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The rise and fall of the New Nordic Cuisine
Jonatan Leer*
Danish School of Education, Department of Arts, University of A
˚rhus, Aarhus, Denmark
Abstract
This article provides a history of the New Nordic Cuisine*
the ideology, the politics, the criticism, and the counter-
reactions to it. The article has a particular focus on the
Copenhagen restaurant scene which has been recognized as
the epicenter of the movement, and it argues that after a
decade of dominance of the strict Nordic locavorism, the
dogmas of New Nordic Cuisine are being challenged from
within by a generation of chefs who were brought up in
New Nordic restaurants, but they are currently distancing
themselves from the movement. A notable example of this
new generation is Christian Puglisi, who while holding on
to some of the core elements of the New Nordic Cuisine
(particularly ideals of sound production and the focus
on vegetables) refuses the geographical dogmas of the
movement and unfolds a cosmopolitan fusion kitchen.
The article also discusses how different actors in different
contexts have used the New Nordic Cuisine to position
themselves in the culinary field either by adhering to or
rejecting the concept, and how the example of the New
Nordic Cuisine highlights the complex and often contra-
dictory dynamics of the local/global dichotomy in con-
temporary food and consumer culture.
Jonatan Leer PhD, is a food culture
researcher. Currently he is a postdoc-
toral fellow in the research project
Taste for Life (www.smagforlivet.dk)
with a particular focus on New Nordic
Cuisine, Danish cookbooks for chil-
dren and taste education. Jonatan’s
thesis was on food and masculinity
(https://www.academia.edu/7711743/
Ma_d_skulinitet_-_ph.d-afhandling), and he has published
numerous book chapters and articles on food and culture
in journals such as Feminist Review, Norma: Inter national
Journal of Masculinity Studies, and Food, Culture and Society.
Also, Jonatan has edited (with Karen Klitgaard Povlsen) the
anthology Food and Media: Practices, Distinctions and
Heterotopias (Routledge 2016).
Keywords: New Nordic Cuisine; Claus Meyer; Rene Redzepi; Christian Puglisi; locavorism; alternative food;
culinary capital; taste
On May 13, 2016, the Danish Prime Minister Lars
Løkke was invited to a state banquet at the White
House. The Danish Prime Minister gave a speech
to his American host, Barack Obama, and to the
surprise of many, Løkke*who has a history of
terrible international appearances, notable as
host of the disastrous climate summit COP19
in Copenhagen*did really well. Obama laughed
several times. During the speech, Løkke gave the
most powerful man in the world a piece of advice
on cooking:
And if I may, allow me to give you a piece of
personal advice. When I get too frustrated,
I let off steam by cooking. And I can
recommend that. And if you do take my
advice, I think you could be inspired by the
New Nordic cuisine. It already involves
eatable varieties such as musk, bark, and
eating ants. (Laughter) But maybe you could
be helpful in our search for a recipe called
lame duck. (Laughter)
1
The New Nordic Cuisine has helped put the
Nordic countries on the map and is internationally
*Correspondence to: Jonatan Leer, Danish School of Education, University of A
˚rhus, D117, Tuborgvej 164, 2400
København, NV, Denmark, Email: jonle@edu.au.dk
Journal of AESTHETICS & CULTURE
Vol. 8, 2016
#2016 J. Leer. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), allowing third parties to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format and to remix, transform, and
build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially, provided the original work is properly cited and states its license.
Citation: Journal of Aesthetics & Culture, Vol. 8, 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/jac.v8.33494
1
(page number not for citation purpose)
associated with Scandinavia in contemporary
culture. Løkke’s speech demonstrates this, as he
assumes the President of the United States and his
international guests at the White House to be
familiar with the concept, and the concept is so
well established that the Danish Prime Minister
can speak of it satirically.
The New Nordic Cuisine was initiated in 2004
with a manifesto proposing a cuisine based
exclusively on products from the Nordic terroir.
2
For the founders of the New Nordic Cuisine*
notably food entrepreneur Claus Meyer*this
terroir communicates a distinct ‘‘Nordic order’’
that was considered the very soul of the movement
and which should be expressed through the
cuisine. The movement proposed an alternative
to the Mediterranean and French cuisines which
for centuries had defined ‘‘good taste’’ in the Global
North. Internationally, New Nordic Cuisine was
recognized through the restaurant NOMA in
Copenhagen*built on the principle of the mani-
festo and with Rene´ Redzepi as head chef*
elected best restaurant in the world in 2010,
2011, 2012, and 2014.
3
Although the Copenhagen
restaurant scene could be considered the epicenter
of the movement, there are numerous restaurants
across Scandinavia that are following more or less
dogmatically the ideas of the New Nordic Cuisine’s
manifesto such as KOKS (Faroe Island) or Hotel
Arctic (Greenland). In Sweden, an internationally
recognized example is the restaurant Fa
¨viken loca-
ted in the deserted Swedish wilderness and run by
the young chef Magnus Nilsson who ‘‘tries to hunt,
gather, and prepare most of the food served.’’
4
The manifesto was authored by Claus Meyer
and the President of Danish gastronomic academy
Jan Krag Jacobsen in collaboration with a series
of Nordic gourmet chef. Ten declared aims are
presented in the manifesto. The first is to ‘‘express
the purity, freshness, simplicity and ethics asso-
ciated with the region.’’ The second aim is to reflect
the changes in seasons. The third aim concerns the
use of ingredients and produce ‘‘whose character-
istics are particularly excellent in Nordic Climate.’’
These terroir-bound dogmas resonate in the rest of
the manifesto along with ideas of rediscovering,
rethinking, and promoting Nordic food culture
and traditions. Also, the manifest emphasizes that
the cuisine should live up to ‘‘modern knowledge of
health’’ and meet ethical standards of animal
welfare and ‘‘sound production.’’
This article discusses New Nordic Cuisine*the
ideology, the politics, the criticism, and the counter-
reactions to it. Also, the article will try to situate
the debates around the New Nordic Cuisine within
a larger discussion of ‘‘culinary capital’’ in the
globalized gourmet ‘‘foodscape,’’ and show how
different actors in different contexts have used the
New Nordic Cuisine to position themselves either
by adhering to or rejecting the concept.
The article opens with some considerations on
how symbolic boundaries and status distinctions
are established in contemporary food culture.
After this theoretical discussion follows an analysis
of the New Nordic Cuisine in four parts: (1) the
ideology and the rapid success (2) the (failed)
political project of democratizing the ideology
(3) the criticism of the New Nordic Cuisine (4)
the recent counter-reactions and movement away
from the strict dogmas of the New Nordic Cuisine
in the Copenhagen restaurant scene with a parti-
cular focus on the example of chef Christian
Puglisi, and his work at the restaurant Relæ. In
the concluding discussion, I will discuss how the
New Nordic Cuisine could be understood as a
part of a local-global-dynamic in contemporary
food culture.
CULINARY CAPITAL AND THE NORDIC
IN CONTEMPORARY FOOD CULTURE
The article is driven by a Bourdieusian perspective
on taste and food. For Bourdieu, taste (in relation
to food or other kinds of cultural consumption)
J. Leer
2
(page number not for citation purpose)
‘‘classify and classify the classifier.’’ This means
that rather than reflecting individual expressions
of ‘‘a self,’’ taste practices are understood as
modes of social distinction, and they are used to
demarcate and maintain social differences and
hierarchies through consumption.
5
Inspired by Bourdieu, Naccarato and Lebesco
use the term ‘‘culinary capital’’ (derived from
Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital) to under-
stand ‘‘how and whycertain foods and food-related
practices connote, and by extension, confer status
and power on those who know about and enjoy
them.’’
6
While culinary capital in the Western
culture for many years has been closely associated
with French food and eating culture, contem-
porary food culture has become increasingly
more omnivore and open to include new culinary
repertoires.
7
The omnivore age is not, however, a
‘‘relativistic cultural paradise where ‘anything goes’
and all foods are made legitimate. Instead, bound-
aries between legitimate and illegitimate culture
are redrawn in new, complex ways that balance the
need for distinction with the competing ideology of
democratic equality and cultural populism.’’
8
In omnivore food culture, new taste ideals are
invoked as distinctive, and the concept of authen-
ticity, in particular, has becomes a positive marker
adopted by ‘‘foodies’’ and the cultural e´lite.
Authenticity may be expressed in various ways,
but often it invokes a distancing from the homo-
genized and globalized food industry, and a
‘‘distance to the complexities of life in advanced
industrialized societies.’’
9
In this article, I consider the New Nordic Cuisine
as an example of such a new culinary repertoire
trying to challenge the traditional, French-oriented
understanding of good food by emphasizing its
‘‘authenticity.’’ Although it is difficult to define
‘‘authenticity’’ because it is used in so many contra-
dictory ways, Johnston and Baumann identify
several ideas that are often associated with ‘‘authen-
ticity.’’ Some of the most important are regional
specificity,simplicity and history and tradition.
10
The
New Nordic Cuisine is clearly connected to these
ideas with its cultivation of the Nordic region and
the revitalizations of traditional food practices and
forgotten ingredients. As such, the Nordic move-
ment also plays on ideas and themes that are used
more generally in what could be described as the
‘‘alternative’’ food movement that is rising across
the Western world, with new ideologies such as
‘‘slow food’’ or by new types of food events such as
farmers’ markets.
11
In these initiatives, locavorism
is very often a core value.
12
With this Bourdieu-inspired perspective, I
understand the New Nordic Cuisine and the
counter-reactions to it as a part of a negotiation
of what constitute legitimate taste and ‘‘culinary
capital’’ in a food culture in which the culinary
hierarchies no longer are fixed, but constantly
subject to debate. In such a climate, new taste
re´gimes work to position the people who represent
them and those react against them.
It should be noted that social position and class
are central elements to the Bourdieusian perspec-
tive. Despite the intention of democratization in
the ‘‘alternative’’ food movement, social differen-
tiation and class distinctions resonate throughout
it, as these ‘‘alternative’’ spaces are adjusted to
middle-class ideals,
13
and middle-class subjects
use their ethical consumption to demonstrate their
moral superiority and to problematize ‘‘bad con-
sumers’’ from the working classes.
14
However, the
social positions expressed through food are not
just vertical and demarcating boundaries between
working class and middle-class citizens, but they
also mark boundaries between different groups
within the middle class. The French Sociologist
Michel Maffesoli described the phenomenon as
neotribalism.
15
The contemporary food culture
contains many examples of such middle-class
social groups founded on competing ideologies
such as paleo versus vegan.
16
In this article, I will
mainly deal with the horizontal struggle for the
right to define culinary capital through the focus
on the Copenhagen restaurant scene, but in the
section on the political ambition to popularize
New Nordic Cuisine, the vertical axe will also be
discussed.
THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW NORDIC
CUISINE
The invention of New Nordic Cuisine is com-
monly attributed to Danish food entrepreneur and
TV chef Claus Meyer, who founded the restaurant
NOMA in 2003, and had the idea of making a the
New Nordic manifesto. As described above, the
idea of the New Nordic Cuisine was to create a
cuisine expressing the specificity of Scandinavian
nature using only ingredients and produces from
this region. However, as noted by food ethnologist
Rise and fall of the New Nordic Cuisine
3
(page number not for citation purpose)
Ha˚kan Jo
¨nsson, the ideas of the manifesto were
far from new. Many of the ideas were also central
to the ‘‘Nouvelle Cuisine’’ that dominated the
culinary scene in the decades up to the concep-
tualization of the New Nordic Cuisine. The key
idea of the Nouvelle Cuisine was to recreate a
lighter and more delicate version of the French
cuisine without heavy sauce or fatty dishes, and
seasonality, freshness, local produces were a key to
achieve this reconceptualization.
17
So Jo
¨nsson
argues that the New Nordic manifesto was more
a ‘‘codifications of practices than something new.’’
18
Hereby Jo
¨nsson seems to suggest that the more
general ideas of locavorism and seasonality as
well as creating an innovative and precis culinary
expression already existed, and the New Nordic
Cuisine adopted these principles and put them to
use within a Nordic context. So Jo
¨nsson’s argu-
ment seems to be that the New Nordic Cuisine
was only new on a material level and not at a
theoretical level as it was an application/codifica-
tion of ideas already known, but in a new region
focusing on new materials (Nordic products and
traditions). If we accept this distinction, the New
Nordic Cuisine was just as much an extension of
the Nouvelle Cuisine as it was something radically
different and novel. However, this legacy is not
acknowledged in the New Nordic manifesto, rather
the Nouvelle Cuisine*and the Mediterranean
cuisine in general*is positioned as an anti-model.
But what was new about the New Nordic food
movement was that it rapidly became a popular
brand also at a political level and it attracted
funding. It should be noted that the idea of a
manifesto was inspired by the DOGMA 95 mani-
festo of Lars von Trier and other Danish movie
directors, who wanted to change Danish movie mak-
ing and succeeded in drawing international attention
to their project through their manifesto.
19
The
manifesto idea work very well for both DOGMA95
and the New Nordic Cuisine to brand the project
as something radically new*although the novelty
at least in the case of the New Nordic Cuisine is
debatable.
As mentioned a key element of the manifesto and
the branding of the New Nordic Cuisine as some-
thing novel was the way it explicitly challenged
the Mediterranean*notably the French*cuisine.
Produces like olive oil and foie gras were banned.
The Mediterranean cuisine was traditionally un-
derstood as both more tasty and more healthful
that the traditional and less variated Nordic food.
Meyer’s ambition was to prove that the New
Nordic Cuisine could be both as tasty and ‘‘every
bit as healthy as its Mediterranean counterpart.’’
20
The desire to establish a distinction from Medi-
terranean cuisine is also evident in the aesthetics of
the cookbooks and the restaurants of the New
Nordic movement. Gray and dark blue nuances
and raw wood seem to dominate the tableware,
and variations of dark red (e.g. of red cabbage or
beetroot) and dark green (e.g. in wild herbs or
green cabbage) dominate the dishes. This is in
stark contrast to the brilliant and sunny expression
of many Mediterranean images, for instance, the
iconic images of the Italian tricolore of basil green,
mozzarella white and tomato red.
21
This strategy proved successful. So paradoxi-
cally the New Nordic manifesto’s codification of
the ideas of the French ‘‘Nouvelle Cuisine’’ led to
the loss of prestige of the French and Mediterra-
nean cuisine in Scandinavia. This also illustrates a
central idea in Bourdieu’s understanding of the
social constructions of legitimate taste, namely
that ‘‘good taste’’ to a large extent is construc-
ted by asserting what it is not. Taste ideals and
social identity is constructed in and affirmed by
difference.
22
The idea of revitalizing the Nordic cuisines is
certainly not new, but previous attempts saw
French cuisine as an allied. In postwar Sweden,
the chef Tore Wretman tried to create a true
Swedish cuisine in form of the ‘‘smo
¨rga˚sboard,’’ a
buffet of many small dishes, but he also introduced
new ingredients and cooking styles from the
French cuisine to the Swedish public.
23
In the
1960s a series of prominent male artists and food
writers criticized Danish food culture and the
industrialization of particularly dairy and pork
production. This movement who also founded
L’Acade
´mie de la Gastronomie Danoise in 1964
(significantly with only a French name) ‘‘heralded
France as a culinary apotheosis.’’
24
The members
of the Acade
´mie insisted that it was necessary to
look to France and copy their culinary traditions to
get create a proper Danish food culture. The same
argument was brought forward by Claus Meyer*
who had lived in France as a young man and
became interested in food during that period*in
the early 1990s.
25
However, Meyer changed his
views, and the central idea behind New Nordic
Cuisine and NOMA seems to be a rejection of
J. Leer
4
(page number not for citation purpose)
the preeminence of French and Mediterranean
cuisine. So while Wretman and the Danish move-
ment around L’Acade
´mie de la Gastronomie Danoise
saw it as necessary to duplicate the French and
Mediterranean food culture, the New Nordic
Cuisine insisted on marking a distance to these
cooking traditions*although the manifesto con-
tained many of the same ideas. However, to
underscore the ‘‘newness,’’ the inspiration of the
‘‘Nouvelle Cuisine’’ is not mentioned.
The dismissive approach of the New Nordic
Cuisine toward Mediterranean gastronomy was
received with some skepticism as many saw it as
impossible to produce a serious alternative to the
French cuisine; even persons who applauded the
project were ‘‘doubtful about what, if anything,
this manifesto would lead to.’’
26
Nonetheless, the
project became rapidly a success, and in 2006 the
Nordic Council funded a program called ‘‘New
Nordic Food*Enhancing Innovation in the Food,
Tourism, and Experience Industry’’ (20072009)
with 25 million DKR/ approximately 5 million
USD. Also, NOMA earned two Michelin stars,
and started to climb in the culinary ranking,
notably the San Pellegrino list of best restaurants
in the world, and soon followed other successful
New Nordic restaurants. Fa
¨viken has been a part
of the San Pellegrino list since 2012, and the head
chef at Fa
¨viken, Magnus Nilsson, was portrayed
as a great New Nordic artist in the prestigious
Netflix Series Chef’s Tables in 2016. This is an
example of the wide-spread positive media cover-
age*in and out of Scandinavia*which has helped
the brand to gain terrain. An earlier example is the
television show, Scandinavian Cooking (initiated in
2003), that helped to popularize the New Nordic
Cuisine to a larger audience. The program was
hosted by several popular Nordic TV chefs, such
as the Swedish Tina Nordstrøm, and Claus
Meyer. The show was shot in English and broad-
cast in more than 130 countries, and viewed by
approximately 100 million viewers, according to
the producers.
27
According to a pan-Nordic analysis of the success
of New Nordic Cuisine, the financial support and
the well-orchestrated dissemination of the concept
through the ‘‘creation of stories’’ were central to
the deployment of the concept and the ideology
(ibid. 38), but the study also highlighted that
choosing an ‘‘empty label’’ such as ‘‘New Nordic’’
was a very smart move. Claus Meyer was very aware
of this ‘‘emptiness’’ and saw a potential in the
concept of New Nordic, although he primarily was
interested in developing the Danish food culture.
28
However, it was problematic to rebrand Danish in a
culinary context as Meyer explains: ‘‘the Danish
food brand was polluted ... when you say Nordic
food ...[it was a] brand that was free, open space
[allowing to] define what it is.’’
29
Also, ‘‘Nordic’’
has attractive connotations, both through its poli-
tical image of democratic, liberal welfare state, and
through its brand value in terms of design and
popular cultural productions such as TV series and
crime novels. From a locavore perspective, one
might ask whether geographically and historically it
would have made more sense to create a cuisine
around Denmark and Northern Germany,
30
as
these regions share much more in terms of climate
and landscape than Denmark and most of the other
regions of Scandinavia, but of course the brand
value of the ‘‘Nordic’’ is just stronger.
The New Nordic Cuisine was certainly an
attempt to redefine what should be defined as
culinary capital, and this successful redefinition
also conferred status to the founders of the con-
cept. For instance, Redzepi has explained that his
conversion to the New Nordic is closely connected
with his ambition of becoming the best chef in
world. If he would continue to imitate French
cooking as he did in his early jobs, he would always
be considered as an imitation of the ‘‘authentic’’
French chefs in the greatest French restaurants,
31
but by adhering to a new taste re´gime and because
this new taste repertoire was recognized interna-
tionally, he could become one of the leading chefs
in the world.
THE POLITICS OF THE NEW NORDIC
CUISINE
From the earliest stages of the formulation of New
Nordic Cuisine, the project had political ambi-
tions to provoke a revolution of the Nordic food
culture beyond the urban restaurant scene. Claus
Meyer had a two-part vision of the project. Phase
one aimed at defining the New Nordic Cuisine
and testing this in a professional restaurant
kitchen, but from the very first symposium, the
mission was also to popularize the concept in a
phase two,
32
and make New Nordic Cuisine
accessible to the public through a New Nordic
Diet.
33
With political initiative to democratize the
Rise and fall of the New Nordic Cuisine
5
(page number not for citation purpose)
New Nordic Cuisine, Meyer’s focus was again
the context. In 2009, the Nordea Foundation
gave DKK 100 million Danish (app. USD 20
million) to the OPUS project. The project was
based at the University of Copenhagen and made
in cooperation with Claus Meyer as well as a series
of other actors. Opus is an acronym for ‘‘Optimal
well-being, development and Health for Danish
children through a healthy New Nordic Diet.’’
34
The project aimed to develop and test the benefits
of the New Nordic Diet. This was done by com-
paring people who followed the diet with people
eating and ‘‘ordinary’’ Danish diet. This compari-
son was done through home intervention among
adults and by offering New Nordic school meals
to selected schools. Here, Meyer joined forces
with scientists, and it is evident that this alliance
has helped to legitimize the idea of New Nordic
Cuisine for the public.
35
The scientific strengths
and neutrality of the project have been ques-
tioned, something to which I will return.
Simultaneously, Meyer developed several cook-
books on New Nordic everyday cooking. One of
them, Ny nordisk hverdagsmad [‘‘New Nordic
Everyday Food’’], was coauthored with professor
of nutrition Arne Astrup, who was the leader of
the OPUS project. The book was written and
distributed in partnership with the supermarket
association, FDB. This partnership helped to sell
the book to a broad public. The book targeted the
‘‘typical’’ Danish nuclear family of two adults and
two children*although this constellation is less
typical than it used to be*and the introduction
promises that the recipes had passed the ‘‘test of
everyday life,’’ so anyone should be able to create a
menu with three New Nordic dishes every day. It
was also promised that this locavore and sustain-
able diet would help people to become healthier.
Another feature that is meant to underline the
functionality of the book is the description of how
leftovers may be used for the next day’s lunch
boxes. Through this detailed planning of everyday
life, the gastronomic entrepreneur, the professor,
and the supermarkets invited the reader to partake
in a transformative project that is not just about
individual well-being, but also involves a broader
vision for restructuring society by reorganizing
family life, the national economy, and the global
climate.
36
Despite the promises of accessibility, several
studies by the sociologists working in the OPUS
project have questioned the accessibility of the
New Nordic Diet. It appears that many of the
dishes presented in the New Nordic Diet pre-
sented difficulties to the OPUS test participants,
although they allegedly had passed ‘‘the test of
everyday life.’’ Time was a central problem, as
was unfamiliarity with and unavailability of the
ingredients
37
, and the skepticism seemed greater
among those who preferred ‘‘traditional cuisine,’’
and who felt that the recipes were ‘‘concocted by
gourmets and experts, who are seeking to impose
their food preferences on the population.’’
38
This may also support the idea that the New
Nordic Diet caters to an open-minded, resourceful,
and adventurous middle-class lifestyle with high
‘‘culinary capital,’’ and accordingly, the ambition
to democratize proved difficult which is the case
with many ‘‘alternative’’ food movements.
39
The
difficulty of democratizing food culture also un-
derlines that despite recent changes in contem-
porary food culture away from the bourgeois
French gastronomy toward a more omnivore taste
ideal, class distinctions are still very clear in the
contemporary food consumption.
40
Taste ideals of
the urban middle-class subjects continue to be
distinct from those of the working class subjects.
It is also remarkable that although the OPUS
project constantly refers to a ‘‘Nordic’’ way of
eating, it has a very explicit national focus on
Denmark and the Danish population and its main
partnerships are with the Danish school system
and the Danish supermarket association. A similar
national focus is found at the same time in Sweden.
The Swedish Government launched the campaign
‘‘Sweden, the New Culinary Nation’’ in 2008.
Inspired by the New Nordic Cuisine, the campaign
aimed to develop the food and restaurant sectors
nationally.
41
So although the New Nordic Cuisine
originally could be understood as a pan-Nordic
movement, and was supported by the Nordic
Council in the first years, many of the subsequent
initiatives seemed to focus on a national level. So
the regional hype of the New Nordic Cuisine was
used to push national, political agendas.
THE CRITICISM OF NEW NORDIC
CUISINE
The question of elitism has been raised by some of
the relatively few public critics of the New Nordic
Cuisine. Notably, chef Bo Jacobsen has argued
J. Leer
6
(page number not for citation purpose)
that the cuisine has no public appeal, but is just
about top chefs trying to ‘‘impress journalists,
food critics and not least each other.’’
42
Sociolo-
gist Ulla Holm underscored the exclusiveness of
the project and accused the project of being
‘‘fascist’’ in its exclusion of other cultures and in
its emphasis on the superiority of the North.
43
This led to a big debate.
44
In academia, criticism of the New Nordic has
only recently begun to resonate with considera-
tions of how the movement favors whiteness and
gastronationalism
45
or gendered hierarchies be-
tween men’s and women’s cooking,
46
or how
OPUS used ‘‘nudging’’ strategies to make people
accept the diet.
47
Here, however, I would like to
dwell on some critical studies of the media success
of the movement.
Food sociologist Arun Micheelsen, who wrote
his doctoral dissertation within the OPUS project
on the acceptance of the New Nordic Diet,
launched a critique of the project. His findings
showed that there was significant resistance to the
diet, and he publicly stated that when he tried to
publish his results, OPUS’s scientific committee,
with Claus Meyer and Arne Astrup, tried to make
him tone down his critique, and manipulate the
results. This became a big media story in August
2013. Astrup denied the allegations, and said that
Micheelsen and his supervisors concluded too
much, based on a limited, qualitative data set. In
an essay, Micheelsen outlined the dispute and his
experience as a sociologist in a project dominated
by the natural sciences and Meyer’s ideology,
and sponsored by a private foundation with high
expectations of success and capitalizing on the
success of New Nordic Diet. The essay accent-
uates how the OPUS project conflates the mytho-
logy and the branding of New Nordic Cuisine
with the scientific documentation in a rather
problematic way.
48
The media has been relatively uncritical of New
Nordic Cuisine. Sørensen and Mu
¨ller examine the
ways in which the media appear to have been
seduced by Meyer’s energetic personality, and
allowed Meyer to position himself as an idealist
who, through his engagement with the New Nordic
Cuisine and Diet, worked against the established
capitalist food system, although in fact he is very
much a part of the capitalist system. Notably when
Meyer sold most of his business to IK Investments
Partners for DKK 700 million in 2014. This sale
also underlines that ‘‘culinary capital’’ can be
converted to other forms of capital, both symbolic
and monetary.
49
Media criticism seems to suggest that there has
been great*almost naı
¨ve*goodwill in the media
surrounding the narrative of the New Nordic
Cuisine/Diet helping to secure the status of the
brand. The story of an ‘‘authentic,’’ ‘‘alternative,’’
and ‘‘Nordic’’ food culture has been very easy for
the media to accept, although the Danish popu-
lation appears much more skeptical about the
project, especially in adapting the new food
re´gime in their everyday practices.
THE COUNTER-REACTIONS TO THE
NEW NORDIC CUISINE
The New Nordic Cuisine has experienced a huge
success with international attention and countless
restaurants following the dogmas of the New
Nordic Cuisine, notably in Copenhagen. However,
in the last few years there seems to have been some
counter-reaction. Copenhagen has seen an upsurge
in restaurants that reject concerns for locavorism,
healthiness, and sustainability, for instance, in
Copenhagen’s neighborhood of Vesterbro, the
emergence of restaurants based on heavy and meaty
American food, such as the restaurant Warpigs,
serving ‘‘authentic Texas BBQ.’’
50
Also, we see that
people associated with New Nordic Cuisine try to
go beyond the strict dogmatism of the movement
without, however, rejecting everything about it.
The American chef Adrien Norwood came to
Copenhagen in search for the New Nordic Cuisine,
but after some years at Geranium, the first restau-
rant to get three Michelin stars in Copenhagen with
head chef Rasmus Kofoed, Norwood started an
American inspired restaurant. In the press release
on the opening of the restaurant in September
2013, Norwood explains: ‘‘New Nordic Cuisine
has been a phenomenal success, one that has
resonated across large parts of the planet. But if
we are to continue attracting tourists to the city,
something new must occur. Copenhagen has
become an international metropolis with a pulse
and the potential to offer more than just a regional
New Nordic Cuisine. With our new American
culinary concept we would like to be part of this
innovative movement.’’
51
Here, it is striking that
the New Nordic Cuisine is no longer considered
Rise and fall of the New Nordic Cuisine
7
(page number not for citation purpose)
as something innovative, but something which
stands in the way for innovation.
The chef and owner of the restaurant Amass
with its own vegetables garden, Matt Orlando,
also expresses a desire to move beyond the New
Nordic Cuisine. After several years in a leading
position at NOMA, he has now gone solo. In
an interview in the Danish newspaper Politiken,
he emphasizes that his restaurant is not a
Nordic restaurant, although 85% of the ingredi-
ents will be from the local region, but he does not
want to be put in a box: ‘‘As a chef I want to be
free to do what I want to do without being
accountable to others.’’
52
Here the dogmatism of
the New Nordic is seen as an obstacle to culinary
creativity.
One of the most elaborate accounts of a desire
to go beyond the New Nordic Cuisine is presented
by former NOMA chef Christian Puglisi in his
cookbook, Relæ*A Book of Ideas (2014), inspired
by his work at restaurant Relæ, in the trendy
neighborhood of Nørrebro, in Copenhagen. I
would like to dwell a little on this book to analyze
the resignification of the New Nordic Cuisine for
this new generation. The food at Relæ embraces a
lot of central ideas of the New Nordic Cuisine,
notably the emphasis on sustainability, organic
food, and locavorism. Also, in the menu, vegeta-
bles are given a much more significant position
compared to the cuisines of the 1990s, and,
furthermore, less common parts of animals*
such as neck or shoulder of lambs*are served
in the restaurant. However, Puglisi like Orlando
feels a need to distance himself from the
movement.
It is notable that Relæ*A Book of Ideas is
written in English. Meyer and Redzepi have
written cookbooks in Danish, primarily targeting
a Danish public. Some of these were subsequently
translated into other languages, but Puglisi tar-
gets an international audience directly. This also
emphasizes that Puglisi has a different take on
locavorism, a take that is colored by a much more
cosmopolitan vision. Puglisi uses his own personal
history to explain this vision: ’’I was born Italian,
my mother is Norwegian and I have lived in Italy,
Denmark, Spain and France. I am a child of a
globalized world, and anyone who draws up
national borders and geographical restrictions on
people*or vegetables*always provoked me.’’
53
So despite his ideals of locavorism, Puglisi is also
heavily inspired by the cuisines of France, Italy,
and other places. He uses Italian olive oil and
anchovies from Spain without any hesitation.
Therefore, he does not feel like he is part of the
New Nordic movement, nor does he applaud its
dogmas or its ‘‘simplistic’’ locavorism: ‘‘I am an
individual, and Relæ is a unique restaurant with its
own identity ... The question of whether our
cooking is locavore, Nordic, Italian, or French is
the same as asking me if I am Italian, Norwegian
or Danish. The answer is yes to all of them.’’
54
Redzepi also has an immigrant background, but
he was comfortable embracing the New Nordic
dogmas.
Meyer and Redzepi saw a creative challenge in
the manifesto that could spark culinary innova-
tion, just as Lars von Trier and his DOGMA
brothers saw a creative challenge in the command-
ments of the DOGMA95 for revolutionizing the
film industry. For Puglisi, on the contrary, the
dogmatism does not allow for creativity, it restricts
creative freedom of the chef. This was also the
point made by Matt Orlando. Furthermore,
Puglisi suggests that the regional focus is not in
tune with the globalized world in which he lives.
So, the idea of a lost ‘‘Nordic order’’ that should
be dogmatically rediscovered is presented as an
obsolete way of thinking that is not compatible
with being a modern individual.
With Relæ Puglisi wanted to disconnect himself
from the world of fine dining that NOMA worked
so hard to be a part of. Puglisi wanted to serve his
food in ‘‘an environment that made guests feel
welcome and relaxed’’; and he continues his
criticism:
I couldn’t understand why a creative cuisine
should be a slave to a luxurious dining room
and its oppressive style of service ... I can
pretty much take care of finding the toilet, at
least the second time I go, and I prefer
pouring my own water, thank you very much.
It felt like everyone was putting an array
of extraneous things on top of my dining
experience. I didn’t want those things and
I sure didn’t want to pay for them.
55
This criticism targets the traditions and the
structures of the entire fine dining industry,
and Puglisi’s ambition was to subvert the norms
and codes of this world. However, this criticism
may also be read as a more specific criticism of
NOMA, as though Puglisi suggests that although
J. Leer
8
(page number not for citation purpose)
NOMA has challenged the ideas of fine dining by
rejecting the Mediterranean and French cuisine
and products, Redzepi’s restaurant has not*in
the hunt for Michelin stars*dared to challenge
the formality of the fine dining experience. So, an
important part of the ambition driving Relæ is to
go that step further.
In Redzepi’s NOMA cookbook from 2010
56
,
the illustrations are dominated by photos of dishes
served at NOMA, but these are accompanied by
many images of Nordic landscapes, and portraits
of peoples collecting the Nordic ingredients un-
ique to NOMA. In Puglisi’s cookbook we do not
find a single landscape image. Puglisi’s locavor
and organic cuisine is integrated into a trendy
urban space, namely Jægersborggade, the street in
which the restaurant is located. Over the last few
years, both Jægersborggade and the neighborhood
Nørrebro in which the street is situated have
changed from being a rather rough part of town
to becoming a hip, gentrified district with many
well-educated inhabitants, bearded hipsters, and a
diversity of ‘‘cool’’ shops and restaurants catering
to this demographic. This development of the
neighborhood is carefully described by Puglisi,
and illustrated by several photos of this urban
microcosm. So whereas the NOMA cookbook
went to great lengths to visually associate the
food on the plates with Nordic nature, Relæ tries
to integrate locavorism within a modern urbanity
that does not appear particularly Danish, but
a part of a transurban hipster culture. So, Relæ
is negotiating an interesting position that
includes some of the ethical concerns of the
alternative food movement, but rather than relat-
ing these to romanticized portraits of an eternal,
but lost essence of nature (as in NOMA), they
are integrated into a dynamic, cosmopolitan
urbanity.
Puglisi has overtaken many of the central ideas
of the New Nordic cuisine in his cooking philo-
sophy, particularly the focus on vegetables and
the ethical approach to food and ‘‘sound
production’’*Relæ was the first certified organic
Michelin Restaurant in the world. Also, despite
not being 100% on Nordic ingredients, he uses a
high percentage of local ingredients and produces
compared to the Michelin Restaurant of the
1990s. However, it seems critical to Relæ’s brand
to create distance to the New Nordic.
THE NEW NORDIC CUISINE MOVING
TO NEW YORK
Considering the history of the New Nordic Cuisine,
there are some very interesting dynamics around its
conceptualization that are repeated in the recent
counter-reactions to it. With the manifesto of the
New Nordic Cuisine and its application at NOMA,
Meyer and Redzepi worked hard to highlight
that what they did was radically new and to mark
a distance to the French and Mediterranean
cuisines. They were successful in their attempt to
challenge the status of these cuisines which had
defined good taste for centuries. Although it could
be argued that the ideas of the New Nordic Cuisine
to a large extent were borrowed from the Nouvelle
Cuisine, this legacy was not mentioned as it might
diminish the novelty of the project. So the newness
was primarily defined through distance and by
modes of distinction. Similarly, the new generation
of chefs who reacted against the dogmatism of
the New Nordic, all emphasized that they did not
belong to the New Nordic Cuisine, and they did
not highlight the elements of the New Nordic
Cuisines they inherited. Particularly Puglisi’s cook-
ing style owes a lot to the New Nordic Cuisine with
its focus on sound production and vegetables; the
food philosophy at Relæ is certainly not a return to
‘‘Nouvelle Cuisine’’ or to the playful molecular
gastronomy.
57
It appears much closer to the food
of the New Nordic movement than these two
cuisines. However, the distance to the New Nordic
is vital to Puglisi’s brand.
From a Bourdieusian perspective, this new
generation may be seen as a ‘‘natural’’ reaction
to the New Nordic Cuisine, because just as the
New Nordic chefs needed to challenge French
and Mediterranean cuisine to establish their own
distinctive positions in the culinary field, Puglisi
depended on a refusal of the New Nordic Cuisine
to claim originality. And just as Redzepi argued
that he could only be an imitation of the ‘‘real’’
French chef when cooking French food, Puglisi
and his generation could only be copies of Redzepi
as long as they cooked New Nordic Cuisine. So
Puglisi and his generation had to distance them-
selves from the New Nordic food movement if
they wanted to have a high status in the culinary
field. At the same time, Puglisi and his colleagues
profit from the global attention that the New
Nordic Cuisine have brought to Copenhagen and
Rise and fall of the New Nordic Cuisine
9
(page number not for citation purpose)
made it a favored destination for foodies from
around the world.
Thus, the case of the New Nordic Cuisine also
highlights the complex and often contradictory
dynamics of the local and the global in contem-
porary food and consumer culture. The middle-
class food culture is currently very engaged with
ethical and environmental issues and locavorism is
often highly praised. At the same time, middle-
class consumers are to a large extent children
of the globalized world, and it is also prestigious
to have a diverse and exotic portfolio of taste
experiences. So just as Puglisi, the middle-class
foodie does not want to be limited by a radical,
locavore dogmatism; the foodie (and Puglisi)
wants the best of both worlds, the local and the
global world, and the freedom to shop around
these worlds.
Another aspect of the local-global dynamic of
the New Nordic food movement was offered when
Claus Meyer in 2015 announced that he would
move to New York. It is not to say if it was be-
cause of the difficulties of democratizing the New
Nordic Cuisine or due to the lost prestige of the
New Nordic Cuisine among the new generation of
chefs in Copenhagen, but Meyer decided to leave
the Danish capital and open a Nordic food market
and a Nordic restaurant at the Grand Central
Station. Here, the New Nordic Cuisine still has a
certain freshness to it, and certainly some of the
culinary e´lite will gladly pay 8 dollars for a ‘‘Danish
Dog’’ in the New Nordic hotdog stand. To serve
New Nordic Cuisine in New York City might seem
somewhat contradictory to the original, locavore
ideas of the movement, but if you can make it
(Nordic) there, you can make it (Nordic) anywhere.
Notes
1. ‘‘Læs hele Lars Løkkes engelske tale’’, Politi-
ken.The speech is reproduced in its entirety in the
Danish newspaper POLITIKEN’s website: http://
politiken.dk/ udland/ int_ usa/ ECE3205929/ laes-
hele- lars-loekkes-engelske-tale/ (accessed May
20, 2016).
2. ‘‘The concept, terroir, is traditionally connected with
French wine production and can loosely be trans-
lated as the ‘taste of place’... Terroir often evokes
the idea of the cultivated land, or in other words, the
notion of human domain taking over the natural
world. However, in the case of the New Nordic
terroir, the concept tends to be used in the context of
the traditional image of the uncultivated, pristine,
wild, fresh Nordic nature.’’ Hanne Pico Larsen and
Susanne O
¨sterlund-Po
¨tzsch, ‘‘Foraging for Nordic
Wild Food,’’ in The Return of Traditional Food, ed.
Patricia Lysaght (Lund: Lund University Studies,
2013), 70.
3. The World’s 50 Best Restaurants http://www.
theworlds50best.com/list/past-list/2010 (accessed
May 30, 2016).
4. Ha˚ kan Jo
¨nsson, ‘‘The Road to the New Nordic
Cuisine,’’ in The Return of Traditional Food, ed.
Patricia Lysaght (Lund: Lund University Studies,
2013), 66.
5. Pierre Bourdieu, La distinction (Paris: Editions de
Minuit, 1979).
6. Peter Naccarato and Katie LeBesco, Culinary
Capital (New York, NY: Berg Publishing, 2012), 3.
7. Jose´ e Johnston and Shyon Baumannn, Foodies
(New York: Routledge, 2010).
8. Jose´ e Johnston and Shyon Baumannn, ‘‘Democracy
versus Distinction: A Study of Omnivorousness
in Gourmet Food Writing,’’ American Journal of
Sociology 3 (2007): 179.
9. Johnston and Baumannn, Foodies, 85.
10. Ibid., 6996.
11. Jessica Paddock, ‘‘Positioning Food Cultures:
‘Alternative’ Food as Distinctive Consumer Practice,’’
Sociology (2015). doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003
8038515585474
12. Locavorism refers to cuisines based on local products.
The actual meaning of ‘‘local’’ is however a subject
of debate cf. Jan Arend Schulp, ‘‘Locavorism and
seasonal eating,’’ in The Routledge Handbook of Sustain-
able Food and Gastronomy,eds.PhilipSloanetal.
(New York: Routledge, 2015), 120121.
13. Paddock, ‘‘Positioning Food.’’
14. Joanne Hollows and Steve Jones, ‘‘‘At Least he’s
Doing Something’: Moral Entrepreneurship and
Individual Responsibility in Jamie’s Ministry of
Food,’’ European Journal of Cultural Studies 3 (2010):
307322.
15. Michel Maffesoli, Le temps des tribus (Paris: Table
Ronde, 1988).
16. Jonatan Leer and Karen Klitgaard Povlsen, Food
and Media: Practices, Distinctions and Heterotopias
(London: Routledge, 2016), 118.
17. Exponents for this movement were famous person-
alities as Paul Bocuse and Roger Verge´ cf. Carl
Th. Pedersen and Jørgen Fakstorp, Gastronomisk
Leksikon (København: Nyt Nordisk Forlag Arnold
Busck, 2010), 224.
18. Jo
¨nsson, ‘‘The Road,’’ 63.
19. Karen Wistoft, ‘‘Ny Nordisk Nudging,’’ Social Kritik
4 (2015): 2836.
20. ‘‘Nordic Cuisine’’, The official website of Denmark,
http://denmark.dk/en/green-living/nordic-cuisine/the-
new-nordic-cuisine (accessed May 25, 2016).
21. Jonatan Leer, ‘‘Den ny nordiske mand,’’ Social kritik
4 (2015): 21.
22. Bourdieu, La distinction, 191.
J. Leer
10
(page number not for citation purpose)
23. Nicklas Neuman and Christina Fjellstro
¨m,
‘‘Gendered and Gendering Practices of Food
and Cooking: An Inquiry into Authorisation,
Legitimisation and Androcentric Dividends in three
Social Fields,’’ NORMA: International Journal for
Masculinity Studies 4 (2014): 275.
24. Caroline Nyvang, ‘‘Good Fare and Welfare: Percep-
tions of American and French Food Culture in
Postwar Cookbooks,’’ in Food and Media: Practices,
Distinctions and Heterotopias, eds. Jonatan Leer and
Karen Klitgaard Povlsen (London: Routledge,
2016), 32.
25. Bi Ska˚rup, ‘‘The New Nordic Diet and Danish
Food Culture,’’ in The Return of traditional Food, ed.
Patricia Lysaght (Lund: Lund University Studies,
2013), 49.
26. Ibid.
27. Haldor Byrkjeflot, Jesper Strandgaard Pedersen,
and Silviya Svejenova, ‘‘From Label to Practice: The
Process of Creating New Nordic Cuisine,’’ Journal of
Culinary Science & Technology 11 (2013): 45.
28. The national focus on the Danish food culture*
rather than the Nordic*is evident in the foreword
to his first cookbook from 1994, A
˚ret rundt i Meyer’s
Køkken, and echoed in an interview in 2014 in
which he explains that NOMA was not a goal in
itself, but an instrument in 20 years long struggle to
challenge the miseries of the Danish food culture.
http://politiken.dk/mad/madnyt/ECE2172579/opgoer-
med-det-ny-nordiske-koekken-er-det-tid-til-at-loefte-
blikket-fra-plovfuren/ (accessed May 20, 2016).
29. Quoted in Byrkjeflot et al., ‘‘From Label,’’ 45.
30. Bo Ærenlund Sørensen and Anders Riel Mu
¨ller,
‘‘Meyer som appetitvækkende gastrokapitalist,’’
Social Kritik 4 (2015): 5261.
31. Jo
¨nsson, ‘‘The Way,’’ 63.
32. Ska˚rup, ‘‘The New,’’ 5051.
33. ‘‘Grundlag for ny nordisk hverdagsmad’’, University
of Copenhagen, http://foodoflife.ku.dk/opus/media/
docs/pdfer/Grundlag-for-Ny-Nordisk-Hverdagsmad.
pdf/ (accessed May 20, 2016).
34. Charlotte Mithril et al., ‘‘Guidelines for the New
Nordic Diet,’’ Public health nutrition 15 (2012):
19411947.
35. Byrkjeflot et al., ‘‘From Label,’’ 4647.
36. Caroline Nyvang, ‘‘Ny Nordisk Hverdagsmad,’’
Social Kritik 4 (2015): 50.
37. Arun Micheelsen, Lotte Holm, and Katherine
O’Doherty Jensen, ‘‘Consumer Acceptance of the
New Nordic Diet. An Exploratory Study,’’ Appetite
70 (2013): 1421.
38. Ibid., 20.
39. Jessica Paddock, ‘‘Invoking simplicity: ‘Alternative’
Food and the Reinvention of Distinction,’’ Sociologia
Ruralis 55 (2015): 2240.
40. Naja B. Stamer, The Social Dynamics of Food
Consumption*Exploring the Role of Values, Taste and
Social Class (Copenhagen: University of Copenhagen,
2016).
41. Neuman and Fjellstro
¨m, ‘‘Gendering,’’ 278.
42. ‘‘10 a˚r med ny nordisk mad’’, Food Culture, http://
www.foodculture.dk/tema/foedevarer/2013/10-aar-
med-nordisk-mad/elitaer-klappebamse-eller-folke-
lig-succes#.V1A8M-SZM0Y (accessed May 20,
2016).
43. ‘‘Noma er fascisme’’, Politiken, http://politiken.dk/
debat/kroniken/ECE1275730/noma-er-fascisme-i-
avantgardistiske-klaer/ (accessed May 30, 2016).
44. ‘‘Madsociologen de kaldte nazi-Ulla’’, Politiken,
http://politiken.dk/mad/ECE2595160/madsociologen-
de-kaldte-nazi-ulla-kokke-er-ikke-vor-tids-frelsere/
(accessed May 30, 2016).
45. Rikke Andreassen, ‘‘The Search for the White
Nordic: Analysis of the Contemporary New Nordic
Kitchen and Former Race Science,’’ Social Identities
6 (2014): 438451.
46. Jonatan Leer, ‘‘Ma(d)skulinitet i nynordiske koge-
bøger,’’ Social kritik 4 (2015): 1627.
47. Wistoft, ‘‘Dogmemad,’’4229.
48. Arun Micheelsen, ‘‘En autoetnografisk fabel om
tilblivelserne af ny nordisk hverdagsmad,’’ Social
Kritik 4 (2015): 4148.
49. Sørensen and Mu
¨ller, ‘‘Meyer,’’ 5261.
50. Linda Lapina and Jonatan Leer, ‘‘Carnivorous
Heterotopias: Gender, Nostalgia and Hipsterness
in the Copenhagen Meat Scene,’’ NORMA: Inter-
national Journal of Masculinity Studies (2016). doi:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18902138.2016.1184479
51. ‘‘Press Release’’, MS Amerika, http://www.msamer-
ika.dk/aktuelt/Press_Release_Sep_2013_ENG.pdf
(accessed May 30, 2016).
52. ‘‘Opgør med det ny nordiske køkken’’, Politiken,
http://politiken.dk/mad/madnyt/ECE2172579/opgoer-
med-det-ny-nordiske-koekken-er-det-tid-til-at-loefte-
blikket-fra-plovfuren/ (accessed May 20, 2016).
53. Christian Puglisi, Relæ: A Book of Ideas (London:
Ten Speed Press, 2014), 33.
54. Ibid., 323.
55. Ibid., 1415.
56. Redzepi, NOMA (København: Politikens Forlag,
2011).
57. Molecular gastronomy is a culinary movement using
scientific methods to create spectacular and surpris-
ing meals. It was invented by the scientist Nicholas
Kurti and Herve´ This in 1988 (Pedersen and
Fakstorp, Gastronomisk, 210). It is particularly
associated with the renowned chef Ferran Adria`
and his groundbreaking work at the restaurant El
Bulli. See Isabelle De Solier, ‘‘Liquid nitrogen pis-
tachios: Molecular gastronomy, elBulli and foodies,’’
European Journal of Cultural Studies 13 (2010):
155170.
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