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‘I therefore recommend meditation, just as I recommend the
use of Jacobsen’s relaxation method or other focusing and
relaxing techniques, as a palliative, distraction method, and
advise most of my clients to use it with discretion and not take
it too seriously or view it as a general therapeutic method.’
Albert Ellis,
1
p. 673.
Something has gone wrong with the science of mindfulness.
The literature on its supposed mental and physical benefits
is conceptually and methodologically precarious and has
been divulged in a sensationalist way. Academic articles
describe weak results as ‘encouraging’ and ‘exciting’;
popular best-selling books about mindfulness, many of
which are written by researchers, are bursting with magical
promises of peace, happiness and well-being. The replace-
ment of orange-robed gurus by white-collared academics
who speak of the benefits of ‘being in the present moment’
is a powerful social phenomenon, which is probably rooted
in our culture’s desire for quick fixes and its attraction to
spiritual ideas divested of supernatural elements. There is a
misrepresentation of the place and value of meditation in
the Buddhist tradition, including its depiction as a purely
rational method of self-exploration,
2
which would feel alien
to countless past generations of Buddhists.
3
There are two major types of problems with the
attempts to study mindfulness. First, its scientific literature
is plagued by conceptual and methodological shortcomings
and the turning of a blind eye to the fact that individuals
react differently to this technique. Second, we also have
concerns about how it is being utilised by individuals with
little formal training in mental health, and its branding
(often against the alarming background of a global increase
in mental illness) as the technique of choice to develop
‘mental fitness’. Our aim is not to engage in a damning
critique of mindfulness, but simply to urge caution about its
widespread use as a therapeutic technique, including its
limitations, the lack of clear evidence about its benefits,
and its ‘assembly-line’ approach based on a reductive
understanding of the human mind.
The thorn of individual differences
When the practice of meditation exploded in the West and
was taken into the lab in the 1970s, the idea behind its
efficacy was couched in a language of altered states of
consciousness: meditating allowed an individual to enter a
particular state of consciousness,
4
which was associated
with a range of physiological alterations and mental health
benefits.
5
Although the notion of ‘altered states of
consciousness’ is no longer popular in the medical and
psychological sciences, the supposed efficacy of mindfulness
is rooted in a particular state of consciousness: a non-
judgemental awareness of the stream of our experiences.
There is an acknowledgement in the literature that
individuals will vary in their dispositional or trait levels of
mindfulness
6
-
in other words, how naturally gifted one is in
achieving this state of consciousness
-
but nevertheless the
underlying stance is a universalist one: the practice of
mindfulness is regarded as an innate human cognitive
ability which, when regularly engaged in, is beneficial to all.
Given this universalist framework, it is perhaps not
surprising that mindfulness researchers have generally
turned a blind eye to the fact that individuals react
differently to meditation techniques
-
and that these
reactions may not always be positive.
SPECIAL ARTICLES
Farias & Wikholm Has the science of mindfulness lost its mind?
BJPsych Bulletin (2016), 40,329
-
332, doi: 10.1192/pb.bp.116.053686
1
Coventry University, Coventry, UK;
2
National Health Service, UK
Correspondence to Miguel Farias
(miguel.farias@coventry.ac.uk)
First received 13 Jan 2016, final revision
22 Mar 2016, accepted 21 Apr 2016
B2016 The Authors. This is an open-
access article published by the Royal
College of Psychiatrists and distributed
under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License (http://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0), which permits unrestricted use,
distribution, and reproduction in any
medium, provided the original work
is properly cited.
Summary The excitement about the application of mindfulness meditation in
mental health settings has led to the proliferation of a literature pervaded by a lack of
conceptual and methodological self-criticism. In this article we raise two major
concerns. First, we consider the range of individual differences within the experience
of meditation; although some people may benefit from its practice, others will not be
affected in any substantive way, and a number of individuals may suffer moderate to
serious adverse effects. Second, we address the insufficient or inconclusive evidence
for its benefits, particularly when mindfulness-based interventions are compared with
other activities or treatments. We end with suggestions on how to improve the quality
of research into mindfulness interventions and outline key issues for clinicians
considering referring patients for these interventions.
Declaration of interest None.
Has the science of mindfulness lost its mind?
Miguel Farias,
1
Catherine Wikholm
2
329
Let us start by focusing on the benefits of mindfulness
as a preventive treatment for recurrent depression,
currently the only mental illness for which the National
Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) recommends
the use of a mindfulness intervention. Mindfulness-based
cognitive therapy (MBCT) was developed with the intent
of treating individuals at risk for recurrent depression.
The early studies showed that, when compared with a
treatment-as-usual (TAU) group, mindfulness led to lower
relapse rates for those with three or more episodes of
depression.
7,8
However, it increased the likelihood of relapse
in individuals with two or fewer depressive episodes. But
there is more. The last two major trials found that even
patients with more than three episodes of depression react
differently to it. Those who benefit the most were shown to
be individuals with a personal history of childhood trauma
and abuse, in other words, those most psychologically
vulnerable.
9,10
It is unclear what the reasons are for
mindfulness being particularly effective within this subgroup
of individuals with a high probability of depression relapse,
but it certainly calls for a more nuanced recommendation
by NICE.
Potentially adverse effects of mindfulness
We have recently reviewed some of the evidence for what
we call the ‘dark side of meditation’, which includes
evidence of somatic, psychological and neurological
problems associated with meditation practice.
11
This is a
surprisingly under-researched area, mostly consisting of
case studies, but not exclusively. A cross-sectional study on
the effects of intensive and long-term meditation reported
that over 60% of individuals had at least one negative effect,
which varied from increased anxiety to depression and full-
blown psychosis.
12
Qualitative research on mindfulness
meditation shows that it may increase the awareness of
difficult feelings and exacerbate psychological problems.
13
One individual reported being suddenly confronted with
material relating to a forgotten childhood trauma during his
mindfulness practice:
‘I saw the depth of the pain that is buried things that have
happened to me that have not been dealt with properly. It can
be very scary to know there’s that very strong thing in there’
13
p. 853.
It can be argued that the emergence of difficult emotional
material from mindfulness practice may be a positive, rather
than an adverse circumstance. This will, of course, depend
on the context in which these feelings and memories emerge
-
if it happens in a therapeutic context, it may very well be;
but if the person is alone or doing mindfulness in a group
setting without a trained mental health clinician, a positive
outcome is more unlikely and it may simply result in
unexpected distress.
Why do some people react badly to meditation? A
possible explanation is that it amplifies inner problems; if
one has a ‘disposition’ to depression, bipolar disorder or
psychosis, meditation may heighten it. This amplification
thesis, however, is purely speculative and based on a biased
positive understanding of mindfulness. Another explanation
is that mindfulness is not only about ‘being aware’ but may
also challenge the ordinary sense of self. We call this the
ego-rattling hypothesis. Meditation techniques, including
mindfulness, were originally developed to assist with
bringing about a deep change in how individuals perceive
themselves, others and the surrounding world. It is then not
entirely surprising that a person might experience
emotional difficulties as a result. For example, it has been
found that after an 8-week mindfulness-based stress
reduction (MBSR) course, some participants experienced
increased stress and depression.
14
One experimental study,
which used the Trier Social Stress Test, found that a short
mindfulness intervention with healthy individuals led to
increased biological stress when compared with an active
control group.
15
Individual differences in mindfulness, including the
potential for adverse effects, should not be regarded as
the elephant in the room. Their study is crucial if we are
to advance our knowledge of the real therapeutic potential
of mindfulness. We must understand for whom and
under what circumstances it works and when it may be
contraindicated. The neglect of individual differences
has other obvious drawbacks: it weakens our conceptual
understanding of mindfulness and severely limits the
scientific usefulness of the plethora of studies that are
searching for its benefits.
The enthusiasm is ahead of the evidence
Contrary to popular opinion, the evidence for even the most
‘well-founded’ benefits of mindfulness is not consistent or
conclusive. A recent comprehensive meta-analysis
16
of
randomised clinical trials showed that mindfulness inter-
ventions only led to moderate improvements in depression,
anxiety and pain, and very small improvements in stress
reduction and quality of life. There was no evidence that
mindfulness had an effect on other variables, such as
positive mood, attention, sleep or substance use. Further,
when mindfulness was compared with other interventions,
such as physical exercise or relaxation, it was not more
effective. This confirms the result of an earlier meta-
analysis,
17
which found that mindfulness-based inter-
ventions did not lead to medium- or long-term (3 weeks
to 3 years post-intervention) better clinical outcomes
compared with relaxation or psychoeducation.
The enthusiasm surrounding mindfulness easily leads
to reporting the evidence in a different way. Let us again
take the case of mindfulness in the treatment of recurrent
depression. Its last major trial was published with great
media fanfare: ‘mindfulness is as effective as drugs for
treating depression’ reported the Daily Mail (21 April
2015).
18
What the media did not pick up on was that the
study had in fact failed, as its hypothesis was that MBCT
would be superior to antidepressant medication in
preventing depression relapse.
The media also completely ignored the results of the
previous major trial on MBCT for recurrent depression, a
methodologically more sophisticated study and one with
surprising results. Williams and colleagues
9
employed a
dismantling design to investigate the ‘active ingredient’ of
MBCT by comparing a typical MBCT intervention with
psychoeducation (similar in all aspects to MBCT, except it
did not involve meditation) and a TAU group. The
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Farias & Wikholm Has the science of mindfulness lost its mind?
330
psychoeducation groups met for the same amount of time
and learnt to recognise the warning signs of depression and
disengage from them, exactly as in the MBCT group. All
participants were assessed at 6, 9 and 12 months. The
results: participants in the MBCT group were as likely to
relapse as those in the psychoeducation and the TAU
groups. The only participants for whom MBCT proved more
effective were those with a higher frequency of childhood
trauma and abuse.
There are many other findings in the literature that
raise doubts about the long-term benefits of meditation.
Two meta-analyses disconfirmed the expectation that
continuous practice would lead to cumulative changes,
both in emotional
-
cognitive domains
19
and in brain
structure.
20
There are no obvious interpretations for the
finding that the expected positive changes of mindfulness
plateau after only some weeks of practice, rather than
increase with time. But the contrary is also true
-
there is no
clear rationale for why continuous mindfulness practice
would keep improving well-being or cognitive abilities. A
sort of magical rationale for the ‘power of mindfulness’
appears to be the underlying explanation. Continuous
practice is supposed to add up in a mathematical way,
making you more mindful, super aware, super controlled,
super happy and eventually liberated from the illusion of
the individual self. It is against the background of this
expectation that researchers show surprise about the lack of
a linear evolution of the benefits of mindfulness.
This grandiose expectation regarding the optimisation
of human functioning through a meditation technique may
be looked on as naive; but it is also dangerous. It is driving
an enthusiasm to show the effects of mindfulness that runs
way ahead of the modest evidence, as well as tainting our
perception of the data. It does something else that we find
worrying: it encourages a simplistic portrayal of the human
mind and of our inner lives. A number of analogies are used
to make mindfulness amenable to our modern mindset.
A particularly popular one is to think of mindfulness as a
‘mind gym’: ‘Just as brushing your teeth or going for a run
are well known ways of protecting general physical health,
mindfulness exercises develop mental fitness and resilience’.
21
It is unclear what these metaphors refer to
-
what exactly is
mental fitness and how can mindfulness promote it? Is it a
process of self-regulation mediated by improvements in
attention and awareness? Or is it a process of reappraisal of
one’s thoughts and sense of self as unimportant or illusory?
Recommendations and considerations
To improve the quality of research into mindfulness we first
need clear and comprehensive theories of how it works that
acknowledge the range of experiences people can have when
they meditate. Second, regarding methodology, studies
should involve active control groups, control for expectations,
and seek to explore individual differences in more depth.
Until we have better-designed studies and evidence
which can shed light on these areas, it is imperative that we
consider mindfulness not as the ‘go-to’ approach for
patients struggling with stress or recurrent depression, but
as one possible therapeutic approach among others. It is
important that we also speak openly about the potential for
adverse effects in order to de-stigmatise the issue; surely the
last thing we want is for a patient to feel that they ‘failed’ at
using a technique, when the reality is that it worked
differently for them than for another
-
and as yet, we do not
know why.
Currently, there is no professional or statutory
registration required to teach mindfulness-based inter-
ventions such as MBSR and MBCT, and no regulatory
body which oversees the training of mindfulness teachers.
The current popularity of mindfulness is encouraging the
rushed, unregulated formation of thousands of teachers.
Organisations offering training may set their ‘minimum
requirements’ for those wanting to train, but these vary
from organisation to organisation. Unlike other mainstream
psychological interventions available in the UK in the
National Health Service (such as cognitive
-
behavioural or
systemic family therapy), you do not need to be a therapist
or have any formal training in mental health to deliver
mindfulness courses. In other words, some mindfulness
teachers may be merely equipped to deliver a mindfulness
package, in a group setting, and may have limited
experience and expertise in identifying and managing
mental health difficulties. Yet, given that mindfulness is
promoted as a way to improve mental health, it is very likely
that for individuals attending mindfulness groups in the
community (or at school, or at work) many will be
experiencing some level of mental health difficulties. For
individuals experiencing common difficulties such as stress,
anxiety or depression and considering paying for therapy or
attending a mindfulness group, the combination of media
hype and the comparative affordability of a mindfulness
group may easily sway them to opt for this, potentially
placing their mental health in the hands of someone who
may lack adequate training and experience of working with
psychological difficulties.
Key considerations for clinicians contemplating
referring patients to mindfulness interventions include
past experiences of meditative techniques, providing
information as to the range of effects that may occur,
ensuring that the individual has support in place to help
them to manage difficult experiences should they occur, and
giving them a choice as to whether this, or some other form
of therapy, would be best suited to them.
Mindfulness has its place in therapy, as one of many
techniques available to a trained clinician. However, we
need to understand who it benefits and when, its merits and
limitations. And we need to moderate the excitement;
practise a salutary modesty that acknowledges the difficulty
of personal change and of recovery. Perhaps rethink the
metaphors of how mindfulness works — after all, picturing the
exercise of present-moment awareness as mind-pumping that
will make one more resilient to mental health bugs is
probably not the most mindful of therapeutic models.
About the authors
Miguel Farias, Reader in Cognitive and Biological Psychology, Brain, Belief &
Behaviour Group, Centre for Research in Psychology, Behaviour, and
Achievement, Coventry University, UK. Catherine Wikholm, Clinical
Psychologist, National Health Service, UK.
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