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Estimating the incidence of rape and sexual assault

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Abstract

The Bureau of Justice Statistics' (BJS) National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) measures the rates at which Americans are victims of crimes, including rape and sexual assault, but there is concern that rape and sexual assault are undercounted on this survey. BJS asked the National Research Council to investigate this issue and recommend best practices for measuring rape and sexual assault on their household surveys. Estimating the Incidence of Rape and Sexual Assault concludes that it is likely that the NCVS is undercounting rape and sexual assault. The most accurate counts of rape and sexual assault cannot be achieved without measuring them separately from other victimizations, the report says. It recommends that BJS develop a separate survey for measuring rape and sexual assault. The new survey should more precisely define ambiguous words such as "rape," give more privacy to respondents, and take other steps that would improve the accuracy of responses. Estimating the Incidence of Rape and Sexual Assault takes a fresh look at the problem of measuring incidents of rape and sexual assault from the criminal justice perspective. This report examines issues such as the legal definitions in use by the states for these crimes, best methods for representing the definitions in survey instruments so that their meaning is clear to respondents, and best methods for obtaining as complete reporting as possible of these crimes in surveys, including methods whereby respondents may report anonymously. Rape and sexual assault are among the most injurious crimes a person can inflict on another. The effects are devastating, extending beyond the initial victimization to consequences such as unwanted pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections, sleep and eating disorders, and other emotional and physical problems. Understanding the frequency and context under which rape and sexual assault are committed is vital in directing resources for law enforcement and support for victims. These data can influence public health and mental health policies and help identify interventions that will reduce the risk of future attacks. Sadly, accurate information about the extent of sexual assault and rape is difficult to obtain because most of these crimes go unreported to police. Estimating the Incidence of Rape and Sexual Assault focuses on methodology and vehicles used to measure rape and sexual assaults, reviews potential sources of error within the NCVS survey, and assesses the training and monitoring of interviewers in an effort to improve reporting of these crimes. © 2014 by the National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.
... The U.S. has multiple studies of the general population that can be used for a population-level investigation of sexual assault, including forced intercourse. The National Research Council recently conducted a thorough review of the survey measurement of sexual assault, identifying many important strengths and weaknesses [25]. For example, they concluded that the U.S. National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) likely underestimates the prevalence of sexual assault because of the in-person administration of NCVS interviews (which reduces privacy), the use of a screening measure with little context, and the criminal behavior focus of that survey [25]. ...
... The National Research Council recently conducted a thorough review of the survey measurement of sexual assault, identifying many important strengths and weaknesses [25]. For example, they concluded that the U.S. National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) likely underestimates the prevalence of sexual assault because of the in-person administration of NCVS interviews (which reduces privacy), the use of a screening measure with little context, and the criminal behavior focus of that survey [25]. By contrast, surveys conducted in modes that offer more privacy, place questions about sexual assault in a context of other relationship-and sex-related questions, and are presented to respondents as measuring a broader range of experiences than crimes are likely to obtain more complete reports of sexual assault. ...
... We first generated descriptive estimates of the percentages of subgroups defined by age and gender ever experiencing forced intercourse in 2011-2017, and 2020-2022 among those aged 18-49 based on the NSFG and AFHS data sources. Next, we focused on younger Americans, adding the PSID-TAS data (2017 and 2019) and restricting the age range to match PSID-TAS [18][19][20][21][22][23][24][25][26][27][28]. Finally, we estimated the association between the cumulative experience of college attendance and rates of ever experiencing forced intercourse, focusing on men and women aged 24-28. ...
Article
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Background Measures of forced intercourse from the U.S. National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) indicate high prevalence among U.S. women, which is likely to produce unintended pregnancies. However, NCHS did not measure forced intercourse during the pandemic, limiting knowledge of recent prevalence rates. Methods We use multiple nationally-representative, cross-sectional surveys representing the U.S. population from 2011 to 2022 to document these trends. This includes measures from the National Survey of Family Growth, the Panel Study of Income Dynamics Transition into Adulthood Supplement, and the American Family Health Study (AFHS) to provide population estimates of forced intercourse. Results Reports of forced intercourse remained high during the pandemic, with more than 25% of U.S. females over 40 reporting lifetime forced intercourse in the AFHS (number of females in AFHS: 1,042). There was a significant increase among females aged 24–28 (p < 0.05) and rates are highest for those who did not complete college. Among females 24–28, 32.5% (S.E. = 5.7%) with less than 4 years of college reported forced intercourse, a significantly (p < 0.05) higher rate than among those with a higher level of education. Conclusions Rates of forced intercourse among U.S. women remained high during the pandemic, increasing significantly in early adulthood. This exposure to forced intercourse is likely to produce an increase in unintended pregnancies and other sexual, reproductive, and mental health problems.
... Understanding framing effects may help resolve these issues and indeed, have already impacted needed large-scale violence research. National surveys on crime tend to find lower rates of sexual victimization than those studying health, despite similar sampling frames and items (Kruttschnitt et al., 2014). Thus, understanding the exact nature of framing effects is important for planning future research to ensure that studies are inclusive and equitable-especially when studies can influence policy. ...
... This is the suggested mechanism for why "crime" surveys under-estimate violence. Due to stereotypes and myths about violence that discourage individuals from considering their experiences as crimes, their memories of these events may not be associated with "crime," making it more difficult to retrieve these memories with a crime-based cue (Kruttschnitt et al., 2014;Regan, 2008). To wit, a study about "personal safety" increases reporting of intimate partner violence compared to one about "crime" (Regan, 2008), suggesting that these increased reports are accurate and that the mechanisms of memory retrieval are responsible for differences. ...
... Similarly, Galesic and Tourangeau (2007) collected data on sexual harassment in a study advertised as either about "Sexual Harassment" sponsored by a feminist group or "Work Atmosphere" sponsored by the "Work Environment Institute" finding that women were more likely to report sexual harassment experiences in the sexual harassment condition. At the national level, Kruttschnitt et al. (2014) compared the prevalence rates of national surveys that collected information regarding sexual violence: The National Crime Victimization Study (NCVS), The National Women's Study (NWS), and the Uniform Crime Report (UCR). The NWS and UCR consistently reported levels of sexual victimization five times greater than the NCVS. ...
Article
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Objective There are many methodological issues in studying sexual violence, including potential framing effects. Framing effects refer to how researchers communicate the purpose of a study to participants, such as, how the study is advertised or explained. The aim of this study was to investigate if framing effects were associated with differences in participants’ self-reported experiences of sexual violence and related correlates. Methods College students ( N = 782) were recruited to participate in one of four identical studies that differed in the title: “Questionnaires about Alcohol,” “Questionnaires about Crime,” “Questionnaires about Health,” or “Questionnaires about Sexual Assault.” Participants chose one of the four studies and completed measures of sexual violence as well as attitudinal and behavioral measures in randomized order. Results We found significantly more reports of childhood sexual abuse (33.6% vs. 18.5%), rape (33.9% vs. 21.1%), higher frequency of victimization ( M = 11.35 vs. 5.44), and greater acknowledged rape for bisexual people (46.2% vs. 0.0%) in the sexual assault (SA) condition compared to other conditions. There were no differences in sexual violence perpetration or attitudinal or behavioral measures. Conclusion These results revealed that framing effects, based on the study title, affect outcomes in sexual victimization research. Rape was reported 1.6× more in the “Sexual Assault” condition than in the “Health” condition. It is unclear whether these framing effects reflect self-selection bias or framing related increased reports in the SA condition, suppression of reports in other conditions, or a combination thereof.
... Most formidably, legal definitions of sex crimes vary across jurisdictions, which means that definitions are different, not only internationally, but also across jurisdictions within some countries such as the U.S. and Australia. For example, in the U.S., even the terms used to label sex crimes differ widely, with sex crime statutes across different states referring to rape, sexual assault, sexual abuse, and sexual battery among other terminology (Kruttschnitt et al., 2014). Kruttschnitt et al. (2014) outlined the multiple dimensions on which sex crime statutes differ across U.S. states, including the type of sexual act that occurs (e.g., whether penetration is required, whether skin to skin contact is required), what counts as force (e.g., whether force is specified as physical force, threats, or violence), and definitions of consent (e.g., what counts as the absence of consent and what conditions undermine one's capacity to consent). ...
... For example, in the U.S., even the terms used to label sex crimes differ widely, with sex crime statutes across different states referring to rape, sexual assault, sexual abuse, and sexual battery among other terminology (Kruttschnitt et al., 2014). Kruttschnitt et al. (2014) outlined the multiple dimensions on which sex crime statutes differ across U.S. states, including the type of sexual act that occurs (e.g., whether penetration is required, whether skin to skin contact is required), what counts as force (e.g., whether force is specified as physical force, threats, or violence), and definitions of consent (e.g., what counts as the absence of consent and what conditions undermine one's capacity to consent). ...
Article
Since the initial development of the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES) four decades ago, the SES has been designed to measure a range of forms of sexual exploitation, including acts that are coercive but not legally sanctioned as well as acts that legally qualify as crimes. That feature was retained in the revised Sexual Experiences Survey-Victimization (SES-V) measure. This article reviews the theoretical and empirical literature that guided the development of the Illegal Sexual Exploitation module of the SES-V, which measures experiences of nonconsensual exploitation resulting in sexual contact and which is designed to correspond to legal definitions across multiple jurisdictions. This article addresses research and applied contexts in which the distinction between legal and illegal sexual exploitation is important and the challenges and limitations involved in writing survey items that correspond to legal definitions. It also discusses revisions made to the items that make up the Illegal Sexual Exploitation module of the SES-V as compared to the illegal items in prior versions of the SES, including a new operationalization of non-consent and an expansion of the sexual acts and exploitative tactics that are included. Finally, the article discusses directions for future research on the Illegal Sexual Exploitation module of the SES-V.
... The National Research Council recently conducted a thorough review of the survey measurement of sexual assault, identifying many important strengths and weaknesses. (24) For example, they concluded that the U.S. National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) likely underestimates the prevalence of sexual assault because of the in-person administration of NCVS interviews (which reduces privacy), the use of a screening measure with little context, and the criminal behavior focus of that survey (24). By contrast, surveys conducted in modes that offer more privacy, place questions about sexual assault in a context of other relationship and sex-related questions, and are presented to respondents as measuring a broader range of experiences than crimes are likely to obtain more complete reports of sexual assault. ...
... The National Research Council recently conducted a thorough review of the survey measurement of sexual assault, identifying many important strengths and weaknesses. (24) For example, they concluded that the U.S. National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) likely underestimates the prevalence of sexual assault because of the in-person administration of NCVS interviews (which reduces privacy), the use of a screening measure with little context, and the criminal behavior focus of that survey (24). By contrast, surveys conducted in modes that offer more privacy, place questions about sexual assault in a context of other relationship and sex-related questions, and are presented to respondents as measuring a broader range of experiences than crimes are likely to obtain more complete reports of sexual assault. ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Background: Measures of forced intercourse from the U.S. National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) indicate this a high prevalence among U.S. women that is likely to produce unintended pregnancies. However, NCHS did not measure forced intercourse during the pandemic, limiting knowledge of recent prevalence rates. Methods: We use multiple nationally-representative, cross-sectional surveys representing the U.S. population from 2011 to 2022 to document these trends. This includes measures from the National Survey of Family Growth, the Panel Study of Income Dynamics Transition into Adulthood Supplement, and the American Family Health Study (AFHS) to provide population estimates of forced intercourse. Results: Reports of forced intercourse remained high during the pandemic, with more than 25% of U.S. females over 40 reporting lifetime forced intercourse in the AFHS (number of females in AFHS: 1,042). There was a significant increase among females aged 24-28 (p<.05) and rates are highest for those who did not complete college. Among females 24-28, 32.5% (S.E. = 5.7%) with less than 4 years of college reported forced intercourse, a significantly (p<.05) higher rate than among those with higher education. Conclusions: Rates of forced intercourse among U.S. women remained high during the pandemic, increasing significantly in early adulthood. This exposure to forced intercourse is likely to produce an increase in unintended pregnancies and other sexual, reproductive, and mental health problems.
... Because our analysis relies on change-scores, underreporting would bias our estimates only if it were affected by the treatment or if trends in underreporting did not linearly map onto crime prevalence trends. In the case of certain forms of gender-based violence for which data are available, previous comparisons of survey and administrative crime show that the two sources tend to follow the same trends, even though rates are much higher in survey data than in administrative data (Kruttschnitt, Kalsbeek, and House 2014), thus minimizing the second potential source of bias. With respect to the first source of bias, we have no reason to expect Mincome to affect crime underreporting. ...
... The central shortcoming is that it includes only what is reported to police, and this is a major issue, in particular for intimate partner violence and sexual violence (Lievore 2005 provides a summary of the barriers impacting reporting decisions). It is worth noting, however, that at least with respect to a number of crime categories, survey data and administrative data often follow similar trends (Kruttschnitt et al. 2014). And more important for our own paper, even if there are limits to police-reported data, these are issues that will be consistently present, before, during, and after our experimental period; there is, thus, little reason to think that the trends we identify will be impacted by those limits. ...
Article
Would unconditional cash payments reduce crime and violence? This paper examines data on crime and violence in the context of an understudied social experiment from the late 1970s called the Manitoba Basic Annual Income Experiment, or Mincome. We combine town-level crime statistics for all medium-sized Canadian Prairie towns with town-level socio-demographic data from the census to study how an experimental guaranteed income impacted both violent crime and total crime. We find a significant negative relationship between Mincome and both outcomes. We also decompose total crime and analyze its main components, property crime and “other” crime, and find a significant negative relationship between Mincome and property crime. While the impact on property crime is theoretically straightforward, we close by speculating on the mechanisms that might link the availability of guaranteed annual income payments with a decline in violence, focusing in on the mechanisms that impact patterns of domestic violence.
... In all studies reviewed, experiences of GBV were self-reported in surveys. One limitation of this is reports of GBV were retrospective, which may result in under-reporting (Kruttschnitt et al., 2014). Lastly, most studies reviewed were published ≥10 years ago (k = 8, 73%), which is concerning given the increasing recognition of the impact and need to address health consequences associated with experiencing GBV (Oram et al., 2022). ...
... However, limitations include exclusive reliance on SATU attendees, potentially under-representing the broader population of SA survivors. 20 The retrospective analysis of available data and the possibility of selection bias due to self-reported incidents are additional considerations, given the documented range of false allegations in prior research. 21 22 ...
Article
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Background Sexual assault (SA) is a prevalent issue with enduring consequences. Post-SA medical care mainly focuses on injuries, sexually transmitted infection (STI) prevention and detection, as well as preventing unwanted pregnancies. Swift access to post-SA medical care is vital with sexual assault treatment units (SATUs) streamlining this care. The primary aim of our study is to report on post-SA care provided at the national SATU network in Ireland with a secondary aim of analysing factors associated with follow-up attendance for STI testing. Methods This is a retrospective cohort study of all acute attendances (<7 days from incident) at the national SATU network between 1 January 2017 to 31 December 2022. Results A total of 4159 acute cases presented during the study period. Emergency contraception (EC) was administered to 53.8% (n=1899/3529) of cases, while postexposure prophylaxis (PEP) for chlamydia was given in 75.1% (n=3124/4159) and for HIV in 11.0% (n=304/3387). Hepatitis B vaccination was initiated in 53.7% (n=2233/4159) of cases. 1.4% (n=59/4159) of the attendees were referred to an emergency department for the treatment of injuries. Follow-up appointments were scheduled for 75.8% (3151/4159) of acute cases. 71.6% (n=2257/3151) attended follow-up. Certain factors were found to correlate with a higher likelihood of attending follow-up appointments: adolescents (p<0.0001), concern about drug-facilitated SA (DFSA) (p=0.01), no consumption of recreational drugs before the incident (p<0.0001), alcohol consumption prior to the incident (p=0.01), and not reporting the crime to the police (p<0.001). However, gender (p=0.06) and the presence of injury at time of primary attendance (p=0.97) were not predictive of likelihood of follow-up attendance. Conclusion This study demonstrates that EC, chlamydia PEP, HIV PEP and hepatitis B vaccination were all administered at SATU. A small proportion of attenders required emergency injury care. Factors influencing attendance at follow-up include age, drug use, alcohol use and police involvement, highlighting the need for tailored patient-centred support.
... Defining and measuring SV are notoriously difficult and the published prevalence varies depending on the definition of SV (some studies include only attempted or completed sexual penetration, whereas others include unwanted sexual contact such as kissing and sexual touching), the tool used for data collection and the sample representativeness. 23 The SV prevalence of 27.1% in this survey is similar to previously published papers. [24][25][26][27] We found SV to be significantly more common in those whose sexual orientation was not straight/heterosexual (p<0.001), in whom around half reported a history of SV consistent with other studies. ...
Article
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Objectives Most sexual violence (SV) remains undisclosed to healthcare professionals. The aims of this study were to identify where support would be sought after SV and whether routine enquiry about SV was acceptable in a sexual healthcare setting. Design An online population-based survey collected data on a history of SV and preferences on support after SV, in addition to sociodemographic data. Respondents’ views on being routinely asked about SV were sought. Setting and participants This online survey was based in England, UK. There were 2007 respondents. Results The police were the most frequent first choice for support after experiencing SV (n=520; 25.9%); however, this was less common in individuals in younger age groups (p<0.001) and in those with a history of SV (17.2% vs 29.9%, p<0.001). For the 27.1% (532 of 1960) of respondents who reported a history of SV, the first choice of place for support was Rape Crisis or similar third-sector organisation. The majority of respondents supported routine enquiry about SV during Sexual and Reproductive Health Service (SRHS) consultations (84.4%), although acceptability was significantly lower in older age groups. Conclusions and study implications A greater awareness of the influence of sociodemographic factors, including ethnicity, age, gender, disability and a history of SV, when planning and delivering services for those who have experienced SV is needed. A history of SV is common in the general population, and a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach to encourage disclosure and access to support is unlikely to be optimal. Routine enquiry about SV is highly acceptable in an SRHS setting and likely to improve disclosure when appropriately implemented.
... Kessler et al., 1995Kessler et al., , 2005, tanto para la victimización directa (sujeto pasivo del delito) como indirecta (personas vinculadas a la víctima directa) (Gallego et al., 2019; En general, estas tipologías delictivas se caracterizan por la amplia diferencia entre las cifras oficiales de denuncias y las reportadas por otros medios (e.g., encuestas de victimización, investigaciones científicas), siendo más elevadas las prevalencias obtenidas por estos medios (la discrepancia se conoce como victimización oculta). No obstante, debido a la variabilidad en definiciones legales y científicas de la violencia contra la mujer y el método de medida, la variabilidad de la prevalencia en los informes científicos también es muy elevada (Kruttschnitt et al., 2014). En este sentido, resulta de especial relevancia la victimización oculta o "cifra negra", es decir, aquellos delitos que son cometidos, pero que no son denunciados, de modo que el sistema no llega a conocerlos. ...
Thesis
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El informe pericial psicológico se ha convertido en una prueba determinante en los procedimientos referentes a delitos del ámbito privado, demandándose especialmente la evaluación de la credibilidad de las declaraciones y el estudio de la huella psicológica del delito, el Trastorno de Estrés Postraumático. Para la primera tarea, la aproximación que más eficacia ha mostrado es el análisis del contenido de las declaraciones. Entre los instrumentos empleados para ello, se encuentra el Reality Monitoring (RM). Por su parte, para el estudio de la huella, es necesario adoptar una aproximación multimétodo, que combine entrevista e instrumentación psicométrica; y controlar la simulación. El instrumento psicométrico más empleado es el MMPI-2, que permite evaluar diversos trastornos, así como detectar la simulación mediante las escalas de validez. El objetivo de la presente tesis es estudiar la eficacia de las herramientas empleadas en el ámbito forense, concretamente el RM y el MMPI-2. Para ello, se llevaron a cabo revisiones meta-analíticas sobre ambas herramientas. Para el MMPI-2, se estudió el desempeño de las escalas F, Fptsd y Ds para detectar la simulación. Además, se comparó la escala F con su versión revisada (F-r) y se analizaron distintos moderadores: tipo de diseño, grupo de contraste y tipo de población. Para el RM, se examinó la eficacia de la puntuación total de la herramienta y de cada criterio de forma individual. Asimismo, se profundizó en el efecto de las principales variables moderadoras: edad de los participantes, tipo de evocación y forma de puntuación. Los resultados muestran que las escalas F, Fptsd y Ds del MMPI-2 detectan eficazmente la simulación; que la escala F discrimina con mayor precisión que la F-r; y que las variables estudiadas presentan efectos moderadores sobre los resultados obtenidos. Para el RM, la puntuación total presenta problemas debido a la falta de consenso en los modelos de medida; y sólo un criterio se ha mostrado consistentemente eficaz conforme al modelo, encontrándose afectados por los moderadores estudiados. Además, se ha encontrado que el instrumento no discrimina entre memorias vividas y visionadas, presentándose así una importante limitación para la práctica. A la luz de estos resultados, se puede concluir que las escalas estudiadas del MMPI-2 permiten distinguir entre respuestas honestas y simuladas, si bien se han de emplear en conjunción con otros indicadores y herramientas. De cara a futuros estudios, los efectos de las variables moderadoras deben ser tenidos en cuenta. Además, es necesario realizar revisiones meta-analíticas sobre otras escalas del instrumento. En cuanto al RM, los resultados advierten de sus limitaciones y de la carencia de validez judicial. La investigación futura ha de dirigirse a estandarizar la herramienta y optimizar los criterios contenidos en ella. Además, es necesario llevar a cabo revisiones meta-analíticas sobre otras variables del diseño.
... Sexual violence is defined as: "any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a person's sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home and work" [23]. Even though the WHO reports that about 30% of women are victim of sexual violence, it remains however difficult to scale the exact estimate of sexual violence [24] (for a review, see Kilimnik and Melson [25]). ...
Article
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Purpose This study aims at clarifying the links between sexual violence and disordered eating (DE). Methods In a sample of 12,638 victims of self-reported sexual violence, we analyzed the situation of 546 victims that declared having developed DE. We assessed the characteristics of the assault (age, type of aggression) and the medical consequences (PTSD, depression, suicide attempts, anxiety disorders, etc.). Results DE prevalence was 4.3% in the victim sample. The age of the first assault in DE victims was significantly lower than that of the whole population (12 years vs 16 years for median; p < 0.001). A much higher prevalence of sexual assault consequences was present in victims developing DE with odd ratios (OR) for: self-mutilation (OR = 11.5 [8.29–15.95], p < 0.001); depression (OR = 5.7 [4.81–6.86], p < 0.001); self-medication (OR = 5.3 [3.86–7.19], p < 0.001); suicide attempts (OR = 4.5 [3.59–5.67], p < 0.001); post-traumatic stress disorder (OR = 3.8 [2.99–4.78], p < 0.001); anxiety troubles (OR = 5.2 [4.11–6.47], p < 0.001); alcoholism (OR = 4.0 [2.81–5.58], p < 0.001). Conclusion This study confirms the link between DE and sexual violence, especially in childhood, leading to severe psychological consequences. In this context, DE should be envisaged as a coping strategy accompanying emotional dysregulation due to traumatic events, and be treated as such. Level of evidence Level IV: Evidence obtained from multiple time series analysis such as case studies.
... Younger people are more likely to be victims of these crimes. In institutions of higher education (IHEs), 23.1% of female and 5.4% of male undergraduate students experience rape or sexual assault by use of physical force, violence, or incapacitation [2], yet an estimated 80% of incidents are not reported [3]. Rape or sexual assault are about half as likely to be reported to police as robbery (54%) and aggravated assault (58%), with the former being reported in only about a quarter of all cases (23%) [4]. ...
Preprint
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The recent surge in women reporting sexual assault and harassment (e.g., #metoo campaign) has highlighted a long-standing societal crisis. This injustice is partly due to a culture of discrediting women who report such crimes and also, rape myths (e.g., 'women lie about rape'). Social web can facilitate the further proliferation of deceptive beliefs and culture of rape myths through intentional messaging by malicious actors. This multidisciplinary study investigates Twitter posts related to sexual assaults and rape myths for characterizing the types of malicious intent, which leads to the beliefs on discrediting women and rape myths. Specifically, we first propose a novel malicious intent typology for social media using the guidance of social construction theory from policy literature that includes Accusational, Validational, or Sensational intent categories. We then present and evaluate a malicious intent classification model for a Twitter post using semantic features of the intent senses learned with the help of convolutional neural networks. Lastly, we analyze a Twitter dataset of four months using the intent classification model to study narrative contexts in which malicious intents are expressed and discuss their implications for gender violence policy design.
... Numerous testimonies and investigative reports also document the systematic prevalence of sexual assault and the lack of means to report it within these facilities, meaning that this number is likely a severe undercount of the actual abuse occurring (FFI 2017;Speri 2018). In the general population, the National Research Council's comprehensive sexual assault study estimates that at least 80 percent of assault cases go unreported ( Kruttschnitt et al. 2014). When considering that detainees are: 1) a highly vulnerable population being held by those with the power to deport them, 2) people who many times have a language barrier, and 3) living in extreme fear for their own safety and the safety of their families -it is likely that the number of unreported incidents in detention facilities is even higher. ...
Technical Report
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Environmental injustice is a term used to describe the fact that environmental threats in general, and climate disruptions in particular, affect communities, nations, and regions of the globe differently and unevenly, with low income and global south communities, people of color communities, and indigenous communities being hit the hardest. Prisons and jails in the United States have been increasingly found to be associated with environmental impacts on the lands upon which they are built and on the inmates that they house, and are a new focus for the environmental justice movement. Rampant toxics exposure, water contamination, inadequate medical care, rancid food, extreme heat, poor air quality, chemical attacks by authorities, and in some cases the very facilities being built on contaminated superfund sites directly impact the health of those who are incarcerated and work in these spaces. Legally, many of these incidents directly violate the Eighth Amendment prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment, and given the disproportionately high number of members of minority groups in the prison system, constitute environmental justice, civil rights, and human rights violations as well. This report details the research conducted by the UCSB Prison Environmental Justice Project (an initiative of the Global Environmental Justice Project) that investigates the links between prisons, jails, immigrant prisons, and environmental justice concerns in the United States. Through our research we have found clear and compelling evidence of environmental injustice in a multitude of carceral facilities around the country- from state and federal prisons, to juvenile detention centers to immigrant prisons, and we call for immediate congressional action to bring about swift remediation of these issues. All over the nation, juveniles, citizens, immigrants, and legal asylum seekers are being held captive in institutions that are poisoning them against their will and knowledge. Currently, these abuses and indiscretions against prisoners and their wellbeing are well documented, blatantly ignored, and face no repercussions for the entities involved. We strongly recommend further research into these institutions, legal action, and grassroots resistance to bring about new practices prioritizing compassionate rehabilitation, public health, and environmental justice. We are heartened to see the many actions taken by prisoners and their allies to bring attention to these concerns and to fight back against the predatory, cruel, and genocidal policies and practices of the U.S. prison system. These include petitions, health surveys, sit-ins, hunger strikes, spoken and written words shared with mass media and NGOs, and artistry depicting these struggles and visions of a better world. We support these nonviolent, peaceful efforts and hope that this report will be received as an affirmation for those persons engaging in such acts and as an inspiration to those who have yet to join the movement.
... Underreporting is common in self-reported surveys on topics as varied as rape and sexual assault to HIV/AIDS ( Kruttschnitt et al., 2014), and it is particularly common in surveys about drug use (Harrison and Hughes, 1997). A report by ONDCP on drug consumption in the United States, for instance, stated that users are likely to underreport socially disapproved behaviors, even when those behaviors are legal, and that "they would seem to have even more incentive to underreport illegal behaviors." ...
Article
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To adjust for underreporting of marijuana use, researchers multiply the proportion of individuals who reported using marijuana by a constant factor, such as the US Office of National Drug Control Policy’s 1.3. Although the current adjustments are simple, they do not account for changes in reporting over time. This article presents a novel way to explore relative changes in reporting from one survey to another simply by using data already available in a self-reported survey, the National Survey on Drug Use and Health. Using domain estimation to examine the stability in reported marijuana use by age 25 in individuals older than 25, this analysis provides estimates of the trends in marijuana reporting and standard errors, as long as the survey weights properly account for sampling variability. There was no significant evidence of an upward or downward trend in reporting changes from 1979 to 2016 for all birth cohorts, although there were significant differences in reporting between years and a slight downward trend in later years. These results suggest that individuals have become increasingly less willing to report their drug use in recent years, and thus the ONDCP likely underestimated the already drastic increase in use from 1992 to 2016.
... This understanding could inform efforts to improve measurement of abortions in surveys, and illuminate efforts to collect abortion data directly from women. These findings may also be relevant to the survey measurement of other sensitive behaviors such as sexual behavior, illicit drug use, or violence (Kalsbeek and Carol 2014;C. Kelly et al. 2014;Turner et al. 1998). ...
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Abortion is a behavior that is stigmatized and difficult to measure. To improve reporting of abortion and other sensitive behaviors in the United States, the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) supplements the interviewer administered face‐to‐face (FTF) interview with audio computer‐assisted self‐interviewing (ACASI). This paper estimates differential reporting of abortion and other pregnancy outcomes (miscarriage, live birth) in the NSFG (2002, 2006–2010, 2011–2015) between women's ACASI and FTF interviews. Examining reporting of less stigmatized pregnancy outcomes can help understand the relative contributions of stigma and survey‐level factors in reporting of abortions. More women reported abortions, miscarriages and births in the ACASI than the FTF interview. Differences in reporting were moderated by the length of recall. The ACASI elicited relatively more reporting of abortions and miscarriages among non‐white and low‐income women. Reporting ratios increased over time. ACASI is a tool that may work differently across time, for different measures, and with varying survey contexts.
... La violencia sexual en contra de las mujeres, y especialmente la violación es auto silenciada en sociedades que culpabilizan y desacreditan a las mujeres por su propia victimización (Fontes, 2007, Weiss, 2010, Frías y Erviti, 2014. El estudio del fenómeno de la violación, su prevalencia y factores asociados es una tarea compleja (Kruttschnitt et al., 2014), sobre todo en sociedades en que la sexualidad y el sexo tienden a silenciarse y están estigmatizados. En la mayoría de las sociedades familistas y colectivistas, como es el caso de México, las experiencias de abuso sexual tienden a ocultarse (Sabogal et al., 1987;Fontes y Plummer, 2010;Stoltenborgh, 2011). ...
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Rape and attempted rape of Mexican women during childhood and adolescence (before 15 years old), last year and lifetime by a non-intimate partner are examined by using data from the 2016 National Survey on Household Relationship Dynamics. Before the age of 15 years old, 5.1 per cent of women have experienced rape and/or attempted rape. 7.7 per cent of Mexican women have ever experienced one of them. Women who speak an indigenous language, unprivileged, residing in urban setting and with lower schooling are at a higher risk. During the last 12 months, only two out of every ten women who experienced rape or attempted rape sought help, and less than one out of ten events of rape or attempted rape were reported to law-enforcement agencies. The reasons why women do not seek help and press charges are examined. Public policy implications are discussed.
... Because it uses a household-based sample design, the NCVS data also exclude the victimization experiences of persons not living in households, such as the homeless and those living in institutional settings such as jails and prisons. Although the NCVS trend data are valid for many research purposes, there are concerns that the estimated levels of some forms of victimization are too low-particularly for some forms of violence against women, such as intimate partner violence and rape and sexual assault ( Kruttschnitt et al. 2004Kruttschnitt et al. , 2014). These concerns are important and raise cautions about using the victimization estimates to make risk comparisons across crime types. ...
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This paper assesses the state of the literature on victimization and its correlates by examining a diverse set of victimization trends and by summarizing the known correlates of victimization exhibited in research conducted at varying levels of analysis. A broad assessment of victimization research is valuable because it can shed light on both the similarities and differences in a wide range of trends and correlates of criminal victimization, thus prompting useful integration of the diverse set of literatures in this field. We also highlight how some individual-level correlates of victimization vary across spatial contexts as well as in their magnitude over time. Our review suggests that further attention to the commonalities in correlates across various types of victimization, and to multilevel and macrohistorical contexts, can help improve the utility of victimization research findings for both theory and practice.
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In an effort to quantify and combat sexual assault, US colleges and universities are required to disclose the number of reported sexual assaults on their campuses each year. However, many instances of sexual assault are never reported to authorities, and consequently the number of reported assaults does not fully reflect the true total number of assaults that occurred; the reported values could arise from many combinations of reporting rate and true incidence. In this paper we estimate these underlying quantities via a hierarchical Bayesian model of the reported number of assaults. We use informative priors, based on national crime statistics, to act as a tiebreaker to help distinguish between reporting rates and incidence. We outline a Hamiltonian Monte Carlo (HMC) sampling scheme for posterior inference regarding reporting rates and assault incidence at each school, and apply this method to campus sexual assault data from 2014-2019. Results suggest an increasing trend in reporting rates for the overall college population during this time. However, the extent of underreporting varies widely across schools. That variation has implications for how individual schools should interpret their reported crime statistics.
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Rape is an underreported violent crime that frequently remains uncleared (open) in the legal system. Rape disproportionately affects women, with 91% of rape victim-survivors estimated to be female. However, law enforcement agencies, the entry point into the criminal justice system, are predominantly comprised of male officers. According to the theory of representative bureaucracy, groups with greater representation in a bureaucratic system are more likely to have their interests protected. This study aims to determine if California law enforcement agencies with a higher percentage of female officers are more likely to have higher rates of rape reporting, clearances, and arrests. No previous study has examined this relationship using statewide data. Crimes and Clearances, Monthly Arrest and Citation Register, and Uniform Crime Reporting data for California (2013-2016) were aggregated into 499 Law Enforcement Reporting Areas (LERA). Bayesian space-time Poisson regressions controlling for LERA demographics and crime produced scaled relative rates for three outcomes: (a) rape report rate: number of reports relative to population ages 18+; (b) rape clearance rate: number of clearances relative to reports; and (c) rape arrest rate: number of arrests for rape relative to reports. A 5% increase in the percentage of female officers within an agency was associated with a 6.2% increase in the rape report rate (ARR: 1.062, 95% credible interval (CI) [1.048, 1.077]), a 2.9% decrease in the clearance rate (ARR: 0.971 95% CI [0.950, 0.993]), and no change in the rape arrest rates (ARR: 1.010; 95% CI [0.981, 1.039]) across all LERA. Thus, increased female officer representation was associated with an increase in rape reporting rates but associated with a decrease in rape clearance rates. The theory of representative bureaucracy was only partially supported, and these relationships may not be causal. The quantity of rape reports received by an agency, employment and promotion practices of agencies, and victim-survivor's attitudes toward officer's gender should also be considered.
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Background Prior sexual trauma (ST) is associated with greater risk for posttraumatic stress disorder after a subsequent traumatic event; however, the underlying neurobiological mechanisms remain opaque. We investigated longitudinal posttraumatic dysfunction and amygdala functional dynamics following admission to an emergency department for new primarily nonsexual trauma in participants with and without previous ST. Methods Participants (N = 2178) were recruited following acute trauma exposure (primarily motor vehicle collision). A subset (n = 242) completed magnetic resonance imaging that included a fearful faces task and a resting-state scan 2 weeks after the trauma. We investigated associations between prior ST and several dimensions of posttraumatic symptoms over 6 months. We further assessed amygdala activation and connectivity differences between groups with or without prior ST. Results Prior ST was associated with greater posttraumatic depression (F1,1120 = 28.35, p = 1.22 × 10⁻⁷, ηp² = 0.06), anxiety (F1,1113 = 17.43, p = 3.21 × 10⁻⁵, ηp² = 0.05), and posttraumatic stress disorder (F1,1027 = 11.34, p = 7.85 × 10⁻⁴, ηp² = 0.04) severity and more maladaptive beliefs about pain (F1,1113 = 8.51, p = .004, ηp² = 0.02) but was not related to amygdala reactivity to fearful versus neutral faces (all ps > .05). A secondary analysis revealed an interaction between ST and lifetime trauma load on the left amygdala to visual cortex connectivity (peak Z value: −4.41, corrected p < .02). Conclusions Findings suggest that prior ST is associated with heightened posttraumatic dysfunction following a new trauma exposure but not increased amygdala activity. In addition, ST may interact with lifetime trauma load to alter neural circuitry in visual processing regions following acute trauma exposure. Further research should probe the relationship between trauma type and visual circuitry in the acute aftermath of trauma.
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Chapter 3 investigates the problematic beginnings of the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter (DCL) issued by the Department of Education Office for Civil Rights (OCR) under President Obama. It explaina how the DCL misrepresented existing data, violated the Administrative Procedure Act by changing the law without going through notice and comment, and flouted existing norms. In the process, the chapter provides an in-depth discussion of the changes brought about by the DCL, including mandating a lower standard of proof in sexual assault hearings.
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Therapeutic dance has been increasingly used as a treatment modality for sexual trauma, yet its evidence-based efficacy has not yet been catalogued. We therefore conducted a systematic review to summarize the existing evidence for therapeutic dance as an intervention for healing after sexual trauma. We searched 5 major databases to identify intervention studies on the use of therapeutic dance for individuals with histories of sexual trauma. Studies were included based on the following criteria: 1) the study involves individuals who have been exposed to sexual trauma; 2) the study reports on any form of dance as a therapeutic intervention; and 3) the study reports on dance intervention outcomes. A total of 1,686 sources were identified. Of these, 11 articles met eligibility criteria and were assessed. Reported outcomes were extracted and organized into emergent domains. We found that therapeutic dance acts upon three broad domains—affect, self, and interpersonal relationships – and can be delivered in diverse settings. Across the studies, dance showed benefits on outcomes. However, a significant weakness of the current peer-reviewed literature is the lack of robust empirical intervention research on dance therapy. Overall, the emerging literature suggests that therapeutic dance is a potential intervention for those who have experienced sexual trauma. The review findings presented here can be used to inform practitioners and systems of care targeted for those who have been subject to sexual trauma.
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The goal of this review is to better understand rape and sexual violence perpetrators by synthesizing research conducted across incarcerated, college-student, and community samples. In doing so we explore prevalence and characteristics of the repeat/serial versus time-limited sexual violence perpetrators. There are parallel literatures on this general topic in the criminology and psychology/public health literatures; however, despite substantial conceptual overlap, few attempts have been made to integrate the findings up to this point. Given the occasionally conflicting views on how subtypes of perpetrators should be defined, a comprehensive review of the literature is needed to understand the characteristics of different perpetrator subtypes and to create more targeted approaches to treatment and prevention. This review highlights commonalities across studies which, despite different methodologies, support the finding that both incarcerated and nonincarcerated perpetrators can be differentiated based on the severity of tactics used (i.e., verbal coercion versus physical force). Directions for future research to facilitate the creation of a more cohesive model of perpetrator subtypes are discussed.
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This Danish prospective cohort study assessed associations between exposure to any kind of sexual violence (SV), exposure to labelled SV (self-labelled as rape, sexual abuse, or incest), and satisfaction with life (SWL) in young adulthood (approximately 32 years) (N = 688) and at midlife (up-to-20 years later) (n = 230). Data are from the Prenatal Development Project (a subsample of the Copenhagen Perinatal Cohort). Nearly 20% of participants reported experiencing some kind of SV before young adulthood. Exposure to any kind of SV before young adulthood was not significantly associated with the initial SWL assessment or with SWL at the up to 20-year follow-up. However, exposure to SV participants labelled as rape, incest, and/or serious sexual abuse was significantly associated with lower SWL during young adulthood but not at the midlife follow-up. These results could indicate that exposure to SV may not severely influence SWL over the long term.. Practice Impact Statement The present research findings indicate that exposure to sexual violence before age 35, that the victim/survivor has labelled as rape, incest, and/or serious sexual abuse can negatively affect satisfaction with life during young adulthood. However, for many these associations were were not enduring. This finding suggests resilience among those exposed to sexual violence, and that exposure to sexual violence does not necessarily imply diminished life satisfaction across the life course.
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Teena Maguire and her child, Bethie, are brutally attacked and beaten by a mob of violent young men in a park at night. While the mother is gang raped and nearly killed, the daughter is both the witness and the victim of physical and psychological violence. Through its innovative second-person narration, Joyce Carol Oates’s novella Rape: A Love Story (2004) contributes to her sustained interest in family relationships, violence, crime and justice. However, rather than focusing on the victim of the rape, Oates writes a coming-of-age story that explores the daughter’s trauma, posttraumatic stress disorder and fight for survival, a struggle that coincides with the girl’s critical passage from childhood to adulthood. During the months after the assault, Bethie’s innocence is also repeatedly violated by the aggressors’ intrusion into her life and the hostility of the community in the town of Niagara Falls and its social institutions, such as police, school, media, healthcare and the judicial system. Unable to cling to girlhood or to find maternal protection, her forced witnessing of her mother’s gang rape compels Bethie to mature too early while experiencing her first love for a man.
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Sexual assault is prevalent and may be even more prevalent among sexual minorities. However, prevalence rates vary, in part, due to discrepancies in sampling methods. Given this, we assessed whether two popular non-probability sampling types (panel quota vs. social media recruitment) produced different sexual assault prevalence rates when holding all other methodological choices (definitions, measures, scoring) constant in a sample of lesbian, bisexual, queer, and heterosexual adults, excluding cisgender men. Two phases of data collection occurred—a panel quota sample ( n = 1366), recruited from an online sample aggregator, and social media sample ( n = 1102), recruited through lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) social media sites. Participants were asked about sexual assault and rape experiences in both childhood and adulthood using a modified form of the Sexual Experiences Scale-Short Form Victimization. Both phases used the same definitions of sexual assault, prevalence measures, and prevalence scoring. Overall, the sample recruited via LGBTQ social media yielded statistically higher sexual assault prevalence rates for all four types of victimization experiences measured: lifetime sexual assault (LSA), rape-specific LSA, childhood sexual assault (CSA), and adulthood sexual assault. However, when parsing out subgroups, this finding only held for heterosexual participants who had rates > 30% higher in the social media sample compared with the panel quota sample. These findings suggest that researchers studying sexual assault in lesbian, bisexual, or queer adults may be able to use social media sampling techniques, which require less resources, without concern that the sampling technique is inflating prevalence when compared to panels.
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Sexual assault (SA) decision-making literature primarily focuses on criminal-legal actors and often overlooks victim decision making. This relative dearth in research is problematic, as victims are principal gatekeepers of the criminal-legal process who influence whether perpetrators are arrested and prosecuted. Subsequent victim support is also contingent on the reporting decision. Overall, this body of research would benefit from a better understanding of how victims activate and participate with the criminal-legal system and the potential impact of these decisions on criminal-legal processes. Moreover, victim decision making is often situated in a theoretical analyses. Victim decision making is complex and should be studied within a criminological decision-making framework. Therefore, the current study relies on National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) data and applies a focal concerns perspective (FCP), informed by rape culture concepts, to examine why victims of sexual violence may or may not choose to report to legal authorities. The current study offers initial support for the application of FCP to victim reporting decisions. We found that victims consider each of the focal concerns (FC). Victims were more likely to report when offenders threatened them with harm (i.e., suspect blameworthiness), when the offense occurred in a private location (i.e., protection of the community), and when they sought help from victim support agencies or medical treatment (i.e., practical considerations). Additionally, we found that Black victims were more likely to report than other racial-ethnic groups (i.e., perceptual shorthand). These findings highlight a nexus between reporting to police and help-seeking via support agencies. Importantly, the results emphasize the importance for police to implement cultural competence and antiracist training to better support Black victims.
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Reported prevalence rates of sexual violence range widely in the literature, even in the same sample when using two different questionnaires of the same construct. These discrepancies are concerning as they indicate we may be underestimating the rate of sexual violence and, therefore, resources and treatment for victims. Thus, the current study aimed to investigate two mechanisms that may contrib-ute to differences in reported prevalence rates across the literature and discrepancies within studies: the tactic-first and item-order hypotheses. Participants were 265 MTurk workers whom all complet-ed the Post-Refusal Sexual Persistence Scale (PRSPS), then were randomly assigned to one of two versions of a tactic-first Sexual Experiences Survey (T-SES). Experimental conditions varied in the item order of the T-SES, one condition received the traditional hierarchical item order (n = 130) while the other received a randomized item order (n = 135). Our results suggest strong support for the tactic-first hypothesis; victimization prevalence rates on the T-SES were double compared to the traditional SES (54.1 vs. 19.8%) in prior research. Further, in both conditions, victimization prevalence rates were statistically equivalent between the PRSPS (62.6%) and the tactic-first SESs (56.2 and 54.1%), χ2(1) < 2.5, p ≈ .1 -.7, contrary to prior research. We did not find support for the item-order hypothe-sis; there were few differences between item-order conditions. Our findings indicate that uninten-tional underreporting remains a threat to validity in sexual violence assessment, and continued re-search into the mechanisms of measurement is warranted.
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Objective: To identify factors independently associated with program participation and knowledge of campus processes to address sexual assault and harassment complaints. Participants: 1,182 undergraduates who completed the University of Michigan's 2015 campus climate survey on topics of sexual assault and harassment (67% response rate). Methods: We analyze survey responses to estimate multivariable models that identify subgroups of the student population least likely to have participated in programs or to know campus processes. Results: Students living off campus, not involved in major organizations, and males are less likely to report attending programming. Students not involved in major organizations and females are less likely to report knowing campus processes. Conclusions: Specific student subpopulations are more difficult to engage in programs designed to reduce sexual assault and harassment. Targeting additional effort to these groups may improve campus sexual climate. Careful analyses of campus climate survey data can help construct campus-specific priorities for these interventions.
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Reported prevalence rates of sexual violence range widely in the literature, even in the same sample when using two different questionnaires of the same construct. These discrepancies are concerning as they indicate we may be underestimating the rate of sexual violence and, therefore, resources and treatment for victims. Thus, the current study aimed to investigate two mechanisms that may contribute to differences in reported prevalence rates across the literature and discrepancies within studies: the tactic-first and item-order hypotheses. Participants were 265 MTurk workers whom all completed the Post-Refusal Sexual Persistence Scale (PRSPS), then were randomly assigned to one of two versions of a tactic-first Sexual Experiences Survey (T-SES). Experimental conditions varied in the item order of the T-SES, one condition received the traditional hierarchical item order (n = 130) while the other received a randomized item order (n = 135). Our results suggest strong support for the tactic-first hypothesis; victimization prevalence rates on the T-SES were double compared to the traditional SES (54.1 vs. 19.8%) in prior research. Further, in both conditions, victimization prevalence rates were statistically equivalent between the PRSPS (62.6%) and the tactic-first SESs (56.2 and 54.1%), χ2(1) < 2.5, p ≈ .1–.7, contrary to prior research. We did not find support for the item-order hypothesis; there were few differences between item-order conditions. Our findings indicate that unintentional underreporting remains a threat to validity in sexual violence assessment, and continued research into the mechanisms of measurement is warranted.
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Sexual assault is a public health concern that must be systematically addressed. The existence of a comprehensive sexual assault policy and compliance with federal regulations can guide institutions of higher education in responding to and preventing sexual assault on campus. Federal laws hold institutions accountable for providing a safe environment for students. The purpose of this qualitative content analysis was to assess compliance with federal policy and assess the response to sexual assault by IHE in Georgia. Data from the National Center for Education Statistics was utilized to identify Georgia's institutions receiving federal aid during 2018-2019. Using a proportionate stratified random sampling method, publicly available secondary data from 29 institutions were sampled. A content analysis was utilized to identify themes and gaps amongst institutions. NVivo, Excel, and a pre-existing coding document were used to analyze and code all documents. The study limited participants to IHE that offered classes on a physical campus in Georgia. Results showed that 79% of sampled institutions published a sexual assault policy. Gaps found across sexual assault policies included variability in reporting options, disciplinary procedures, definitions, and resources. Compliance with federal law varied across institutions, with certificate institutions less likely to comply. The study’s results highlight the variability of sexual assault response and federal law compliance across institutions. Although the results are not generalizable, findings can be used to identify common elements found in policies across institutions in Georgia and can aid in improving response to sexual assault.
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While rape and sexual violence have long been a widespread social problem, and one that has garnered significant attention, research that specifically examines the phenomenon of male victimization of sexual violence remains lacking. Addressing the gaps in the research, the current study uses 10 years of law enforcement data from the United States’ National Incident-based Reporting System (2007–2016) on sexual victimization of males 14 years of age or older. The study sought to assess the impact of victim, offender, and incident characteristics associated with the outcome of the case (i.e., open, arrest, and exceptional clearance due to the victim declining or the prosecution refusing to pursue the case) for 20,701 male victims who reported a forcible sex offense to law enforcement as well as agency variation for cleared crimes. Using multilevel multinomial logistic regression, exceptionally cleared cases are more likely to resemble open cases than those resulting in arrest with incident characteristics having a larger influence than victim and offender characteristics. Cases involving concomitant offenses, committed by a stranger, resulting in injury, increase the likelihood of arrest—all of which support the “real rape” hypothesis. Exceptionally cleared cases represent more than one-third of cleared cases and there is significant department variation in the usage of exceptional clearance, as a number of agencies are exceptionally clearing more than half of their cleared cases, artificially increasing their clearance rate. These results, in conjunction with research on female victims, suggests that the handling of sexual assault cases reported to law enforcement remains problematic.
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Do sexual and gender minorities (SGMs) in the United States encounter disproportionate rates of victimization as compared with their cisgender, heterosexual counterparts? Answering this question has proved elusive because nationally representative victimization data have not included victims' sexual orientation or gender identity. The National Crime Victimization Survey, the nation's primary source of representative information on criminal victimization, began documenting sexual orientation and gender identity in 2016 and released data publicly for the first time in 2019. We find SGMs disproportionately are victims across a variety of crimes. The rate of violent victimization for SGMs is 71.1 victimizations per 1000 people compared with 19.2 victimizations per 1000 people for those who are not SGMs. SGMs are 2.7 times more likely to be a victim of violent crime than non-SGMs. These findings raise the importance of further considering sexual orientation and gender identity in victimization and interventions.
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Federal law requires colleges and universities to annually report their crime statistics. Case law further defines what liability these institutions face for failing to adequately and promptly respond to student victimization. Administrators and campus law enforcement should be aware of the factors associated with student victimization and the context in which it takes place. There are several theories found in the criminological literature that can inform these stakeholders. Furthermore, there are specific community policing programs that campus law enforcement can implement to help prevent student victimization within a harm-reduction framework. This chapter discusses crime and victimization on campus, federal reporting requirements, theories of student victimization, and related policy implications for institutions of higher education.
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Federal law requires colleges and universities to annually report their crime statistics. Case law further defines what liability these institutions face for failing to adequately and promptly respond to student victimization. Administrators and campus law enforcement should be aware of the factors associated with student victimization and the context in which it takes place. There are several theories found in the criminological literature that can inform these stakeholders. Furthermore, there are specific community policing programs that campus law enforcement can implement to help prevent student victimization within a harm-reduction framework. This chapter discusses crime and victimization on campus, federal reporting requirements, theories of student victimization, and related policy implications for institutions of higher education.
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Sexual assault has come to the forefront in terms of prevention and education for many social institutions such as college campuses. However, with a growing body of research highlighting the importance and effectiveness of interventions, research examining the impact of sexual assault education (SAE) on altering rape myth acceptance (RMA) among nonstudent populations is severely lacking. This is particularly problematic when considering that the issue of sexual assault extends well beyond academia in the United States. Accordingly, this study aims to fill this gap by employing an experimental design with repeated measures. Using a sample of 137 nonstudents surveyed via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk, participants were randomly assigned to a treatment (rape myth intervention) or control (unrelated video content) group. To detect changes in RMA after a short rape myth education intervention, pretest and posttest RMA scores were generated for all participants using an altered version of the Updated Illinois Rape Myth Adherence scale. The treatment video was roughly 10 min in length and constructed by the lead author for the current research. All participants were presented with common rape myths, and then, the treatment group was provided with information (e.g., available research and statistics) to “debunk” these myths, and ultimately decrease acceptance of myths. Analyses indicate support for a significant change in RMA scores from pretest to posttest in the treatment group, finding support for the use of informal rape myth education in altering immediate RMA scores of a nonstudent sample. The RMA difference scores were also examined through a demographic lens to determine if the inclusion could further explain score changes. Demographics were not deemed significant predictors. Limitations and implications are discussed.
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One of the core tasks of a well-functioning state is providing fair and adequate criminal justice. Recent events have raised concerns that the US exhibits a “culture of rape,” wherein victims are often disbelieved and blamed. Scholars have not yet examined how the public understands rape and how it should be punished, despite the important role that public pressure has played in the #MeToo era. We present an empirical conceptualization of rape culture to generate predictions for how various attributes of rape incidents affect the likelihood that they are perceived as punishable crimes. In a series of conjoint experiments, we demonstrate that details relating to the victim’s consent and credibility significantly decrease participants’ propensities to support reporting to police or to recommend a severe punishment for the perpetrator. The results show that emphasizing certain legally irrelevant features of rape strongly affect whether the public views an incident as severe or worthy of punishment.
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This historical analysis research project traces the early history of the anti-rape movement within the US by examining one university’s development of a sexual violence resource center and the role of student activism. The time period between the 1970s through the 1990s was selected for this analysis due to the significant development of legislation, research, and activism surrounding sexual violence on college campuses. In order to conduct this historical analysis, primary sources from the university’s Archives Collection were studied that included administrative documents, memos, financial documents, program reports, newspaper clippings, and training and workshop materials. Secondary sources were included to provide context to the topic of sexual violence, research, feminism, and campus culture during this time period. Amidst the university’s varied response and debates that surrounded sexual violence, the students’ persistent advocacy had led to conflict resolution.
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Victims are the center of the criminal justice system. However, negative treatment by any service provider discourages individuals from taking advantage of the services being offered to victims through various organizations in their respective communities. The study of victims (victimology) is informative on the physical, psychological, and emotional effects crimes have on victims. Victim assistance programs and resources have substantially grown over the years in an effort to improve protection to all and assist in pursuing proper justice for victims and those suffering from victimization. The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) and Uniform Crime Report (UCR) are used to gather statistics to further victim research. High profile cases in the media have led to the criminal justice system being deemed biased. Statistics do not substantiate racial discrimination in victimology or in the criminal justice system. There are instances of discrimination in select cases, but as a whole, the criminal justice system should not be viewed as discriminative. The focus should be placed on refining victim assistance programs and being creative in providing the proper resources victims need to receive the justice they deserve and the care and help they need.
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Research on sexual assault prevention programs implemented with young people has largely failed to examine program effects between age groups. This systematic review and meta-analysis synthesizes data from 15 high quality studies (N = 6104) examining the effects of sexual assault prevention bystander programs on bystander efficacy, intentions, and intervention across the college years. Findings indicate bystander programs have a significant, desirable effect on all three outcomes. Effects on bystander intentions were significantly stronger among students in their first two years compared to those in their later years of college. There was no evidence of a significant difference in effects on bystander efficacy or intervention between these two groups. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.
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In the recently published paper, “Can Pedophiles Change? Response to Opening Arguments and Conclusions”, the majority of the article content was missing along with a Table and Figure being out of place.
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Stereotypical biases about women’s roles in intimate relationships including their marital status and lifestyle choices such as clothing and alcohol use influence juror attributions of rape case defendant guilt, potentially reducing access to justice for victims. Across two mock-juror decision making experiments, participants read identical fictitious sexual assault vignettes varying in intoxicated defendant-complainant relationship (married vs. acquaintance), accompanied by photographs of complainant clothing at the crime (body revealing vs. plain) and in court (smart vs. casual). Experiment 2 additionally described the defendant’s alcohol consumption as either under or over the drink drive limit. Most participants delivered guilty verdicts (Experiment 1: 86.7%; Experiment 2: 75.5%), recommending mean prison sentences of 5.04 years in Experiment 1 (n = 218 students) and 4.33 years in Experiment 2 (n = 1,086 members of public). In Experiment 1, guilty verdict rates and sentences were significantly higher when the married - but not the acquaintance - complainant dressed smartly rather than casually in court. In Experiment 2, significantly more guilty verdicts were delivered by females (80.3%) than males (66.9%), while sentence lengths were longer in acquaintance (M = 4.52 years) than married conditions (M = 4.10). Significant interactions between defendant alcohol use and clothing choice of the married - but not the acquaintance complainant - at the crime also influenced sentencing decisions. Higher scores on additionally administered scales measuring rape myth acceptance and sexist attitudes, but not alcohol expectancies, predicted lenient sentencing decisions in both experiments. These findings highlight how ‘rape myths’ concerning marriages drive juror decisions. Prosecuting lawyers should use these results to better challenge these attitudes in court. Internationally, rape is often unreported to the police, and married victims may be more willing to come forward if they believe unbiased access to justice is likely.