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The Continuous House: A View from the Deep Past (2000)

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... An impoverished artefact context inside a building, for instance, could be explained as either the result of cleaning, plundering prior to a deliberate conflagration, or as the result of reclamation of valuable items after an accidental fire (Akkermans and Verhoeven 1995, 31). Similarly, the presence of human (or animal) bodies inside the building can be explained as evidence for an accident (Peltenburg 1991, 29;Tringham 2005, 104) or violence (Stevanović 1997, 382;Peltenburg 2018, 463), but it has also been explained as part of a ritualised fire (Akkermans and Verhoeven 1995, 16;Tringham 2000;2005, 106;Akkermans 2008, 629;Akkermans et al. 2012, 314). So, without contextualisation, the building content does not unambiguously indicate the intentionality of the fire. ...
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... Kahn 2007;Kahn and Kirch 2013;Kuijt 2018;Kuijt et al. 2011;Schortman and Urban 2011), but most have rather emphasized its unity, continuity, and perpetuity over its potential for dispersal (e.g. Boric 2007;Chesson 2003Chesson , 2007Craig 2007;Gillespie 2000cGillespie , 2011Hendon 2010;Hodder 2007;Hodder and Cessford 2004;Joyce 2007Joyce , 2011King 2011;Kirch 2000;Marshall 2000;Tringham 2000;Watkins 2012). As Lévi-Strauss' definition implies, the notions of precedence, longevity, and perpetuity of the corporate body (personne morale) represent fundamental values of House societies (Gillespie 2000a(Gillespie :12-14, 2000b. ...
... Dlhodobý výskum tohto javu podporil myšlienku domácnosti, v rámci ktorej obydlia vystupovali ako samostatné jednotky sociálnej reprodukcie a pri ich zániku bol každý jeden oheň založený ako samostatný požiar Tringham 1994). Neskôr bola táto teória ešte rozvinutá, a to do takej podoby, že umiestnenie každého spáleného domu predstavovalo symbolickú pohrebnú hranicu domácnosti (Chapman 1999;Stefanović 2002;Tringham 2000;. Stretávame sa však aj s odlišnými názormi, ktoré považujú vyhorenie domov (resp. ...
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... actual de la pr?ctica ritual de los antiguos mayas, de manera particular en la comprensi?n de la temporalidad de eventos rituales desde la perspectiva del tiempo vivido, intergeneracional o de los ritmos de vida (Boivin, 2000;Tringham, 2000). ...
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For anthropologists and archaeologists, the study of cultural change is the greatest challenge. Initially, the subject was considered from perspectives that included too few variables, resulting in an approximation that proved to be incomplete and inadequate. Since the end of the last century, important efforts have been made to document cultural change in a broader context, revealing the variability of the processes involved. These new studies highlight social relations and their changeability as key components to understanding the dynamic of any community or cultural system. This article explorers social and spatial organization based on one such approach, Lévi-Strauss’ “house society”. This analysis results in a view where multiple dwellings may constitute one conceptual “house”. This perspective should facilitate the archaeological investigation of contexts that nurture the power relationships that structure society.
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The domestic unit is inseparable from its homestead, and the 'house', at once a physical place and a social unit, is often also a unit of production and consumption, a cult group, and even a political faction. Inspired by Lévi-Strauss's suggestion that the multi-functional noble houses of medieval Europe were simply the best-known examples of a widespread social institution, the contributors to this collection analyse 'house' systems in Southeast Asia and South America, exploring the interrelationships between buildings, people, and ideas. They reveal some of the ways in which houses can stand for social groups and serve as images of process and order.
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Zvelebil here rejoins to Ammerman's criticisms, published in the March issue, of his earlier paper on Indo-European languages and the dispersal of agriculture into Europe, and takes the opportunity to make a broader statement about the character of Neolithic settlement on the full continental scale.
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[Book Review of]: Peter J. Wilson's "The Domestication of the Human Species". Yale University Press, 1989. xvi + 201 pp., references, index. From the review: "Wilson’s insightful and engaging volume poses the question: What are the social consequences of sedentary life? The trail of discussion down which this question leads him and down which he in turn leads the reader is both fascinating and productive. . . . Wilson’s study is both concise and far-reaching and will provide an important new stimulus to anthropologists interested in the origins and evolution of houses and house-life and their implications for the understanding of human society." —Michael Blake, Anthropologica
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In the last few years, conference programs and publications have begun to appear that reflect a growing interest, among North American archaeologists, in research initiatives that focus on women and gender as subjects of investigation. One of the central questions raised by these developments has to do with their "objectivity" and that of archaeology as a whole. To the extent that they are inspired by or aligned with explicitly political (feminist) commitments, the question arises of whether they do not themselves represent an inherently partial and interest-specific standpoint, and whether their acceptance does not undermine the commitment to value neutrality and empirical rigor associated with scientific approaches to archaeology. I will argue that, in fact, a feminist perspective, among other critical, explicitly political perspectives, may well enhance the conceptual integrity and empirical adequacy of archaeological knowledge claims, where this is centrally a matter of deploying evidential constraints.