Native-speakerism has become an increasing feature within mainstream TESOL discourse and a common reference point in discussions of language-related prejudice and discrimination. Drawing from a variety of data sources and with an intentional slant toward entertaining the unfashionable, this chapter stands against sectarian interest through a critique of the taken-for-granted ideology of native-speakerism. Motivated by the notion that “awareness of injustice is a precondition for overcoming it” (Deutsch, 2006: 23), it is argued that the ideological conceptualization of native-speakerism, ambiguous enough to ensure its continued existence, allows only those identifying as ‘non-native speakers’ access to the desirable status of victim and its accompanying discourse of moral righteousness. Moreover, it is demonstrated how the sanctuary of victimhood then permits those on the inside to engage in a brand of counter violence which mainstream TESOL frames as “morally distinct from ‘originary’ violence and therefore defensible” (Enns, 2012: 44).
Within this chapter evidence of the rather paradoxical intersectionality of two -isms is shown whereby the ideology of native-speakerism, originally conceived to describe and diagnose a plethora of language-related prejudices fails. This failure contributes to the perpetuation of another -ism, in this case linguicism, defined as “ideologies, structures and practices which are used to legitimate, effectuate, regulate and reproduce an unequal division of power and resources between groups which are defined on the basis of language” (Skutnabb-Kangas, 1988: 13). As Houghton (2013: 66) describes, “being characterised by linguistic prejudice makes native-speakerism linguicist in nature”. From a position in which groups “are defined on the basis of language” one is therefore able to observe how contemporary claims surrounding native-speakerism, presented as victim-led defenses against native speaker oppression, should be recognized as perpetrator-led aggressions intent on strengthening binary divisions and mutually-exclusive identities among language-teaching professionals.
Within this chapter the term ‘non-native speaker movement’ is used as a generic reference to those language teachers, scholars and academics aligning themselves with the “Nonnative English Speakers in TESOL” (NNEST) interest section of the powerful TESOL Inc., organization. The generic treatment of individuals within this movement seems fair given their collective self-definition and alignment as a singular movement (see Matsuda, 2002). As with all self-defined movements that strive toward the fulfilment of a ‘mission’ and the achievement of a political goal, self-identification as a member is an act intended that demonstrates collective solidarity, strength, cohesion, and more importantly, internal consistency of opinion and identity alignment. Finally, and with implications for achieving the end-of-ideology, the NNEST ‘movement’ is expansionist, and therefore power seeking, observable through its conscious efforts to indoctrinate others with their standards, truths and values by “publicizing [their] mission to all reaches of ELT” (Braine, 2010: preface).