Africa in global politics in the twenty-first century: A pan-African perspective
Abstract
In the twenty-first century, Africa has become an important source of US energy imports and the world's natural resources. It has also become the epicentre of the world's deadly health epidemic, HIV/AIDS, and one of the battlegrounds in the fight against terrorism. Africa is now a major player in global affairs.
... Conversely, it remains largely underdeveloped, with poor infrastructure and low human capital development mirroring socio-political and institutional deficiencies in many of her 54 member countries. The continent has been plagued with very high level of corruption, mortality, diseases, insecurity, inequality, poverty, low literacy level, violent conflicts, sit-tight syndrome of political leaders, among other socio-economic and political deficits (Abegunrin, 2009;Hyden 2006;Taylor and Williams, 2004;Ukeje, 2005). ...
... Africa is without a permanent member in the Security Council. This and other factors have led to agitations for reforms, notably, the enlargement of the United Nations Security Council (Abegunrin, 2009). It has been argued that since the establishment of the United Nations Security Council, permanent members have used their veto power to advance their national interests. ...
... With over 3,000 ethnic groups, about 2,000 languages are spoken across the continent (Abegunrin, 2009), reflecting wide ethno-cultural and linguistic differences among the population. Arabic, which dominates in the north of Sahara, is also spoken in countries in the Sahel belt immediately south of the desert, notably, Mauritania and Sudan. ...
This article draws on interviews with practitioners, academics and a textual analysis of secondary data in analysing how Africanity connects with Africa's quest to obtain permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council. The paper argues from two sides, first, is there the capacity for Africa to articulate its strengths, knowledge and to espouse a development capability through African institutions such as the African Union, rather than relying on a set of nations purportedly demeaning African identity and importance in global affairs, and development assistance? Second, what is the benefit that a permanent United Nations seat offers Africa to further propagate strength, value and importance in global affairs?
... The foreign policy was hinged on the unity, security, liberation, economic and diplomatic independence of the Africa continent (Barika, 2014). The formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU now AU) in 1963 and the Economic Community of West African Countries (ECOWAS) in 1975 provided the diplomatic platforms to pursue the different components of her Afrocentric foreign policy (Abegunrin, 2009). Having been endowed with all the requisites and accolades of a regional power; Nigeria set off implementing her Afrocentric foreign policy by becoming a ''frontline state'' in the battle for the liberation of southern African countries under the yoke of white minority rule in Mozambique, Angola, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Namibia and South Africa (Azgaku, 2015;Omoruyi et al., 2020;Ukaogo et al., 2020). ...
... Again, Nigeria mobilised other African countries to support Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and Namibia's South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) (Imam & Nuru, 2018). To further put diplomatic pressure for the independence of Zimbabwe, Nigeria partly nationalised the British-owned Barclays Bank as well as the British Petroleum (BP), first to stop Nigeria's crude oil being sold to the South African apartheid regime and second, to force Britain not to recognize the white puppet government of Abel Muzorewa in Rhodesia (Abegunrin, 2009;Ojo, 2012). Apart from diplomatic support, Nigeria provided funding for the liberation wars in Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe (Gwadabe, 2012) (Ukaogo et al., 2020). ...
... They bring them to impose upon Africa programs that don't work" (Interview #5). Abegunrin (2009) argues that Africa does not need halfhearted and half-measured organization. He points out that what the AU needs to do is "mental decolonization" and to cultivate "self-reliance and self-transformation" in order to end its dependence on others and to develop the ability to create new strategies for solving its own problems. ...
... He stressed the need for African states to develop innovative, homegrown strategies and not to rely on obtaining international support. Abegunrin (2009) argues that in fact by doing so, "Africa's case for international collaboration and assistance becomes both credible and achievable if Africans are spearheading such e orts" (pp. 197-198). ...
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... Conversely, the inherent theoretical flaws of liberalism and its variants make it incapable of explaining African agency. For example, the flawed assumption of considering 'unequals' as 'equals' while selectively ignoring the effects of 'unequal exchanges', slavery, colonialism, and dependency that have reproduced chaos, dependency, poverty, and misery (Abegunrin, 2009) as captured by 'the Lost Decades' of the 1980s and 1990s in Africa due to the neoliberal conditionalities of structural adjustment programs (SAP) of the World Bank (Arrighi, 2002). ...
... Clapham argued that externally intervening states like superpowers were concerned "not only with the immediate consequences of intervention, but with maintaining a coalition of friendly client states, and this placed pressure on them to act in accordance with the conventions of [African] regional system" (Clapham, 1996: 109). (Abegunrin, 2009;Gebrewold, 2016;Kieh, 2008). Simultaneously, the insistence of the U.S. on its liberal norms and the predatory and exploitative SAPs and PRSPs led to further marginalization and underdevelopment of the weakening African states. ...
Since 2000, both emerging powers like China and India and established powers like the EU and the US were voraciously seeking close relations with Africa, and the African Union was playing a coordinating role in managing the ensuing relationships. However, the role of the AU as a collective African norm entrepreneur has not been recognized due to the theoretical limitations imposed by the mainstream theories of IR. This study used ‘Subsidiarity Norm Theory’ to find out collective African agency in the progressively evolving relations using data collected from treaties, policy statements, press releases, other relevant documents, and policy actions. This study found that the AU was emerging as the premier norm entrepreneur in international politics of Africa despite the difficult challenges posed by factors such as limited organizational capacity, the opportunistic actions of some of its members, and interventions by external powers that encroach on its coordinating role. Actions of the AU and consequent intersubjectively evolving relations with emerging powers like China also reveal that the AU was both responding to emerging powers' policy initiatives and constituting the terms of the engagements.
... The African continent is currently going through the third phase of the so-called "Scramble for Africa", motivated by geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic reasons, making the largest international powers increasingly aware of the dynamics in this continent; in the sense that mineral and energy resources occupy a central place in this new position (Abegunrin 2009). These continental features associated with structural and socio-political weaknesses, intensify the rise of external players interests in African regions, making them "desirable" for the main international powers, namely for those interested in the exploitation of their natural resources, and for the main agents of organized crime. ...
... With twelve coastal states, the oceans have immeasurable economic value for the GoG region, representing, from the outset, one of the greatest assets for their economies. However, in most cases, this economic potential remains to be exploited, mainly due to the numerous internal vulnerabilities, such as weak state authority, the scarce existing resources and, consequently, the deficient patrolling of maritime spaces (Abegunrin 2009). This region, marked by war, socio-political instability and extreme poverty, faced with the porosity of its borders and the extensive coastline, poorly monitored, has faced several illegal activities, in which it stands out: piracy; maritime terrorism; IUU fishing; drug trafficking; the smuggling of people, armaments, medicines and diamonds; theft of oil and cargo; spills of substances; among other manifestations of crime at sea. "Maritime piracy" has represented one of the main "virus" for the African Maritime Domain (AMD) and a big deal for the world of organized crime, focusing on regions of considerable geostrategic importance. ...
It seems clear that African leaders are not aware of the maritime dimension of their states, which has led to a subordination of maritime affairs compared to land issues, as it is essential that African states begin to take concrete steps in order to establish, on the continent, a true maritime security and defense architecture, with the aim of making the best use of the opportunities offered by the oceans, in the name of the interests of these States. The approach was possible, using a bibliographic and documentary review, through a qualitative methodology, following a deductive reasoning.
... The African continent is currently going through the third phase of the so-called "Scramble for Africa", motivated by geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic reasons, making the largest international powers increasingly aware of the dynamics in this continent; in the sense that mineral and energy resources occupy a central place in this new position (Abegunrin 2009). These continental features associated with structural and socio-political weaknesses, intensify the rise of external players interests in African regions, making them "desirable" for the main international powers, namely for those interested in the exploitation of their natural resources, and for the main agents of organized crime. ...
... With twelve coastal states, the oceans have immeasurable economic value for the GoG region, representing, from the outset, one of the greatest assets for their economies. However, in most cases, this economic potential remains to be exploited, mainly due to the numerous internal vulnerabilities, such as weak state authority, the scarce existing resources and, consequently, the deficient patrolling of maritime spaces (Abegunrin 2009). This region, marked by war, socio-political instability and extreme poverty, faced with the porosity of its borders and the extensive coastline, poorly monitored, has faced several illegal activities, in which it stands out: piracy; maritime terrorism; IUU fishing; drug trafficking; the smuggling of people, armaments, medicines and diamonds; theft of oil and cargo; spills of substances; among other manifestations of crime at sea. "Maritime piracy" has represented one of the main "virus" for the African Maritime Domain (AMD) and a big deal for the world of organized crime, focusing on regions of considerable geostrategic importance. ...
It seems clear that African leaders are not aware of the maritime dimension of their states, which has led to the subordination of maritime affairs compared to land issues, as it is essential that African states begin to take concrete steps in order to establish, on the continent, a true maritime security and defense architecture, with the aim of making the best use of the opportunities offered by the oceans, in the name of the interests of these States. The approach was possible, using a bibliographic and documentary review, through a qualitative methodology, following deductive reasoning.
... This study set to achieve the following objectives: (Abegunrin, 2009). Nigeria's position in this process was critical, as it attempted to strike a compromise between its dreams for African ...
This study examines Nigeria's role in shaping the African Union (AU) using
structural functionalism theory, analyzing its impact on the AU's formation,
maintenance, and evolution through diplomatic actions, financial support, and
strategic leadership. Key contributions include Nigeria's pivotal role in the OAU-AU
transition, consistent financial support, leadership in establishing NEPAD,
participation in peacekeeping missions, and advocacy for the African Standby Force.
Using secondary data from scholarly sources and official documents, the research
highlights Nigeria's commitment to regional integration, peace, and socioeconomic
growth in Africa. Findings demonstrate Nigeria's significant influence on the AU's
operational dynamics and policy frameworks, including its stance on
unconstitutional government changes and contributions to AfCFTA negotiations,
underscoring Nigeria's critical role in shaping the AU into a more effective regional
institution.
... Portuguese and white South Africans were barred from accessing Nigeria during his regime, and they were further denied the use of Nigerian airspace and seaport facilities because of their status as colonialists (Abegunrin, 2009;Effiong, 2012). This was conducted despite the short duration of the regime, about 194 days between January 16, 1966 and July 29, 1966; which was riddled with numerous domestic upheavals, insecurity and instability that deprived it of time to make any enduring impact on Nigeria's foreign policy. ...
Despite Nigeria’s oil revenues and active involvement in global affairs, the country faces significant challenges that could impede its prospects. Corruption and poor governance have led to economic and social hardships for its citizens and hindered foreign investment. Internal divisions based on ethnicity and religion also pose threats to national unity and stability. However, Nigeria has shown commitment to nation-building through leadership in regional organizations like ECOWAS and participation in international peacekeeping operations. This paper thus explored how connecting foreign policy dynamics to local circumstances can be utilized in Nigeria’s nation-building. The study employed the documentary method of data collection, and data were harvested from data hubs and ranking platforms like the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), Worldometer and Statista, memoirs of retired Nigerian ambassadors, archival materials and extant literature. The gathered data were analyzed through historical and thematic analyzes. The study concluded that national interests, which encompass the local peculiarities, should form the kernel of Nigeria’s pursuit within the international system; and its foreign policy should be focused on harvesting [more] benefits employable in combatting the local challenges the country is contending with from its transactions within the international system.
... Widely defended by Thabo Mbeki 2 , as seen in the speech delivered at the United Nations University in 1998 entitled The African Renaissance, South Africa and the World, the African Renaissance is commonly related to a set of external and internal dynamics that, from the late 1990s, unleashed a series of favourable opportunities to the African continent (Mbeki 1998). Externally, this scenario was the result of the interest of traditional and emerging powers in strengthening ties with African countries (Abegunrin 2009). In that sense, the creation of the Initiative for Africa, developed by the Clinton administration, and of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), can be highlighted. ...
... Destarte e contrariamente à tese que vigorou nos finais do século XIX, em que África era tido como um continente importante, embora pouco crucial para as grandes potências internacionais (Coker, 2007, p. 19 (Collier, 2007;Branco, 1997); o segundo está ligado às "fragilidades internas" do continente africano, resultando de conflitos sucessivos dentro dos Estados, fazendo com que a maior parte dos países atravessem largos períodos de instabilidade; o terceiro, porque mais recente se encontra ligado ao acentuado "deficit democrático" e à desestruturação 233 da maior parte dos Estados, que tem favorecido a disseminação da violência generalizada pelo continente (Abegunrin, 2009 (Almeida, 1994, p. 68; A inseguraça marítima em África representa uma permanente ameaça transnacional à segurança global, porquanto o fator "segurança no mar" é essencial na consolidação do desenvolvimento em terra e que ambos são elementos estratégicos para o desenvolvimento sustentável continental e a preservação da estabilidade global. Como resultado desse aumento da criminalidade nas águas africanas nos últimos anos, os Estados têm apostado em promover e preservar a boa ordem no mar por forma a melhorar a segurança marítima nestas regiões. ...
This work main goal is to approach the subjects around the importance of the maritime area to Angola, in a perspective of security, defense and affirmation of the State in the sea, in both regional and international context, considering the security, economy and scientific investigation in this field, viewed as structural pieces of a triangle composed by three vertexes: Security and Defense, Economics of the Sea, and the study of the Sea as a Science. The actual development of the Angolan economy popped up the question of considering Angola as an emerging power in the maritime region next to its territory, and also in the African continent, making subjects as defense, security and affirmation of the State itself as central questions for the development assumption. In this sense, this Thesis tries to accomplish an interpretative research analysis regarding the added value that is supplied by the sea, not only for the national economy, but above all of a political and strategic nature, in the sense that the country will have to develop and ensure a component of security and defense sea oriented, favoring the fulfillment of national interest goals and taking advantage of all opportunities offered by the large maritime shore of immediate interest. From this perspective appeared as central features of this research, the identification of opportunities transferred to the national territory by the sea, considering the need to face possible threats , not only at security and defense levels, but also in socioeconomic terms, considering innovation and economic diversification of maritime resources, considering also the approach of scientific and technological knowledge of the sea ,in order to interpretate and take economic advantage of all its capacities and potential. Considering this approach, science and technology sectors are a factor for change, turning point and development enhancement, allowing a stronger dedication from Angola to projects and national strategies, involving the maritime space as wealth generator, strategic positioning and source of maritime resources, considering the defense of National Interest and the promotion of a sustainable development model. All factors considered, the Angolan participation in International Organizations and the relations with international partners are of major importance is also of major importance, considering some partners that already considerable experience and know-how about sea matters and once that in the actual and future position in the World System all areas of security and defense are considered as the ultimate role of the State and constitute crucial directions for the positioning of the country.
... To achieve the determination to eliminate colonial and racial regimes in Africa, the OAU Liberation Committee and the Southern African Liberation Fund was established to coordinate the financial and material contributions from member States including Nigeria. Nigeria provided material and financial assistance to the Coordinating Committee of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) for the Liberation of Africa and the Nationalist Liberation Movement of South Africa, African National Congress and Pan-African Congress (Abegunrin, 2009) At the end of the Nigerian civil war in 1967, Nigerian government under Gen. Gowon renewed it struggles against the racist regime. At the 7th Anniversary Summit of Heads of State and Ministerial Conference of the OAU, Gowon and the External Affairs Minister, Okoi Arikpo reiterated Nigeria's position to proscribe South Africa as an unfit member of the international community due to its racist policy (Omotosho, 2004). ...
The paper examines Nigeria’s role in the liberation of Namibia from colonial
and racial domination. The analysis commences in 1960 focusing on Nigeria’s
African policy in relation to political developments in South West Africa (now
Namibia). The paper explores Nigeria’s diplomatic initiatives in multilateral
organizations such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) now African
Union (AU), United Nations Organization (UNO), the Commonwealth in the
fight against racism in Namibia. The paper adopts a historical and analytical
research method. It utilizes primary and secondary sources of information. The
study is organized thematically and chronologically. From what has been done
so far in this research, the paper argues that Namibia’s independence in 1990
was a factor of Nigeria’s diplomatic move in the international community and
in international conferences held in Africa, Europe and South America in respect
of Africa’s liberation. The study recommends that Nigeria and Namibia should
explore areas of common interest to enhance political interactions and promote
economic relations.
... Widely defended by Thabo Mbeki 2 , as seen in the speech delivered at the United Nations University in 1998 entitled The African Renaissance, South Africa and the World, the African Renaissance is commonly related to a set of external and internal dynamics that, from the late 1990s, unleashed a series of favourable opportunities to the African continent (Mbeki 1998). Externally, this scenario was the result of the interest of traditional and emerging powers in strengthening ties with African countries (Abegunrin 2009). In that sense, the creation of the Initiative for Africa, developed by the Clinton administration, and of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), can be highlighted. ...
The present work discusses the evolution of the development and international insertion strategies adopted by nations in the African continent since the mid-20th century, period during which they began to achieve formal independence. In this context, supported by a literature review and official documents issued by African international organisations, the aim of this analysis is to understand the meaning and the importance of Agenda 2063 for this issue. Based on this analysis, the article proposes to demonstrate that such an agenda represents the inauguration of a new development and international insertion strategy in the continent, a hybrid one, that reconciles elements of two of the previously adopted approaches: the strategies of contestation and of mutual and shared responsibility.
... During which there was a need to speed up the process of independence for a number of other African nations and also to dismantle the European colonization throughout the continent (Adeniyi et al, 2016). Abegunrin agrees with the previous statement when he said that the liberation of the African continent from colonialism and racism throughout Africa and the recognition of the sovereignty of African states and also the promotion of solidarity and unity in Africa is of paramount importance to the OAU (Abegunrin, 2009). ...
The paper focuses on the roles of the African Union and human development on the African continent. it talks about the various initiations that were put in peace to promote development in Africa. It also tackles the success and failures of some selected programs that were meant to lead development in Africa. Finally, suggestions were made on how to make the African Union (AU) more effective and its actions should target the development of human resources on the continent.
... The Obasanjo regime raised US$37 million including a personal donation of US$3000 from Obasanjo himself. Members of his administration contributed US$1500 each and Nigerian civil servants donated two per cent of a month's salary (Abegunrin 2009). Between 1960 and 1994, Nigeria spent more than US$1 billion on the anti-apartheid struggle including a donation of US$10 million to Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe to provide safe havens for members of the African National Congress (Saliu and Omotola 2008). ...
The increasing relevance given to soft power by Western and Chinese academics and more importantly their public officials has prompted some African scholars to examine the utility of soft power in the African context. Whilst the literature on South African foreign policy and regional powerhood has paid attention to this issue in recent years, there are few studies on Nigeria’s soft power. Against this backdrop, this article examines whether or not Nigeria is a soft power state. It argues that whilst the country possesses remarkable soft power resources, particularly in Africa, this has not been optimally deployed to achieve the desired outcomes. The article highlights the constraints to Nigeria’s soft power capacity and concludes that Nigeria is at best a potential soft power state. It therefore, urges public officials to pay more attention to the utility of soft power in their foreign policy process and challenges Nigerian academics to take a cue from their counterparts abroad and begin to engage their country’s soft power.
... First, we focus on recent initiatives behind financial integration within Africa. Among major programmes for financial integration, agreements for regional financial cooperation (e.g. the East African community) and the spread of Pan-African banking are identified in the literature, see Abegunrin (2009). In domestic banking, Pan-African banks (banking groups domiciled in Africa with subsidiaries in several countries) have developed an increasing share over time. ...
We provide an empirical analysis of the network structure of African countries based on a unique data set from the syndicated loans market. Using dynamic panel estimation techniques, we analyse the effects of economic, political and trade integrations on finance. Our findings reveal that the network-based measures perform relatively better than the conventional measures in most cases. Economic activities and money supply will help to strengthen the financial sector of the African economies. Moreover, we establish the significance of connectivity within and outside the continent during the integration process. Political and trade influences are somewhat weak and need further attention.
... What is more, the government of Canada stopped issuing visas to athletes and officials from South Africa, which was welcomed by the African member states of the Commonwealth. In the end, all of the African member states except Nigeria, Uganda, and Botswana sent teams to the event (Macintosh, Greenhorn & Black, 1999;Abegunrin, 2009). This situation obviously had a negative context, but nonetheless speaks for the argument that the Commonwealth Games plays a unifying role. ...
The aim of the article is to investigate the issue of positive sports diplomacy directed
at bringing countries closer and deepening cooperation between them. Generally,
sports diplomacy is a broader term and may include various ways of utilizing sport,
both negative and positive, even for the sake of nation-branding. Positive sports
diplomacy most commonly refers to bringing hostile states closer together, but it may
also be used to deepen political alliances or foster friendship and cooperation
between states that are not mutually hostile. The research focuses on the latter form
of positive sports diplomacy. The investigation is a case study concerning the
Commonwealth Games, a sports event that is held once every four years and gathers
countries and territories that used to belong to the former British Empire. The
research therefore aims to determine whether this event, the second largest multisport
event in the world, is significant from political and diplomatic perspectives. A
second research question concerns whether the Commonwealth Games should be
seen as an attempt by Great Britain to maintain influence in its former colonies. The
research attempts to test the hypothesis that the Commonwealth Games are an
important contributor to sustaining ties between states of the former British Empire.
This chapter examines the colonial legacy, neo-colonial influences, and the fight for democratic government as root reasons of Africa's developmental issues. Institutional responses to these problems are examined, including the African Union (AU), the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), and the African Peer Review. A decolonized perspective on development and political will are both emphasized. Relying on Walter Rodney's claims, this chapter stresses the significance of accountable governance, human rights, and civic engagement in addressing Africa's self-underdevelopment.
Afrika’da ulusal kurtuluş mücadeleleri İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın ardından -özellikle 1960’lı yıllarla birlikte- yoğunlaşmıştır. Bu ulusal kurtuluş mücadelelerini anlamak açısından küresel, bölgesel ve yerel şartlara bakmak gerekmektedir. Küresel bağlamda Soğuk Savaş’ın etkisiyle birlikte Afrika’daki sömürgeciliğe maruz kalan halklar SSCB ve Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti’nin etkisiyle önemli bir destek bulmuştur. Bölgesel bağlamda ise sömürgeciliğe karşı ortak bir fikriyat oluşmuş, bu ortaklık yer yer pratiğe dönüşmüştür. Yerel düzlemde ise uzun süredir sömürgeciliğe karşı mücadele eden toplumsal hareketlerin iktidarı ele geçirmeye başladıkları bir konjonktür oluşmaya başlamıştır. Çalışmada üç farklı sömürge devleti tarafından sömürülen üç ülke incelenmiştir: Kenya (İngiltere tarafından), Burkina Faso (Fransa tarafından) ve Yeşil Burun Adaları (Portekiz tarafından). Bu seçimin gerekçesi üç farklı dilin konuşulduğu bu ülkelerde devrim ve ulus-inşasının nasıl seyirler izlediğini bulgulamaktır. Her üç ülkede iktidarın farklı şekillerde devralınışı, iktidar pratikleri ve iktidardan ayrılma süreçleri farklı stratejiler göstermektedir. Ancak üç harekette de ortak olan kimi özellikler bulunmaktadır. Devrimci milliyetçilikle desteklenen bir Afrika sosyalizmi ideolojisi, popülist stratejinin kullanılışı ve birleşik bir Afrika tahayyülü. Karşılaştırmalı tarihsel analiz yönteminin kullanıldığı çalışmada ilk olarak devrimler tarihi incelenirken ikinci kısımda ise elde edilen bulgular analiz edilmektedir.
The African Financial Architecture holds the potential of enabling the countries of the continent to exercise their right to development. From helping to overcome a history of lop-sided dependence to providing a framework and primary resources for African countries to better master their development priorities, the proposed Architecture could become an important game changer in the African regional integration project, and the continent’s relationship with the international order. However, to fulfil its promise, and especially in order not to simply become a glorified clone of international financial institutions, it is imperative that the politics of a continental rebirth that underpinned the initial framing and adoption of the Architecture is urgently rediscovered and fully embraced. For, in the end, the quest to build an African Financial Architecture is primarily about reshuffling relations of power between Africa and the contemporary global economic order in order to enhance the prospects of continental socio-economic transformation.
The beginning of the 21st century witnessed a strategic shift in Nigeria's foreign policy. After the return of Nigeria to civilian rule in 1999, new multilateral diplomacy had to be embarked upon towards the promotion of democracy, peace, and security in Africa. One notable and distinctive feature of the country's foreign policy from the inception of the Fourth Republic (1999) has been its promotion of African stability through the democratisation process. Nigeria has consistently used the African Union (AU) to pursue an agenda which can be described as neo-conservative, in restoring democracy, peace, and security, in Africa. Given this, this paper examines the neo-conservative foreign policy objectives and the role of the Nigerian state within the African Union security architecture towards the nurturing and advancement of democracy, peace, and security since the return to the civilian rule in 1999.
The subject of this article is the relevance of Afrocentrism in the view of xenophobic threat to Nigerians abroad. The Afrocentrism in Nigeria's foreign policy had been successful in both decolonization of Africa and the fight against apartheid in South Africa. However, the attacks on Nigerians abroad continue to question the price that Nigeria has paid in human, capital and material resources in ensuring peace on the continent. The fusion between policy and practice in the articulation and implementation of Nigeria's foreign policy (often at the expense of its own people) reflects the sacrifices the country has made in its dedication to the continent. The study reveals that the history of Nigeria-Africa relations can be viewed in the light of conflict, cooperation, and competition. The study concludes that the Federal government should come up with policies that would change the current narrative in favour of Nigeria's national interest visa -vis protecting its citizens abroad. It further recommends a number of measures to be taken, such as: soft power/public diplomacy; art diplomacy/cultural diplomacy; overseas investment/economic nationalism to protect the country's economy; prioritizing Nigeria's foreign policy on regional concern, etc.
Yorùbá minstrels highlight varied aspects of a person’s ancestral attributes. A constructed poem for a Yorùbá lineage, A fibi sú olóore, tí ó ta àna rẹ̀ lọ́fà, (an ingrate, who repays his in-laws by shooting at him) seem to fit Ọbásanjọ́ like a glove. The aim of the study is to identify the extent to which Ọbásanjọ́ has advanced himself by using the Yorùbá ethnic currency; and had advanced laws and policies which are detrimental to the Yorùbá national interest. The methodology adopted is qualitative and reliance is placed on Ọbásanjọ́’s own accounts, the undisputed renditions of his superiors, colleagues and associates. The work is examined through the prism of Machiavelli and elite theories.The study revealed that the mainstream Yorùbá elites continually fall prey to Ọbásanjọ́’s devices and concludes that the subject used the Yorùbá ethnic currency as a passport to glory in Nigerian public life at the detriment of his nation.
The paper explores the role and the power potential of Nigeria and South Africa with special attention to
their comparatively high military, economic, political capabilities that enable them to shape and dominate regional
agenda. It also analyses the internal, regional and external dynamics within Africa, particularly in Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS) and Southern African Development Community (SADC). The paper further
thoroughly examines the hegemonic contest for the UN Security Council membership among the dominant African states
through the lens of Ezulwini Consensus, as well as the Pan-African credentials of Nigeria and South Africa in accordance
to their contribution to ensuring peace, stability and development on continental and sub-regional levels. Nigeria and
South Africa are the most important actors on the African continent, but there are obvious constraints undermining their
ability to play an effective regional role. Thus, the research was guided by the comparison case-study of Nigeria and
South Africa in crucial for understanding power potential areas. The study concludes that although Pan-Africanism stands
of Nigeria and South Africa are commendable, both powers mostly follow this strategy for advancing their national
interests. Taking into account the whole set of internal and external factors, both countries need to unite their efforts and
practical strategies to advance the common goal of Africa development, peace and security.
Nigeria and Egypt are Africa’s largest and third largest economies respectively. However, both states have been embroiled in economic, political and security turmoil in recent years. Despite their potential importance, there is a dearth of scholarship which speaks directly to Egypt-Nigeria relations. In terms of bilateral economic relations, trade volumes are rather low and stood at roughly $400m in 2020, something both countries seem eager to improve upon. However, both confront domestic challenges as well as regional and international geopolitical complexities that hamper greater political and economic prosperity. This chapter uses decoloniality as its analytical point of departure. Decoloniality identifies coloniality as the primary cause of global injustice towards the economies and peoples of the Global South. Using Anibal Quijano’s colonial matrices of power, the chapter critiques the regional and international geopolitical complexities and domestic challenges that currently undermine fruitful Nigeria-Egypt bilateral relations. It concludes by offering insights into the prospects for improved bilateral relations between these two sleeping African giants.
Available evidence reveals that China is gradually taking over economic activities in Africa and Nigeria in particular. China is seriously competing with the United States of America in terms of the volume of goods and services imported to Nigeria. It is therefore not surprising that a Nigeria-China relation has improved tremendously in recent times. This has spurred a renewed interest in Nigeria-China economic relations. It is within this background that this study examined Nigeria-China economic relations. Dependency theory was adopted as the basis of analysis, the methodology adopted was secondary and data were analyzed qualitatively using content analysis. The study revealed that: Nigeria economic relations with China has not been consistent with Nigeria's foreign trade policy; China's trade investment in Nigeria has risen to about 13 billion dollars in 2018 from 2 billion dollars in 2015, and is still increasing exponentially even in the year 2019; China has overtaken the United States of America as the largest foreign investor in electronic gadgets in Nigeria; Nigeria currently sells 30% of its oil to China, since, Nigeria's oil is so vital to China's economy, China has deepened interest in oil exploration in Nigeria. The following recommendations were arrived at: The government should ensure consistency in adhering to her foreign trade policy; there is need for the Nigerian state to develop its technological base and boost its negotiation capacity so as to maximize the benefits in the country's economic relations with China; the Nigerian government should intensify efforts with China in terms of balance of trade.
The paper explores the role and the power potential of Nigeria and South Africa with special attention to their comparatively high military, economic, political capabilities that enable them to shape and dominate regional agenda. It also analyses the internal, regional and external dynamics within Africa, particularly in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Southern African Development Community (SADC). The paper further thoroughly examines the hegemonic contest for the UN Security Council membership among the dominant African states through the lens of Ezulwini Consensus, as well as the Pan-African credentials of Nigeria and South Africa in accordance to their contribution to ensuring peace, stability and development on continental and sub-regional levels. Nigeria and South Africa are the most important actors on the African continent, but there are obvious constraints undermining their ability to play an effective regional role. Thus, the research was guided by the comparison case-study of Nigeria and South Africa in crucial for understanding power potential areas. The study concludes that although Pan-Africanism stands of Nigeria and South Africa are commendable, both powers mostly follow this strategy for advancing their national interests. Taking into account the whole set of internal and external factors, both countries need to unite their efforts and practical strategies to advance the common goal of Africa development, peace and security.
The perceptions of the European Union by African elites. In the past decades Africa was seen as a hopeless continent. Due to huge Chinese investment (in 2001 the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation [FOCAC] was established and has so far invested more than $300 billion in different African states, mostly in infrastructure) the Pan-African vision of an integrated, prosperous and peaceful continent guided by its citizens, acting as a dynamic force in the international arena, has shaped a new order in international relations.
Manners binds the idea of the normative power of the EU with its ability to exert an ideological, cultural and symbolic influence on actors in international relations. To underline the importance of the chosen analysis one should draw the reader’s attention to the Mozambican president who stated: ‘We must help each other to improve our governance on the basis of friendship and mutual trust. It is only in this way that we can dissipate the negative image of our continent as an incapable Africa without a future’. Africa’s role and participation in international relations can be traced back to ‘The slave trade, the scramble for Africa and the subsequent colonial period; the proxy wars of the Cold War; and the increasing importance of the continent’s natural resources’. This chapter includes parallel and independent examination of the analysis of public discourse, public opinion research and the analysis of think-tank opinions. The preceding research problem, the defined task and the objectives of this chapter determined the research methodology. The following methods have been used: 1 the analysis of the literature, source materials as well as program documents; 2 the comparative and descriptive analysis. The completion of the defined research task and objectives was based on foreign literature, mainly including English-speaking economic literature devoted to the role and identity of the European Union in African States. However, due to the lack of empirical data on perceptions and mass opinion, the conclusions can only be tentative. The research questions were:
1 Who are the African elites?
2 What is the perception of the European Union by African elites?
This book examines the relations between Nigeria and South Africa and their implications for regional influence across the African continent. With the largest and third largest economies in the region and a historical status as the major peacemakers on the continent, it is often argued that Africa’s fate is directly linked to the success or failure of these regional powers. While there is widespread reference to each state’s capabilities and regional influence in the extant literature, little analysis is offered on relations between Nigeria and South Africa and their impact on regional governance and provision of public goods on the continent. This book attempts to fill the gap by engaging issues such as the hegemonic competence of the states, their credentials for a permanent seat at the UNSC, their efforts towards regional integration, and their efforts towards combating the dark side of globalization including climate change, drug trafficking and xenophobia. It also engages a gender perspective to these states’ relations as well as their experiences of transitional justice. Providing an in-depth comparative analysis of the two so called African powerhouses, this volume will be of interest to policy-makers, academics and students interested in Nigeria and South Africa’s foreign policy, regional powerhood, and the African peace, security, and development agenda.
This chapter examines Nigeria-South Africa relations in the context of climate change. Nigeria and South Africa share a history of bilateral relations that cover a range of issues of common concern not only to the two leading African countries, but the continent as a whole. The relationship between the two has been marked by lows and highs, with bilateral trade activities increasingly emerging as a dominant aspect especially since the post-apartheid era. Also, both countries have at one point or the other formed unholy alliance in articulating and promoting regional agenda, even though, there were moments of disagreements and competition. One of such is seen in their roles within the framework of the African Group as the continent’s mouthpiece for the global climate change negotiations. Despite their active roles and rankings as two regional hegemons on the continent, the relationship between the two still lacks any fundamental ties regarding climate change. This paper contends that this bilateral deficit is not only a challenge for the two African giants in terms of mutual benefits, but also the continent as a whole, given its extreme vulnerability to the adverse impacts of climate change.
Debates have raged amongst scholars regarding the respective economic and political strength of Africa’s largest economies, Nigeria and South Africa. The former recently surpassed South Africa as the continent’s largest economy. Some lauded this as move away from South Africa’s long-held hegemony on the continent whilst others pointed to the banality of such debates given Africa’s positionality within the global financial structure and the modern world-system. This chapter uses decoloniality as its analytical framework and identifies coloniality as the primary cause of global injustice towards economies of the Global South. Using the economic contour of Anibal Quijano’s colonial matrices of power, which consists of control of economy, control of authority, control of gender and sexuality, and, control of subjectivity and knowledge; this chapter offers a critique of the various positions regarding the value and validity of the professed economic prowess of both Nigeria and South Africa within the modern world-system. The chapter concludes by providing a pan-African decolonial pathway to true and meaningful economic and political prosperity for the African continent.
UN and UNSC reforms have been on the agenda for some time. Africa’s common position on UN reform, the Ezulwini Consensus, is one of the plethora of proposals in this regard. South Africa and Nigeria are two of the strongest African contenders for a permanent seat on the UNSC. These ambitions cause some diplomatic friction on the continent and, in particular, between South Africa and Nigeria. It is against this background that this contribution assesses the need and case for Africa’s permanent representation in the UNSC. This chapter explores and assesses African proposals with regard to representation in the UNSC, with particular reference to South Africa and Nigeria’s eligibility in terms of the criteria formulated by UN Panels and other high-level reports. The authors also analyse the prominence of African states in the UNSC vis-à-vis their possible inclusion in the UNSC as permanent members.
Using loan contracts of firms in the syndicated loan market, we generate weighted aggregate measures of financial connections of emerging market economies and relate these financial integration indices to income inequality. The results reveal that financial integration is beneficial in reducing market income inequality, but worsens net income inequality. Financial intermediation is detrimental to net income inequality, but beneficial in lowering market income inequality. The results show that independent access to financing has no relationship with income inequality. The results are invariant using alternative income inequality indices and using external instrument against internal instrument in identifying the equations.
This research paper provided a comparative analysis of foreign policy of Nigeria under Muhammadu Buhari's military regime 1983-1985 and his current civilian administration which started in May 2015. Foreign policy is a set of tools or activities developed by states to drive its interest in the international system, and internal and external factors usually influence this. The personality and environment in which leaders assumes leadership also plays an important in defining a state foreign policy. The objective of this paper is to provide a comparative analysis of Buhari's foreign policy under his military and civilian administration. The research utilizes secondary data from journals, books, newspapers, government reports among others. The findings of the study shows the under Buhari's military administration relations between Nigeria and ECOWAS was hostile which led to border closures, relations with Nigeria's former colonial master, United Kingdom was also strained due which resulted in diplomatic rows between both countries, the Buhari administration also continued with Afrocentric policy with continuous call for end to apartheid and colonialism on the continent. While under his civilian government Buhari was able to create friendly relations with ECOWAS member nations, maintained good relations with UK and US, and improve the countries relations with China to improve the country's economy. The paper concludes that the type of government and environment in the international system with which Buhari served played a role in shaping the foreign policy direction of the state.
This paper discusses the Nigerian Constitution and the ecowas Treaty to determine whether and how they support free trade as envisioned in the Treaty, and the role of the judiciary in the realisation of this objective. Focusing on the ecowas Community Court and Nigerian superior courts vested with jurisdiction over constitutional matters, it argues that specific constitutional norms and policies of Nigeria inhibit the realisation of the objectives of free trade as constitutionalised in the ecowas Treaty. Relying on the principles of direct applicability and direct effect, and the arguments developed around these principles in relation to the obligations of State parties to treaties, it argues further that Community law should be applicable in national jurisdictions and enforced by national courts. Thus, Nigerian courts and the ecowas Community Court both have jurisdiction to arbitrate matters arising from national laws and policies having the effect of inhibiting the ecowas objectives of free trade. It concludes that while the ecowas and Nigerian frameworks support the interplay of roles in the adjudication and enforcement of ecowas norms, this would depend on the extent to which some of the constitutional and policy constraints in question are addressed.
This article reviews the policy that Libya has followed vis-à-vis the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and the African Union (AU) during the last decade. The first part examines Libya's attempt to promote the ‘United States of Africa’ agenda. It analyses the multifaceted role of Libya in the AU and presents her attempts to promote sub-regional integration through the Community of Sahel-Saharian States (CEN-SAD). It also examines Tripoli's policy of mediating in African conflicts and reinforcing economic relations with SSA. The second part of the article examines Libya's policy towards SSA in the context of her wider external relations and evaluates the extent of continuity and change. The article concludes that volatility continues to be the crucial characteristic of Libya's foreign policy.
This paper is based on the author’s PhD project, and is
located amongst youth of African migrant descent in
Western Australia. It was an arts-based project through
which young people of African background were involved in
theatrical events as a means of exploring issues relating to
their bicultural socialization and identities. The paper
discusses the methodological application of arts-based
approaches and African-centred pedagogy in the
exploration of African Cultural Memory as a relevant
context for developing African cultural literacy as a pathway
towards bicultural socialization and competence.
To be a political leader in many parts of the world is to follow an extremely hazardous and insecure occupation. In addition, in sub-Saharan Africa, but elsewhere as well, the element of personal danger exists in a particularly acute form. Althought the extent to which this is true varies considerably not only from place to place but also over time, the evidence of the past 30 years clearly suggests that there are remarkably few states in which an individual could contemplate embarking on a career in politics free from the dauger of incurring severe personal penalties at some stage.