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Towards Integrating Political Ecology into Resilience-Based Resource Management

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One of the biggest challenges faced today is how to sustainably manage social-ecological systems for both ecological conservation and human wellbeing. This paper explores two approaches to understanding such systems: resilience thinking and political ecology. Resilience thinking is a framework that emerged over the last 40 years as a management strategy for social-ecological systems, and a resilient social-ecological system is capable of absorbing disturbances and still retaining its basic function and structure. Political ecology is derived from cultural ecology and political economy and aims to critically examine how human-environment interactions are linked to environmental problems while exploring issues of power. Drawing from debates and theoretical issues both within and between these two theories, this paper proposes three main arguments for integrating political ecology into managing for resilience. First, political ecology could help fill in understanding gaps in resilience with its focus on society and politics, while resilience thinking's focus on ecology can ensure that political ecology engages with ecology. Second, the multiple lenses of political ecology may help define the system for resilience management. Third, political ecology's explanatory power may assist in identifying surrogates of resilience for indirectly measuring social-ecological resilience.
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Review
Towards Integrating Political Ecology into
Resilience-Based Resource Management
Amy Quandt
Environmental Studies Program, University of Colorado–Boulder, 397 UCB, Boulder, CO 80309, USA;
amy.quandt@colorado.edu; Tel.: +1-303-709-0038
Academic Editor: Alessandro Galli
Received: 7 August 2016; Accepted: 20 October 2016; Published: 26 October 2016
Abstract:
One of the biggest challenges faced today is how to sustainably manage social-ecological
systems for both ecological conservation and human wellbeing. This paper explores two approaches
to understanding such systems: resilience thinking and political ecology. Resilience thinking is a
framework that emerged over the last 40 years as a management strategy for social-ecological systems,
and a resilient social-ecological system is capable of absorbing disturbances and still retaining its
basic function and structure. Political ecology is derived from cultural ecology and political economy
and aims to critically examine how human-environment interactions are linked to environmental
problems while exploring issues of power. Drawing from debates and theoretical issues both within
and between these two theories, this paper proposes three main arguments for integrating political
ecology into managing for resilience. First, political ecology could help fill in understanding gaps
in resilience with its focus on society and politics, while resilience thinking’s focus on ecology can
ensure that political ecology engages with ecology. Second, the multiple lenses of political ecology
may help define the system for resilience management. Third, political ecology’s explanatory power
may assist in identifying surrogates of resilience for indirectly measuring social-ecological resilience.
Keywords:
political ecology; resilience thinking; natural resources; resource management;
environmental conservation
1. Introduction
One of the biggest challenges faced today by both natural resource managers and human
development professionals is how to sustainably manage linked social-ecological systems for both
ecosystem function and human wellbeing [
1
,
2
]. How can we maintain important ecosystem services
and natural resources, while also allowing people to maintain their livelihoods? This paper explores
two theoretical approaches that attempt to answer this question by informing the management of
social-ecological systems: resilience thinking and political ecology.
The concepts of political ecology and resilience thinking have been compared and contrasted by
scholars over the past 15 years [
2
9
]. Some continue to argue that they are fundamentally incompatible,
largely because political ecologists and resilience scholars often come from different disciplines and
schools of thought [
7
]. However, in a recent series of articles, Turner [
7
,
9
] explored connections between
these frameworks and suggested that, despite barriers, resilience scholars and political ecologists
maybe should work together in some cases [
7
]. For example, they hold congruent positions with respect
to ecological responses to human land use, and political ecologists may be some of the best-placed
social scientists to cooperate with resilience ecologists in understanding the complex interactions of
history, human livelihood practices, and ecological responses [7].
This paper contributes to the work of Turner [
7
,
9
], Peterson [
3
], Brown [
6
], and others by
identifying three specific points of synthesis between resilience thinking and political ecology. It aims
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to provide the theoretical basis for integrating political ecology and resilience thinking into research
and resource management. These three insights are outlined in Figure 1.
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to provide the theoretical basis for integrating political ecology and resilience thinking into research
and resource management. These three insights are outlined in Figure 1.
Figure 1. Major arguments towards integrating political ecology into resilience-based natural resource
management.
2. Resilience Thinking
Before diving into the three insights of this paper, it is important to understand the major
concepts embraced by resilience thinking. Resilience thinking has emerged over the last 40 years,
originating in the field of ecology [10]. The concept was introduced as a technical ecological term by
Holling [11] in research on spruce forest budworms. Originally, resilience thinking largely built upon
insights from non-equilibrium ecology [7,12]. Over the years, resilience research has been expanded
beyond the confines of its original ecological origins [8,13]. A resilience approach to social-ecological
systems developed after the recognition that management systems based on optimization of a
particular good or service (for example timber production) through getting rid of or altering change
were not leading to either environmental or social sustainability [14]. Instead, resilience embraces
change and uncertainty as part of the system in order to achieve sustainability. Resilience is often
considered a ‘boundary’ concept that helps to integrate the natural and social aspects of sustainability
[15]. Resilience thinking has now become popularized within a wide variety of academic disciplines
as well as development organizations [16].
Resilience connotes multiple meanings that revolve around uncertainty, diversity, connectedness,
change, persistence, structure, transformation, and agency [7]. Resilience is defined by Walker and Salt
[14] as the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure.
For social-ecological systems, Cabell and Oelofse [17] define resilience as the capacity of a system to
“maintain the ability to feed and clothe people in the face of shocks while building the natural capital
base upon which they depend and provide a livelihood for the people who make it function” (p. 3).
Other scholars include the idea of ‘bouncing back and transforming after a disturbance’ into their
thinking of resilience [15]. Resilience can also be divided into general or specific resilience, where
specified resilience asks the question “resilience of what and to what?” [14]. Because this can be a
complicated question, the resilience approach requires interdisciplinary analysis and syntheses [7,18].
Generally, resilience is associated with the systems’ ability to recover from a disturbance [16].
Walker and Salt [14] explain the system as a ball in a basin. The ball is the current state of the system,
and the basin is the system. If the ball crosses into another basin (due to fast or slow variables) it
signifies that the system has crossed a threshold and entered into an alternative regime. The desired
outcome of resilience management is to achieve a system that will provide continued sustainability
of the economy, society, and natural resources [19]. A prominent aspect of the resilience approach to
understanding and managing social-ecological systems is the complex adaptive cycle [16,20,21]. The
adaptive cycle explains how the overall system adapts to change and uncertainty and exploits
opportunities for growth [20]. The four phases of the adaptive cycle are rapid growth, conservation,
release, and reorganization [14]. Rapid growth is the phase where species/people exploit new
Figure 1.
Major arguments towards integrating political ecology into resilience-based natural
resource management.
2. Resilience Thinking
Before diving into the three insights of this paper, it is important to understand the major concepts
embraced by resilience thinking. Resilience thinking has emerged over the last 40 years, originating in
the field of ecology [
10
]. The concept was introduced as a technical ecological term by Holling [
11
] in
research on spruce forest budworms. Originally, resilience thinking largely built upon insights from
non-equilibrium ecology [
7
,
12
]. Over the years, resilience research has been expanded beyond the
confines of its original ecological origins [
8
,
13
]. A resilience approach to social-ecological systems
developed after the recognition that management systems based on optimization of a particular good
or service (for example timber production) through getting rid of or altering change were not leading to
either environmental or social sustainability [
14
]. Instead, resilience embraces change and uncertainty
as part of the system in order to achieve sustainability. Resilience is often considered a ‘boundary’
concept that helps to integrate the natural and social aspects of sustainability [
15
]. Resilience thinking
has now become popularized within a wide variety of academic disciplines as well as development
organizations [16].
Resilience connotes multiple meanings that revolve around uncertainty, diversity, connectedness,
change, persistence, structure, transformation, and agency [
7
]. Resilience is defined by Walker and
Salt [
14
] as the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure.
For social-ecological systems, Cabell and Oelofse [
17
] define resilience as the capacity of a system to
“maintain the ability to feed and clothe people in the face of shocks while building the natural capital
base upon which they depend and provide a livelihood for the people who make it function” (p. 3).
Other scholars include the idea of ‘bouncing back and transforming after a disturbance’ into their
thinking of resilience [
15
]. Resilience can also be divided into general or specific resilience, where
specified resilience asks the question “resilience of what and to what?” [
14
]. Because this can be a
complicated question, the resilience approach requires interdisciplinary analysis and syntheses [
7
,
18
].
Generally, resilience is associated with the systems’ ability to recover from a disturbance [
16
].
Walker and Salt [
14
] explain the system as a ball in a basin. The ball is the current state of the system, and
the basin is the system. If the ball crosses into another basin (due to fast or slow variables) it signifies
that the system has crossed a threshold and entered into an alternative regime. The desired outcome of
resilience management is to achieve a system that will provide continued sustainability of the economy,
society, and natural resources [
19
]. A prominent aspect of the resilience approach to understanding
and managing social-ecological systems is the complex adaptive cycle [
16
,
20
,
21
]. The adaptive cycle
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explains how the overall system adapts to change and uncertainty and exploits opportunities for
growth [
20
]. The four phases of the adaptive cycle are rapid growth, conservation, release, and
reorganization [
14
]. Rapid growth is the phase where species/people exploit new opportunities
and available resources, followed by the conservation phase where connectedness of the system
components increases and energy/materials accumulate. Next is the release phase where a disturbance
or creative destruction causes the system to come undone, which leads to the reorganization phase
where uncertainty, novelty, and innovation occur in the aftermath of a disturbance. The adaptive
cycle happens at various scales; slower and larger levels set the conditions within which faster
and slower ones function in a process called panarchy [
20
,
22
]. In panarchy, connections between
levels can lead to events in faster/smaller cycles overwhelming slower/larger cycles, but it can also
create cycles that remember past disturbance and make the system more resilient to disturbance in
the future. A key to recovery is system memory where the social-ecological system can store and
retrieve knowledge, either through individual recollection, or cultural practices, governments, and
institutions [
5
,
23
,
24
]. The resilience of an ecosystem can be increased when the institutions governing
that resource make effective decisions and utilize social memory and learning to manage natural
resources [
24
]. An organization’s or institution’s ability to learn from the past is important in making
management decisions that allow for change and adaptation. The complex adaptive system will never
return to the precise structure and function as before a disturbance, but instead will renew, regenerate,
and reorganize [16,21].
3. Political Ecology
In order to understand how political ecology might be integrated into resilience-based resource
management, it is important to understand what political ecology is and its major strengths.
Unlike resilience thinking, political ecology is rooted in the social sciences. Political ecology began
in the 1980s as a framework for understanding the complex interconnections between local people,
global political economies, and ecosystems [
25
,
26
]. Political ecology emerged as a result of three
convergent factors: cultural ecology, critical theory of many types, and that the apparent contradictions
and feedbacks of global ecology appeared to be accelerating [
27
]. It aims to combine the concerns of
ecology and political economy to represent the “tension between ecological and human change, and
between diverse groups within society at scales from the local individual to the earth as a whole” [
3
]
(p. 24). Political ecology research often focuses on critically examining established explanations for
environmental problems and aims to “construct more meaningful and effective forms of explaining
environmental problems” [
28
] (p. 24). An underlying assumption of political ecology is that politics
and the environment are thoroughly interconnected and at the heart of political ecology is the idea
that politics should be prioritized in any attempt to understand how human-environment interactions
may be linked to environmental degradation [29].
Political ecology utilizes various academic theories, but it would be misleading to call it a theory
itself [
27
]. Instead, it draws from a diversity of theories and schools of thought to explain complex
environmental-social outcomes. Robbins [
27
] groups political ecology research into five dominant
narratives: degradation and marginalization, conservation and control, environmental conflict and
exclusion, environmental subjects and identity, and political objects and actors. Through these different
narratives, political ecology aims to reveal winners and losers, hidden costs, and differential power
that exists in social and environmental outcomes [
27
]. Some political ecology “tools” include common
property theory, Marxist political economy, historical materialism, non-equilibrium ecology, traditional
ecological knowledge, environmental and social justice, and critical environmental history [
27
,
30
].
Additionally, political ecology includes research on the sociology of science and knowledge, the history
of institutions and policy dealing with the environment and development, the globalization of
environmental discourses, and the power relationships of global environmental governance and
management [31].
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Two of the major strengths of political ecology are the focus on power and power relationships,
and its local, case-based approach and ability to analyze human and environment relationships
at various scales. Unlike other approaches to environmental problems, political ecology explicitly
acknowledges the important role that political power and inequality of power play in environmental
issues. Drawing from the work of Foucault [
32
,
33
], political ecology highlights the ways in which the
power issues behind political representations, narratives, and discourses shape how people interact
with the environment [
2
,
34
]. Politics and power are explored in political ecology both at the material
level and the discursive level. For example, political entities can physically control natural resources
(material level), while common narratives about environmental degradation can be used by those
in power to maintain that power and control (discursive level). Political ecology research often
traces the origins of narratives concerning the environment, with particular attention to identifying
power relationships, and how these relationships affect the ecology, economic, and social aspects of an
environmental issue [
29
,
31
]. In political ecology these power relationships and hierarchical connections
are explored at multi-scalar levels from the local to the global. Political ecology’s place-based approach
allows for a deep understanding of the historical and political context behind contemporary patterns
of resource use and environmental degradation [
9
]. It often also aims to connect larger-scale global
and regional political, economic, and ecological processes to specific, situated, case studies.
The previous sections have provided brief summaries of both resilience thinking and political
ecology (as seen in Table 1). In the next section, I will outline the major debates and critiques of
resilience thinking and political ecology. Drawing from these debates and critiques, the remainder of
the paper will provide some specific ways that integrating political ecology approaches into resilience
thinking potentially creates a more complete, effective understanding of environmental issues and
management solutions. I am not saying that these methods are completely compatible or should always
be used in tandem. According to Turner [
7
], political ecologists are some of the first to criticize the
management methods of resilience thinking as “top-down” due to political ecology’s commitments to
environmental and social justice. However, political ecologists may be some of the best social scientists
to collaborate with resilience-based managers because of their emphasis and understanding of complex
interactions in history, livelihoods, and ecological responses to these histories and livelihoods [
7
].
Additionally, political ecology is largely an explanatory field [
28
], and while it can inform management,
it is not a management framework like resilience thinking is.
Table 1.
Key characteristics for the two approaches for understanding social-ecological systems
discussed in this paper.
Approaches Key Characteristics
Resilience Thinking
Revolves around uncertainty, diversity, connectedness, change, persistence, transformation
Complex adaptive cycle: rapid growth, conservation, release, and reorganization
Panarchy concept connects cycles at various scales
The social-ecological system is a ball in a basin
Capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure [14]
Political Ecology
Understanding the connections between people, political economies, and ecosystems [25,26]
Combines concerns of political economy and human ecology [27]
Emphasis on historical and political context of resource use and environmental degradation
Place-based, focus on case studies
Multi-scalar
Acknowledges the role power and power relationships play in environmental issues
Politics and the environment are thoroughly connected
4. The Debates
While both resilience thinking and political ecology have their strengths in analyzing
social-environmental problems, they also have their weaknesses or critiques. Resilience thinking
has been criticized for being difficult to operationalize [
17
], hard to measure [
10
], not fully integrating
the social dimensions [
21
], not acknowledging the power relationships within a social-ecological
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system [
35
,
36
], being difficult to define the scales of analysis, and being challenging to put boundaries
around the system [
37
]. To manage for resilience it is important to understand the social-ecological
system with particular attention to the drivers that cause it to cross thresholds between alternative
regimes, and how to enhance aspects of the system that enable it to maintain or build its resilience [
14
].
This is essentially a problem definition exercise which asks the questions: what aspects of the system
should be resilient and what kinds of change would we like the system to be resilient to [
38
]?
However, answering these questions is difficult and poses a big hurdle for resilience thinking because
resilience is contingent on social values regarding what is deemed important [7].
Measuring resilience is also a difficult task, although several authors have put forward ideas about
how to empirically measure resilience [
5
,
10
,
14
,
17
,
35
,
36
,
38
41
]. Because resilience is not something
that can be empirically measured, most researchers have been attempting to define surrogates or
indicators of resilience as a proximate measure of resilience. However, there is no standard protocol
for determining surrogates of resilience, nor should there be. Instead, a comprehensive strategy
for ensuring that major social and ecological aspects of resilience are included for measurement
protocols is important. One last major critique of resilience thinking is that it has grown in isolation
from social science research on the human dimensions of environmental change, and instead mainly
evolved through the application of ecological concepts to society [
4
]. This creates problems because
it may assume that social and ecological system dynamics are similar [
4
]. For example, Cote and
Nightingale [
4
] state that the “reliance on ecology principles to analyze social dynamics has led to a
kind of social analysis that hides the possibility to ask important questions about the role of power
and culture in adaptive capacity.”
Political ecology has also been debated and critiqued. For example, political ecology has been
repeatedly critiqued for being unengaged with ecology and the biophysical world [
42
44
]. Vayda and
Walters [
42
] accuse political ecologists of “only dealing with politics, albeit politics somehow related to
the environment” (p. 168). As stated above, dealing with politics and power is a strength of political
ecology; nevertheless, political ecology research that only focuses on politics and power is critiqued
for missing the ecological aspects of environmental change. Even though this critique is not new, in a
review of current political ecology research Turner [
9
] finds that work actively engaging in ecology is
still only a minority of political ecology research. However, this critique is based on the assumption
that political ecology should engage directly with ecology in the first place to conduct successful
analysis of human-environment interactions.
Using political ecology to complement resilience thinking can help address the critiques of each
of these methods for understanding human-environment interactions. There is significant value added
to the analysis when political ecology is integrated into resilience-based management because of its
ability to understand the interactions of history, livelihoods, and the environment. Specifically, I will
focus on three key insights to why integrating political ecology into resilience-based management
could lead to more effective resource management. First, the ecological origins of resilience thinking
can address the need for political ecology to engage with ecology, while the political focus of political
ecology can help integrate social aspects into resilience thinking. Second, political ecology’s ability
to focus on situated case studies may help define the system, its scale, and boundaries, which is
something that challenges resilience thinking. Third, political ecology’s explanatory power may help
define surrogates or indicators of resilience. Political ecology looks at environmental issues through
many lenses (political, social, cultural, economic, etc.) and these various lenses may identify specific
measures of resilience in a holistic and effective way.
5. Where Is the Ecology? Where Is the Politics?
The integration of the social dimensions of the social-ecological system in resilience thinking
has been a slow process, but it is important for understanding change and managing for resilience in
social-ecological systems [
6
,
21
,
45
]. Cote and Nightingale [
4
] define social resilience as the ability
of communities to cope with stresses as a result of social, political, or environmental change.
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This definition is, however, quite vague and the word “community” can be a highly contested and
misunderstood term. Agrawal and Gibson [
46
] assert that “community” should not be viewed as a
small spatial unit with a homogenous population, but instead it should be viewed through a political
lens as a heterogeneous group of actors with multiple interests and varied levels of influence on
decision-making processes and institutions [
46
]. Political ecology may provide the proper analytical
tools to shed light on power relationships and hierarchies present in communities that are part of
social-ecological systems. Power relationships may influence people’s ability to adapt to change and
manage the system to be more resilient to shocks and disturbances. For example, power inequalities
between genders may shape their abilities to adapt to climate risks [
47
]. Power inequalities could
include inequalities in participation in decision-making, the division of labor, resource access and
control, and knowledge and skills [
36
]. Political ecology could help improve the understanding of
any power inequalities and their causes, and therefore illustrate how they might be important in
social-ecological resilience management [48].
Another question of power when managing for resilience is who gets to decide the resilience of
what and to what? Who has power in this process of determining the desired outcomes of resilience
management is important for understanding how these decisions are made [
35
,
36
]. For example,
as Nadasdy [
49
] explains, even though native people may possess rich knowledge about their
environment, power to manage the environment often lies in the hands of natural resource managers,
and integrating these types of knowledge and different management perspectives is difficult. Political
ecology can highlight these challenges: that some people gain while others lose in the process of
resilience building, and that resilience for some people or places could lead to the loss of resilience
for other social-ecological systems [
8
]. This is important in effective resilience-based management.
As Haraway [
50
] explains, all knowledge is situated and there are a multiplicity of knowledges that
exist, and therefore each stakeholder may have different knowledge and perspectives about how an
area should be managed for resilience. Political ecology could assist natural resource managers make
sense of power relationships between stakeholders. By uncovering and highlighting hierarchies of
power and suppressed knowledge, it can help uncover the various situated knowledge that exists
about a particular social-ecological system and how it functions. Political ecology can help natural
resource managers incorporate “non-scientific” knowledge into management and planning by first
showing that they exist, and second illustrating their importance to natural resource management.
Alternatively, utilizing political ecology and resilience thinking in tandem when trying to
understand a social-ecological system can help enhance the ecological understanding and analysis
of the system. Resilience thinking emerged from the field of ecology [
14
], often uses ecological
terms, and aims for a thorough understanding of the ecosystems involved in management [
20
].
For example, resilience thinking explicitly acknowledges that different ecosystem processes occur
at different rates, and that both stabilizing and destabilizing forces can be important for ecosystem
function [
20
]. Taking into account how ecological processes may influence politics, economics, and
society is important to integrate into political ecology analyses because it can provide a more thorough
understanding. For example, understanding what role a long-term drought and its impacts on the
ecosystem (i.e., water availability, vegetation growth, and temperature) might play in local politics or
economies would be an important component for understanding the system. In empirical research,
drought as an ecological process, has been shown to impact social and political processes, leading to
conflict [
51
]. Both resilience thinking and political ecology can benefit from utilizing analytical tools
from one another to address critiques in each.
6. Defining the Social-Ecology System
Political ecology may assist in defining the social-ecological system for resilience-based
management. Resilience practitioners need to define the system they are working with and set
boundaries. This is an involved and difficult step in resilience-based management. Cumming et al. [
18
]
propose a research design for studying resilience which includes defining the current system, defining
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possible future systems, clarifying change trajectories, assessing likelihoods of alternate futures, and
identifying mechanisms for change. In all these steps, understanding the system and its boundaries is
incredibly important. While this may sound simple, defining the boundaries of the system is difficult
for any theory, including both political ecology and resilience thinking.
However, utilizing political ecology in a resilience-based approach to natural resource
management may be able to help answer such questions about how to define the system, where
thresholds lie, and what factors cause a social-ecological system to shift to an alternative regime.
For example, it may be impossible or unethical to induce a system to cross a threshold in order to
understand where the threshold lies and what factors could cause the system to cross a threshold.
However, political ecology could help uncover and assess thresholds retrospectively, through a
detailed historical analysis of the system and its major components [
40
]. For example, in a review
of empirical research, Forsyth [
28
] discusses how some political ecology case studies have shown
that, historically, some shifting cultivators have increased biodiversity by introducing regular forest
disturbance, and have thereby not caused the system to cross a threshold towards decreased
biodiversity. More broadly speaking, Peterson [
3
] proposes that a political ecology approach to
resilience could help in determining the interconnected dynamics of a system, which would then allow
for an assessment of when a system is more vulnerable, or when it is most open for transformation.
Here, political ecology may be used to better define the social-ecological system in order to understand
what variables are changing and how that might provide an opportunity for building resilience, or
understanding how the system is vulnerable to change. Additionally, political ecology draws on the
field of hazards research, where management systems which may be geared to minimize risk to natural
hazards can be altered by political or economic pressure [
27
]. This political ecology tool relates directly
to resilience thinking because it examines how social-ecological systems deal with various types of
shocks, which could inform how to manage such systems for resilience to hazards.
To effectively define the system, Cote and Nightingale [
4
] propose that political ecology,
with its focus on the human dimensions of environmental change, can examine the socio-cultural
contexts present underlying the heterogeneities across different system dynamics. The context of
each social-ecological system is important [40,52] and political ecology can help define the social and
historical contexts of the system. For example, Goldman [
53
] used political ecology to explain how the
conservation concept of wildlife corridors is embedded in politics and the history of relations between
local people and foreign conservation organizations. In defining the system, it may also be necessary
to understand the various scales influencing the system and how to draw boundaries around the
social-ecological system of interest. But where should the boundary be drawn? Previous research
in both political ecology and resilience draws from case studies, and utilizing and combining the
knowledge and experience from these cases could help better inform managers how to define the
social-ecological system.
A key for drawing boundaries around a social-ecological system is having an understanding
of which factors that influence the system can be controlled and which cannot. This is where a
political ecology approach might help determine the more proximate (and controllable) components
of the system, giving managers and communities a starting place when thinking about resilience.
However, acknowledging components of the system that may lie outside the determined proximate
boundaries is important to understanding how ‘outside’ factors influence the system and could
contribute to or degrade social-ecological resilience. Drawing boundaries deals with issues of scale and
at which scale the system will be defined. Brown and Purcell [
37
] discuss how political ecology has
been used in analysis of the wider political economy so that the local scale can be analyzed in its wider
scalar context. This type of analysis may help manage resilience at a local scale because it can illustrate
how the system fits into a wider scalar context. Political economy, culture, and ecology all exist and
operate simultaneously at a range of scales, and acknowledging this is important. Identifying the
important components for resilience must take into consideration at which scale these components
exist and how they interact across scales.
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7. Measuring Resilience
The last insight is how political ecology can assist resilience-based managers to better measure
resilience. Focusing on surrogates or indicators of resilience acknowledges that important aspects of
resilience in social-ecological systems may not be directly observed or measured, but instead must be
inferred indirectly [
40
]. This creates a serious challenge to resilience management. Indicators have been
used extensively in ecological research but resilience indicators are different because they apply to the
entire system, both social and ecological. Indicators also focus on variables that underlie the capacity of
the system to provide ecosystem services, and not just the current state of the system [
10
]. According to
Carpenter et al. [
40
] there are four general approaches that have been utilized by researchers, and
these could benefit from a political ecology approach. The first is stakeholder assessments where
aspects of social-ecological resilience are identified through stakeholder workshops aimed at building
a common understanding of change in the system. Political ecology would be useful in stakeholder
assessments because it could help identify who the stakeholders are in the first place and what the
power relationships are between stakeholders. The second approach in determining surrogates is
model explorations where models of systems are used to explore the potential thresholds for change,
and identify measurable aspects of the system. Political ecology can help develop models of the
system by adding to the understanding of the different political, economic, and cultural components
and how they are interrelated at various scales. The third approach is historical profiling where a
history of the social-ecological system is assessed to classify various alternative system regimes and
analyze events in the past that have caused transitions in the system. Political ecology is often used to
understand the nuances of the historical context of environmental and/or development issues and
it may be able to do the same here in determining surrogates of resilience. Understanding how the
social or ecological aspects of the system have changed in the past can help to understand how it
might change in the future and what causes these changes. Lastly, the fourth approach to identifying
surrogates of resilience is case study comparisons where social-ecological systems that have similarities,
but appear to be changing in different ways, are examined to assess properties related to resilience.
Comparing case studies allows us to understand how they are different, and therefore what factors
might be adding to resilience. The field of political ecology has often focused on case studies to
understand human-environment interactions, which makes political ecology particularly useful in this
approach. Political ecology has proven insightful when analyzing case studies for what are the drivers
of environmental or livelihood degradation [28].
8. Conclusions
As this paper has outlined, using a political ecology analysis in resilience-based management
may lead to more effective management of social-ecological systems that addresses debates and
critiques of both approaches. First, utilizing political ecology and resilience thinking in tandem
answers the problem of either approach being too focused on either politics or ecology, and ignoring
the other. Second, political ecology’s multiple analytical lenses, ability to provide historical context,
and case-study nature may help resilience thinking better define and bound the social-ecological
system. Lastly, political ecology can highlight social, political, or livelihood dimensions of the system
that should be used as a surrogate of resilience when measuring overall social-ecological resilience.
The world around us is changing at a rapid pace and this may be negatively impacting people
around the globe; in particular, climate change is expected to have serious consequences [
54
].
Understanding the interconnectedness of nature and society is critical to dealing with a changing world
and managing for change [
55
]. Using a political ecology–informed resilience thinking framework
for social-ecological system management provides one potential approach for managing resources
for change and ensuring that systems can continue to provide ecosystem services and productive
livelihoods to the people who depend on them.
Resources 2016,5, 31 9 of 11
Acknowledgments:
This manuscript has no funding sources. The author would like to acknowledge
Mara Goldman, J. Terrence McCabe, and three anonymous reviewers for their feedback on previous drafts
of this manuscript.
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
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2016 by the author; licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access
article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution
(CC-BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
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