollment, but also on retention and
persistence through degree completion (Engle & Tinto, 2008). Stebleton and Soria (2014) investigated
perceptions of academic obstacles and found that compared to non–first-generation students, first-
generation college students more frequently encountered challenges that were potentially detrimental to
their academic success. More specifically, the first-generation college students in the study experienced
competing work and family responsibilities, poor study skills, feelings of depression and sadness, and
weak English and mathematics skills.
LATINO FIRST-GENERATION COLLEGE STUDENTS
Latino students are enrolling in college at higher rates than other racial/ethnic groups, but continue to
lag behind other groups in bachelor’s degree attainment rates (Pew Research Center, 2016). Thus, many
Latinos are enrolling in college, but they are not persisting through degree completion. One reason for
low graduation rates is that many Latino college students are also first-generation college students
(Nun˜ez, Sparks, & Hernandez, 2011) and lack the social capital necessary for college success (Pe´rez &
McDonough, 2008). Additionally, the intersectionality of being from low socioeconomic backgrounds may
place financial barriers and limitations on these students’ success and persistence in college (Engle, 2006;
Saenz, Hurtado, Barrera, Wolf, & Yeung, 2007).
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For Latino college students, a cultural factor related to enrollment and persistence challenges is familial
obligations. The Latino culture is collectivistic and identifies with the core value of familismo, where
group needs are prioritized over individual needs (Gloria & Castellanos, 2012). Accordingly, Latino
college students may face pressure from their family to live at home and/or work to assist the family,
which can potentially lead to a decline in academic performance (Telzer & Fuligni, 2009). Vasquez-
Salgado, Greenfield, and Burgos-Cienfuegos (2015) explored home–school value conflict among 14 first-
generation Latino college students and found that those who prioritized school over family demands,
such as studying for an exam instead of attending a family function, experienced personal inner conflict.
Upon making a decision to focus on school demands, the participants continued to assess whether they
made the correct decision. At times, they experienced guilt as well as difficulty concentrating in class or
while trying to study. Regardless of the decision participants made, they felt conflicted because if they
attended family functions and compromised studying, their grades could suffer, and if they prioritized
school demands over family, they experienced guilt and stress.
Gloria and Castellanos (2012) examined college educational and coping responses among first-generation
Latina students. Similar to the participants in the Vasquez et al. (2015) study, Gloria and Castellanos
(2012) found that first-generation Latina students experienced conflict with their families based on their
decision to leave home for college. The participants felt this conflict was an expression of parents’ fear of
losing them rather than their parents not wanting them to obtain a college education. The participants
explained to their families that attending college would better their own future and the future of their
family. They also invited their families to cultural events at the university to help ease their fears, which
helped their parents feel more involved in their daughter’s lives.
Ceballo (2004) investigated the role of parents in the academic success of 10 first-generation Latino
college students. In contrast to other findings, the parents demonstrated an unconditional commitment
to their children’s education. Moreover, several parents experienced regret about not completing their
own education and made education a priority for their children. The parents, all born outside of the
United States and from impoverished backgrounds, saw education as a vehicle to escape poverty. These
studies illustrate that for many first-generation Latino college students family support and/or conflict
may be related to factors such as generational status (i.e., U.S. born versus foreign born), parents’ college
knowledge, gender expectations, and students’ perception of familial expectations.
Few studies have explicitly examined the success stories of first-generation Latino college students.
Borrero (2011) studied how college-bound first-generation Latino high school seniors overcame challenges
to successfully enroll in college. He found that, at times, the participants experienced academic struggles,
low self-efficacy, and low motivation. However, they viewed college as the next step in their lives. Support
from family, teachers, and the community also helped these students feel prepared to attend college.
Boden (2011) explored perceived academic readiness of first-generation Latino college students and
found contrary to extant research on first-generation students that her participants felt prepared for
college. The participants developed a plan for their future that would make them competitive for college,
including enrolling in advanced courses in high school and participating in extracurricular activities.
Additionally, the majority of the participants began thinking about attending college early in their
academic careers, some as early as elementary school. This appeared to help the participants facilitate
readiness and planning for college. Further, the participants reported receiving guidance from school
counselors and parents to help develop this plan. The participants also held strong self-efficacy skills
about their ability to attend and persist in college through determination and hard work.
The aforementioned studies have explored and identified support factors contributing to the success of
first-generation Latino college-bound and college students. However, minimal research has examined the
factors influencing college enrollment and persistence among a specific subset of students such as high-
achieving first-generation Latino college students. There is a need to understand the educational
experiences that contribute to the decision to attend college and the reasons these students persist in
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college. Moreover, because first-generation students are likely to drop out of college within their first 2
years (Ishitani, 2003), it is important to consider students who have persisted in college beyond this
timeframe. The current study addresses this gap in the research. The purpose of this qualitative study
was to better understand the college enrollment and persistence of 10 high-achieving first-generation
Latino college juniors and seniors. The study addressed the following research questions:
NWhat factors influenced high-achieving first-generation Latino college students’ postsecondary enrollment?
NWhat factors influenced high-achieving first-generation Latino college students’ postsecondary persistence?
Based on findings, recommendations for school psychologists who practice at the secondary level are
provided to help them address inequities in postsecondary attendance among first-generation Latino
students, while simultaneously promoting social justice via college and career readiness activities.
METHODOLOGY
Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) was deemed most appropriate for this study (Smith,
Flowers, & Larkin, 2009). According to Smith et al. (2009), IPA is concerned with exploring how people
understand major events in their lives. Moreover, it involves an examination of participants’
interpretations of a particular phenomenon in order to make meaning out of their lived experiences
(Smith et al., 2009). Therefore, IPA was employed to better understand how the participants’ perceived
their decisions to enroll in and persevere in their pursuit of a college education.
Participants
A purposeful sample (Smith et al., 2009) of 10 first-generation Latino college juniors and seniors attending
a Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI) in the southwest was selected for this study. At this institution,
Hispanic students represented 32% of the student body and 41% of first-time freshmen identified as first-
generation college students (Student Body, n.d.). This university was selected for the current study due
to its large presence of Latino and first-generation students as well as its HSI designation, which allocated
specific supports for Latino students.
To recruit participants for the study, the researcher for the current study, who is also the author of
this study, obtained participant contact information through the Office of Institutional Research for
students that met the following criteria: junior or senior status, identified as Hispanic/Latino, cumulative
GPA of 3.5 or higher, and first-generation status (first in the family to obtain a bachelor’s degree). An
e-mail was sent to the list of students and detailed the purpose of the study and provided students with
information to contact the researcher if they were interested in participation. Students who contacted
the researcher and set up an appointment for an interview were included in the study. Participants
signed a consent form and were informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any time during the
data-collection process without consequence.
The sample consisted of 10 participants: eight females and two males. The age range of the sample was
20–39 years old (mean 525.6 years old). Five participants were in their junior year and five were in their
senior year. Participants’ cumulative GPA ranged from 3.5 to 4.0 (mean 53.788). Additionally, eight
participants transferred from community college and/or another university to the current institution. See
Table 1 for additional demographic information.
Data Collection
Participants completed a demographic questionnaire to provide information such as pseudonym, age,
gender, place of birth, parents’ place of birth, home language(s), first-generation status, year in school,
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GPA, and attendance at another university. The use of individual, face-to-face, semistructured interviews
allowed participants to share detailed information related to their identity, high school experience, and
college experience. In-depth interviews allowed participants to share their perspectives about a specific
phenomenon (Smith et al., 2009) and the semistructured approach permitted the researcher, who
conducted all of the interviews, and participants to discuss the interview questions and follow-up
questions based on participants’ responses (Smith et al., 2009). Sample questions included: “How has
your identity as a first-generation Latino student shaped your life?” “When did you start to think about
going to college?” “What motivates you to complete college?” The interviews were between 1 and 2.5
hours long. They were recorded and transcribed verbatim by two graduate research assistants.
Participants received a $10 gift card to a local grocery store following completion of their interview.
Data Analysis
Analysis of data focused on examining the interview transcripts and identifying significant statements
that provided an understanding of how the participants made sense of their college enrollment and
persistence decisions (Smith et al., 2009). More specifically, the first step of the IPA analysis involved
reading and rereading the interview transcripts as a way to become immersed in the data (Smith et al.,
2009). Following this process, the researcher made notes on the transcripts and highlighted statements
made by the participants that captured key concepts relevant to their decisions to attend and persist in
college. For example, during the interviews the participants discussed why they wanted to attend college.
The researcher highlighted statements relevant to this discussion and made notes to understand how the
participants explained these factors.
Next, the focus was on identifying emergent themes, which involved examining the notes and highlighted
statements made in the previous step (Smith et al., 2009). The researcher reviewed the notes to identify
and synthesize what was important and representative of the participants’ experiences. The emergent
themes were compiled into a document, and the notes that supported the themes were categorized
Table 1. Participant Information
Pseudonym Age Gender GPA Year Major Attendance at
Previous Institution
Alex 39 Male 3.75 Senior Applied Arts and
Science
Community college
Alicia 20 Female 3.8 Junior Early Childhood
Education
4-year institution
Edward 32 Male 3.7 Senior English Community college
Isabel 24 Female 3.95 Senior Pre-Physical
Therapy
4-year institution and
community college
Jasmine 24 Female 3.5 Junior Psychology 4-year institution and
community college
Jennifer 25 Female 4.0 Junior Dietetics Community college
Karla 21 Female 4.0 Senior Mathematics
Education
No
Lauren 20 Female 3.5 Junior Microbiology No
Louise 25 Female 4.0 Junior Criminal Justice Community college
Valerie 26 Female 3.68 Junior Pre-Healthcare
Administration
Community college
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accordingly. After the emergent themes were identified, the researcher identified connections across the
themes, similarities, and differences in how participants interpreted the phenomenon. In examining
college enrollment decisions, the researcher listed each participant’s reason(s) for enrolling in college
with supporting quotes from his or her transcripts and provided each factor with a label (e.g., family
support, school support, internal motivation). This analytical process was conducted for each transcript,
and themes that were experienced by a majority of the participants were maintained as major themes for
the study (Smith et al., 2009).
Researcher Positionality
Owing to the qualitative nature of the study, the researcher acknowledged her positionality in relation to
the research study. The researcher was associated with the university where the participants attended
school. However, no prior relationship with the participants existed. As a result of the connection to the
university, the researcher was knowledgeable of the supports available on campus for all students, first-
generation students, and Latino students. Additionally, the researcher was a first-generation college
student and identifies as Latina. These identities likely provided the researcher with insider status
(Kanuha, 2000) by allowing the researcher to build rapport and trust more easily with the participants
(Dwyer & Buckle, 2009).
The researchers’ level of familiarity with this research topic as well as her identities (i.e., first-
generation, Latina) have the potential to introduce biases into the study related to assumptions about
how the participants successfully navigated their college experiences. However, specific methods
were employed to enhance the trustworthiness of the study (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Participant
selection was purposeful, criterion-based (Miles & Huberman, 1994), and voluntary. The interview
questions were developed based on a review of relevant literature and in collaboration with a first-
generation Latina graduate student (Smith et al., 2009). The interview questions were then piloted with
a first-generation Latino graduate student to determine their appropriateness for the study and the
questions were revised accordingly (Creswell, 2013). Member checks (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) involved
sharing interview transcripts with the participants by e-mail to ensure they were portrayed accurately.
Further, the researcher provided the participants with the opportunity to discuss and review
interview transcripts to ensure clarity and accuracy. Triangulation of data (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) was
also conducted as the participants completed a demographic questionnaire, which was compared
with information collected from the Office of Institutional Research. Finally, peer debriefing was
utilized with a colleague as a means to discuss the researchers’ interpretation of the findings (Lincoln
& Guba, 1985).
FINDINGS
Four main themes emerged from data analysis to explain the factors that influenced the participants’
postsecondary enrollment and persistence: (a) academic rigor, (b) support networks, (c) internal
motivation, and (d) responsibility as a first-generation college student. Interview excerpts are used to
illustrate the themes in the following section.
Academic Rigor
Seven of the 10 participants in the study reported completing advanced courses (e.g., Advanced
Placement, dual credit, specialized courses) as high school students. Alicia reported, “When I was in high
school, I took dual credit, and I was actually one class short, 3 hours short of graduating high school as a
college sophomore.” Isabel shared, “I actually got accepted into a magnet school that focused on health
science.” In the magnet school, she enrolled in specialized courses and worked alongside health
professionals such as nurses. Karla discussed her experience of initially not enrolling in advanced
courses but not settling for remaining in less challenging courses. She indicated:
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I actually started in regular classes [in middle school] and I was bored.… My mom talked to the
counselor and she was like, “Yeah we’ll put you in pre-AP.” … A lot of us went to the local community
college to get dual credits.
Support Networks
The three support networks discussed are school personnel, family, and friends.
School Personnel
Participants reported positive experiences with school personnel while in high school. Jennifer shared, “I
loved my teachers in high school. They were all very encouraging. I felt I got a good education…. I felt
they all cared about us learning.” Valerie also related:
I had a couple of teachers who probably really changed my life. I always thought I’d become
president. He [the teacher] always told me he’d vote for me, convinced the class in seventh grade to
vote for me if I ever ran. I had great teachers.
Lauren discussed how her school counselors worked closely with students and emphasized college
enrollment early on in high school. She reported: “We had a lot of counselors come constantly to our English
classrooms to tell us about college applications since freshman and sophomore year telling us what we can
do.” Similarly, Karla discussed how her high school promoted applying to college for all students. She shared:
I think the school did try to encourage everybody because they did make everybody turn in a senior
portfolio at the end of the year…. You had to make a re´sume´; you had to get one recommendation
letter. I think they made the majority of us do the Apply Texas [a Texas college application site], or
what is that called My Apply Texas or something.
Family
Family members played an important role in the participants’ motivation to enroll in college. For some of
the participants, their parents instilled in them the necessity of attending college while other participants
had siblings attend college, which helped them believe it was also possible for them to enroll in college.
Valerie indicated, “My dad’s side of the family probably started grooming me for college the day I could
speak and understand them. College was all I think I talked about from seventh grade to graduation.”
Alicia shared her mother’s influence on her drive to attend college. She explained:
I always knew I was going to college from the get-go. My mom always told us that “Either you go into
college or you’re going into the military. You’re not going to settle. I’m not going to let you settle for
something past high school.” So throughout school I’ve always been pretty good. Good grades and
everything, and I was college bound.
Jennifer and Karla both had older sisters who attended college, which gave them confidence to also
pursue a college education. Jennifer stated:
I have an older sister. She graduated from college a few years ago. And so having her have done it
first, it’s been motivation for me. And it kinda set the bar for like, not so much for what my parents
expected, but just kinda what I felt was the right thing to do.
Karla said, “I think a big thing for me was when my sister was able to go. I saw that she could do it so I was
like maybe I can do it too.”
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Family also inspired the participants’ aspirations to persist in college. They discussed how hard they
witnessed their parents’ work for them to have a better future. Lauren discussed her parents’ struggles as
a motivator to succeed in college: “I see all their struggles, especially my mom, the challenges with being
in this country, because they both, they had to learn a language here. I saw them going through very, very
rough times.” Isabel also shared:
I can’t see myself not going to school and finishing. Especially just how I said earlier that you know all
the hard work my parents did to, first of all, get us here. You know, give us the resources that we
need. I feel like I kinda owe them.
Similarly, Valerie recounted:
How much my mom had to struggle and work.… She did so much for us and always supported us. I
was never aware that we were poor or that we, you know, if she struggled to put food on the table I
definitely wasn’t aware of that. But I also know that she worked really hard. I hate to say but I don’t
want the same life as her. I think not having her life and constantly being badgered by my family to
do well definitely helps.
Friends
Alex’s background was unique compared to the other participants. He grew up in Mexico and came to the
United States when he was 21 years old. He took English as a second language classes at a community
college, and eventually obtained his General Equivalency Diploma. He found a network to help him learn
about the college application process: “I was lucky to be around a couple of other good students who
helped me because one of them told me that they would help me do my application right there.” Edward
worked for a few years after high school graduation and had a coworker who was a college student
encourage him to enroll in college. He reflected on his friendship with his coworker:
I guess he saw something in me. Maybe he saw a guy who was making some decent money, but
creatively there were some of a void there so he started telling me about college. I’ll never forget
when I called him, and I was like, “Look man, I want to go to college. I’m going to stop by the
counselor, sit down, and see what I’ve gotta do; fill out an application or whatever. But I’m kind of
scared to go. Would you go with me?”
Internal Motivation
The participants discussed the importance of college success and persistence as a personal motivator.
They also made the connection between a college degree and an improved quality of life. Edward bluntly
stated, “Why not me?” and “Dropping out would be just a waste.” He also shared, “I don’t want to limit
myself. I want to give myself as many opportunities as I can to better my life and stay in school.
Graduating and keeping on track is the way to do that.” Jennifer indicated that she has always been “self-
motivated” and graduating from college “would be a big sense of accomplishment” to say, “I graduated
with a major in nutrition.” Alex discussed the importance of college: “I don’t know but I need to go to
school. Finish something. And that has been always in my mind since I was I don’t know since I could
remember 5 or 6 years old.”
Karla also had the internal ambition to complete college. She shared: “I want to graduate. I feel like I just
have goals. I just set goals for myself like graduating in 4 years. I want to do that. I want to graduate
summa cum laude.” Moreover, Louise felt confident in her ability to achieve success in college. She
reported: “I do have that expectation for myself and I don’t expect anything less. If I ever have doubts,
which I have plenty of, I still push myself regardless.” Valerie also stated, “I feel like if I can work a little bit
more for a better quality of life then might as well put in the work.”
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Responsibility as a First-Generation College Student
As first-generation college students the participants felt a responsibility toward their family to complete
college and the need to be a role model for their families. Edward mentioned, “Being a first-generation, it’s
scary but, yeah, it’s empowering. I’m sort of doing something that the odds were against.” He also shared
the impact his achievements could have on his family members. He mentioned:
My nieces, you know, they see me and I’m telling them, “You got to go to school. Even if it means
going to a junior college like I did. But, you have to as women. You need to get educated. You need to
be smart.” And I told my niece, “There doesn’t have to be limitations for you. You can go out and do
something.”
Alicia explained the pressure she experienced as a first-generation college student. She stated:
I feel like it’s a really huge responsibility. I have a lot riding on me.… Growing up I had cousins who
all went the wrong path. They ran into the law and stuff like that. I knew I never wanted to do that. I
knew I wanted to be here.
Similarly, Lauren had a family member who did not complete college and it placed pressure on her to be
the first to graduate from college:
I remember I had an older cousin who went to college and he was going to be the first one. I
remember my dad got off the phone and he said my cousin got some girl pregnant so he dropped
out.
Because of her cousin’s situation, her dad told her, “‘See, like I told you, no boyfriends. It’s up to you now,
you’re going to be the first one.’” Valerie also experienced internalized demands from her family to
complete college:
I think if I fail no one would talk to me. I know that’s very dramatic but you know my mom whenever
she talks about education she starts crying because I think…just to her it equals opportunities that
she would never experience and hasn’t experienced.
DISCUSSION
This exploratory study sought to understand the college enrollment and persistence experiences of
10 high-achieving first-generation Latino college juniors and seniors. This unique sample was
selected as the intersection of ethnic identity and socioeconomic status tends to further
disadvantage this population from attending and completing college (Saenz et al., 2007).
Nonetheless, the participants represented a subset of academically successful students who
completed the first few years of their college education. Moreover, since the study’s completion, 8 of
the 10 participants have graduated with their bachelor’s degree, and 6 of the 8 graduated with
honors: two summa cum laude (GPA 3.8–4.0) and four magna cum laude (GPA 3.6–3.79). The majority
of the sample enrolled in advanced courses in high school, which is contrary to existing research on
access to and enrollment in advanced courses among racially and ethnically diverse students
(Klopfenstein, 2004; Solo´ rzano & Ornelas, 2004; U.S. Department of Education, 2014). Additionally,
the majority of the participants felt prepared for the workload in college, which may be attributed to
participation in these advanced courses and previous enrollment in community college or a 4-year
institution (Boden, 2011).
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The participants discussed the influence of their support systems on their college-going ambitions.
School personnel provided encouragement, nurtured a love for learning, and took steps to ensure
completion of college applications while friends provided hands-on assistance to complete college
applications. Borrero (2011) and Boden (2011) previously documented the role of supportive school
personnel. However, the participants in those studies received not only encouragement but also explicit
guidance in applying for college, which was not widely reported in the current study. Further, the
participants in the current study had friends with social capital (Coleman, 1988) related to applying to
college. This network equipped them with support in navigating the college-going process though it was
limited to the institution in which the friends were already enrolled. The role of friends has not been
examined in the research concerning first-generation Latino students’ college enrollment. This is an area
that warrants future investigation since it was to the participants’ benefit to have friends who used their
college knowledge to help them apply to college.
Participants reported increased self-efficacy beliefs after witnessing their siblings go to college. Brenes
(2012) examined the risk and protective factors that influenced academic success and college enrollment
among Latino students and found that having siblings who attended college served as a motivator for the
participants to do well in school. Moreover, Ceja (2006) explored the role of siblings in providing college
information to Chicana students. Similar to the participants in the current study, attending college
allowed the younger siblings to visualize college as an attainable goal and set a college-going expectation.
Additionally, participants felt motivated to attend and complete college due to their parents’ hardships,
which is consistent with findings by Ceballo (2004), Borrero (2011), and Boden (2011). Easley, Bianco, and
Leech (2012) also studied the factors associated with high educational attainment among first-generation
Mexican-descent college students. Similarly, participants acknowledged their parents’ struggles and
sacrifices as motivation for their success. This may be a cultural factor unique to racial and ethnic
minority first-generation college students, particularly among Latinos as family often represents a strong
part of their identity (Gloria & Castellanos, 2012). Therefore, their success may also represent their
families’ success and degree completion serves be a source of pride for the entire family.
This study’s participants felt internally driven to be successful in college and believed it could provide
access to increased opportunities. Boden’s (2011) participants also reported high self-efficacy beliefs in
their ability to attend and persist in college. Extant research on first-generation Latino college students’
self-determination and achievement remains limited (Trevino & DeFreitas, 2014). Nonetheless, the
current study’s participants held high expectations for themselves and trusted that graduating from
college would allow them to have a better quality of life in the future. Another finding that is not prevalent
in the research is the reported responsibility participants felt as a result of being a first-generation
college student. The responsibility was related to making their families proud by serving as role models
who demonstrated that college was possible for other family members. At the same time such
responsibility placed pressure on participants to succeed and be the first to graduate from college. Gloria
and Castellanos (2012) also emphasized how maintaining family connections can be both an advantage
and a stressor because although the participants in the current study sought to make their parents
proud and were motivated by their struggles, they also experienced pressure to succeed. The
participants did not describe this pressure as detrimental to their success. Nonetheless, future research
is needed to determine the impact it may have on college persistence (Vasquez et al., 2015).
IMPLICATIONS FOR SCHOOL PSYCHOLOGY PRACTICE
School psychologists have not traditionally been identified as professionals involved in college and
career readiness activities (Astramovich & Loe, 2006). Nonetheless, because school counselors often
have high caseloads and limited time to provide college counseling (College Board, 2012), the role of the
school psychologist in secondary settings should be reexamined. As their training and skills often
overlap, school psychologists and school counselors should consider collaborating to meet students’
needs (Harris, Mayes, Vega, & Hines, 2016). While the traditional role of the school psychologist entails
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assessment for special education eligibility, the field is shifting to take more proactive and preventative
approaches in service delivery (i.e., counseling, intervention, staff development; Fagan & Wise, 2007).
Therefore, engagement in college and career readiness activities is an optimal opportunity for school
psychologists to work with first-generation Latino students.
To advocate for the needs of these students, school psychologists and school counselors must ensure
administration is utilizing their professional skills in ways that benefit students. If administrators lack an
understanding of the role of school psychologists beyond engagement in assessment-related activities
and school counselors beyond conducting guidance and administrative duties (i.e. scheduling), then
these professionals may have minimal opportunity to implement the wide range of skills they possess.
Advocacy for others is an important component of social justice (Shriberg et al., 2008). Therefore, an
awareness and knowledge of the ecological and systemic barriers that affect college attendance and
persistence for first-generation Latino students is necessary. School psychologists and school counselors
should meet with their school administrators (Speight & Vera, 2009) to discuss the ways in which they
can help first-generation Latino students become college and career ready. This approach should involve
reviewing data at their schools concerning college-going rates, college admissions exam completion
rates, and enrollment in advanced courses among first-generation Latinos.
If gaps in college enrollment rates, college admissions exam completion rates, and enrollment in
advanced courses are identified after reviewing these data, action must be taken to enable college and
career readiness among first-generation Latino students. School psychologists and school counselors can
build a college-going culture by promoting college awareness and the feasibility of college enrollment and
persistence (National Office of School Counselor Advocacy, 2010). This can be achieved by identifying
first-generation Latino students early in their high school careers (i.e., freshman year) and developing
groups that meet regularly (i.e., biweekly or monthly) to discuss college-related activities such as career
exploration, types of colleges, degree types, applying to college, selecting a major, and applying for
financial aid and scholarships. Additionally, they can advise students in these groups to select rigorous
courses (i.e., AP, dual credit) that will prepare them for college. School psychologists and school
counselors should also discuss college entrance exams including when to take the exams, preparation
and study skills, and exam fees (National Office of School Counselor Advocacy, 2010). These actions can
help students develop an understanding of the college-going process by breaking down all the steps to
preparation, attendance, and persistence. By promoting this college awareness, students’ self-efficacy
beliefs in their ability to attend and be successful in college may increase.
Collaboration with families is an important component of college and career readiness (National Office of
School Counselor Advocacy, 2010) and social justice advocacy. An understanding of the perspectives on
education is a critical consideration when working with Latino families, while also keeping in mind that
cultural variations do exist. When school psychologists develop rapport and an ongoing relationship with
Latino families concerns can be discussed. Parents may have concerns related to their children leaving
their homes, paying for college, the need to attend college fulltime, and the admissions process. School
psychologists can provide them with information to address these concerns by scheduling informational
events or workshops and meeting with families on an individual and ongoing basis.
LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS
Because this study was exploratory in nature and minimal research has sufficiently examined the
experiences of first-generation Latino college students, this study’s findings set the stage for further
research. Eight of the 10 participants previously attended another institution of higher education.
Therefore, examination of first-generation Latino college students who have and have not transferred
institutions and emerged as high-achieving is warranted to better understand the potential effects of
previous college attendance on achievement. Additionally, a longitudinal study would be beneficial in
exploring the college experiences of first-generation Latino students from a developmental perspective.
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Although the role of attending an HSI did not emerge as a theme in the study, institution type can
potentially influence the success of first-generation Latino students and should be looked at more closely
(Laden, 2004). Methodological limitations were also present and future studies should utilize a research
team to increase the validity of the findings (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Interviews with university personnel
and families to better understand their role in college persistence may also be beneficial to further
triangulate findings.
CONCLUSION
The question “Why not me?” when it comes to postsecondary enrollment and persistence is critical to
consider for first-generation Latino students. Being first generation and Latino clearly does not equate to
failure as evidenced by the participants in this study. Yet, these identities often determine access to a
higher education. It is important to consider the role of school psychologists in social justice advocacy
and engagement in college and career readiness activities for increased access to a much-deserved
college education among first-generation Latino students. Nonetheless, school psychologists cannot
resolve this problem on their own. Therefore, a commitment and investment in the future of these
students is necessary from the top down if we are to truly see measurable increases in postsecondary
degree attainment and the realization of social justice for first-generation Latinos in America.
RESOURCES
Conchas, G. Q., & Hinga, B. M. (2015). Cracks in the schoolyard: Confronting Latino educational inequality.
New York, NY: Teachers College Press.
In this book, the authors challenge deficit models of schooling and features achievement cases that
depict Latinos as active actors, rather than hopeless victims, in the quest for social and economic
mobility. These counter narratives will help educators and policy makers fill the cracks in the
schoolyard that often create disparity and failure for youth and young adults.
Ga´ndara P, & Contreras, F. (2009). The Latino education crisis: The consequences of failed social policies.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
This book describes the cumulative disadvantages faced by Latino children in the complex U.S. school
systems. It is also a call to action and essential reading for those involved in planning the future of U.S.
schools.
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