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Boredom begs to differ: Differentiation from other negative emotions

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Abstract

Boredom research is booming. Nonetheless, a comprehensive understanding of boredom in relation to other negative emotions is lacking. This ambiguity impedes accurate interpretation of boredom's causes and consequences. To gain more insights into boredom, we examined in detail how it differs from a range of other negative experiences, namely sadness, anger, frustration, fear, disgust, depression, guilt, shame, regret, and disappointment. Our research indicates that the appraisals associated with boredom distinguish it clearly from other negative emotions; conceptually (Study 1), in terms of state experiences (Study 2), and in terms of individual differences in these experiences (Study 3). Our findings suggest that boredom is mild in negative valence, low in arousal, is associated with low perceived challenge and low perceived meaningfulness, and has low relevance to moral judgment and behavior. Boredom also involves low attention given to situations and tasks, and the lack of perceived meaningfulness and attention associated with boredom emerged as particularly distinctive characteristics. The findings underscore the importance of carefully discriminating boredom from other emotions in experimental induction, psychometric assessment, and conceptual discussion. (PsycINFO Database Record

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... First, in the studies that follow, we are concerned with prototypical instances of boredom-that is, boredom as it is most frequently encountered and experienced in everyday life and as is reflected by lay theories about the state (see Seli et al., 2018, who describe a similar "family resemblances" approach to the myriad types of mind wandering and who recommend that researchers accordingly stipulate the particular type they are studying). In this spirit, we specify that we are interested primarily in prototypical boredom, which consists primarily of mixed states caused by simultaneous deficits in both attention and meaning (Chin et al., 2017;van Tilburg & Igou, 2012, 2017a. Therefore, in the present set of studies, we do not distinguish in our assessment of boredom in the correlational studies (nor in the manipulations of boredom in the experimental studies) between boredom that results from lack of meaning versus lack of attention. ...
... Boredom, like all emotions, can be experienced in many ways. It is often (but not always) accompanied by distorted perceptions of time, increased agitation or dysphoria, and altered patterns of arousal; indeed, past research has found state boredom to be associated with low arousal (Mercer & Eastwood, 2010;Posner, Russell, & Peterson, 2005;Thackray, Bailey, & Touchstone, 1977;van Tilburg & Igou, 2017a), high arousal (Abramson & Stinson, 1977;London & Monello, 1974;London, Schubert, & Washburn, 1972;Ohsuga, Shimono, & Genno, 2001), and both high-and-low arousal (Chin et al., 2017;Eastwood et al., 2012;Fahlman, Mercer-Lynn, Flora, & Eastwood, 2013;Goetz, Frenzel, Pekrun, & Hall, 2006, 2014Mercer-Lynn, Bar, & Eastwood, 2014;Merrifield & Danckert, 2014;Milyavskaya et al., 2019;Raffaelli et al., 2018). One way to disentangle these different forms of boredom is to look at their specific source, or causes, in accordance with modern constructivist views on emotion (Barrett, 2006(Barrett, , 2012(Barrett, , 2017. ...
... Westgate and Wilson (2018) have identified two major independent sources of boredom: deficits in meaning and attention. In the present article, we have concerned ourselves with prototypical instances of boredom-primarily mixed states caused by simultaneous deficits in both (Chin et al., 2017;van Tilburg & Igou, 2012, 2017a. We have argued that both sources of boredom can motivate sadism, in that sadistic behavior can serve to directly counter inattention and can be used indirectly (as a distraction) in coping with deficits in meaning. ...
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What gives rise to sadism? While sadistic behavior (i.e., harming others for pleasure) is well-documented, past empirical research is nearly silent regarding the psychological factors behind it. We help close this gap by suggesting that boredom plays a crucial role in the emergence of sadistic tendencies. Across nine diverse studies, we provide correlational and experimental evidence for a link between boredom and sadism. We demonstrate that sadistic tendencies are more pronounced among people who report chronic proneness to boredom in everyday life (Studies 1A-1F, N = 1780). We then document that this relationship generalizes across a variety of important societal contexts, including online trolling; sadism in the military; sadistic behavior among parents; and sadistic fantasies (Studies 2-5, N = 1740). Finally, we manipulate boredom experimentally and show that inducing boredom increases sadistic behavior (i.e., killing worms; destroying other participants’ pay; Studies 6-9, N = 4097). However, alternatives matter: When several behavioral alternatives are available, boredom only motivates sadistic behavior among individuals with high dispositional sadism (Study 7). Conversely, when there is no alternative, boredom increases sadistic behavior across the board, even among individuals low in dispositional sadism (Studies 8 & 9). We further show that excitement and novelty seeking mediate the effects of boredom, and that boredom not only promotes sadistic (proactive) aggression, but reactive aggression as well (Study 9). Overall, the present work contributes to a better understanding of sadism and highlights the destructive potential of boredom. We discuss implications for basic research on sadism and boredom, as well as applied implications for society at large.
... Under the term "cognitive appraisal theory," they claim that subjective appraisals by an individual in response to stimuli in the environment is an important and distinct component of emotion [19][20][21]. Psychological boredom researchers who explicitly used appraisal theory suggest that boredom is associated with a perceived lack of meaning [25,26] or a perceived lack of control and value [27]. ...
... It is increasingly recognized that boredom is not to be taken lightly in terms of public health; it has been defined as an aversive state [11], deeply connected to psychological and physical well-being. It has been associated with tiredness, passivity, stress, restlessness [33], and a slowed-down perception of time [34] and is often accompanied by feelings of entrapment [35], hopelessness, and meaninglessness [25,26]. The long-term consequences of boredom on health and well-being can be serious; it has been correlated with depression, anxiety, loneliness, anger, and aggression [36,37]; linked to an increased risk of accidents at work [38]; and linked to poor social relationships [16]. ...
... With this lens, we chose a rather understudied approach to boredom. Hitherto, functionalist [53][54][55], cognitive-affective [11,56], and meaning-based [25,26,57] approaches are far more widespread. While all of those approaches highlight important facets of boredom, they unilaterally reflect a psychological and quantitative research tradition (at least the last two). ...
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Boredom has been identified as one of the greatest psychological challenges when staying at home during quarantine and isolation. However, this does not mean that the situation necessarily causes boredom. On the basis of 13 explorative interviews with bored and non-bored persons who have been under quarantine or in isolation, we explain why boredom is related to a subjective interpretation process rather than being a direct consequence of the objective situation. Specifically, we show that participants vary significantly in their interpretations of staying at home and, thus, also in their experience of boredom. While the non-bored participants interpret the situation as a relief or as irrelevant, the bored participants interpret it as a major restriction that only some are able to cope with.
... Eastwood and colleagues (Eastwood et al., 2012;Mercer-Lynn et al., 2014) have proposed boredom arises when people are unable to engage attention in a satisfactory activity, and van Igou (2011, 2012) have suggested boredom signals the task at hand lacks challenge and meaning and serves to re-direct behavior toward more meaningful and engaging activities. Moreover, van Tilburg and Igou (2017) showed low levels of attention and low perceived meaningfulness distinctly characterize how people appraise the feeling of boredom. ...
... Attentional processes have been the focal point of several theoretical perspectives on boredom (e.g., Eastwood et al., 2012;Kurzban et al., 2013;van Tilburg & Igou, 2017;Westgate & Wilson, 2018;Wojtowicz et al., 2020). The theta to beta ratio is a neural correlate of attentional or cognitive control. ...
... Attention and meaning have surfaced as two causes of boredom. The MAC model, for example, posits people experience higher levels of boredom when the attentional demands of the task are too high or too low or the task lacks meaning (Westgate & Wilson, 2018; see also van Tilburg & Igou, 2017). The allocation of attentional resources is a central component of opportunity cost models of boredom. ...
Article
Interest in the influences on and strategies to mitigate boredom has grown immensely. Boredom emerges in contexts in which people have difficulty paying attention, such as underchallenging relative to optimally challenging conditions. The current study probed contextual influences on peoples' experience of boredom by manipulating the order with which people performed easy and optimally challenging conditions of a task (N = 113). We measured frontal alpha asymmetry (FAA) and theta/beta as neural correlates of self‐regulatory and attentional control processes, respectively. Results showed self‐reported boredom was higher in the easy condition when the optimal condition was completed before it. Similarly, participant's FAA shifted rightward from the first to the second task when the optimal condition was completed prior to the easy condition, indicating that self‐regulatory processes were strongly engaged under these context‐specific conditions. Theta/beta was lower during the easy relative to the optimal condition, regardless of the task order, indicating that maintaining attention in the easy condition was more difficult. No relations between perceptions of the task and neural correlates were observed. Exploratory analyses revealed higher levels of variability in FAA and theta/beta were associated with less enjoyment and more boredom, respectively. We speculate these observations reflect the less consistent engagement of self‐regulatory and attentional control and, in turn, might play a role in peoples' subjective experience. We discuss the implications of our findings for our understanding of influences on and strategies to mitigate boredom, as well as how attentional and self‐regulatory processes operate under conditions boredom typically emerges.
... Although this theory has recently received considerable attention both within psychology and philosophy, presentations of the theory have not specified with sufficient precision either its commitments or its consequences for the ontology of boredom. This is primarily because extant presentations of this theory have had different aims: some of them were exploratory, investigating the possibility that boredom is a functional emotion (Bench & Lench, 2013;Elpidorou, 2014Elpidorou, , 2016Van Tilburg & Igou, 2012); others explored the consequences of a functional account for behavior and self-regulation (Van Tilburg & Igou 2011, 2017aElpidorou 2018aElpidorou , 2018bElpidorou , 2020Danckert, Mugon, et al., 2018); and others used the functional account as a way of exploring novel approaches to boredom and its relationship to goal pursuit (Bench & Lench, 2013), effort (Kurzban et al., 2013), or arousal (Elpidorou 2021). Given the growing interest in the functional view of boredom, the time is right to take a closer view at the basic premises of the functional theory. ...
... Boredom appears to be unambiguously a psychological state of negative valence. It is phenomenologically an unpleasant experience (Harris, 2000;Hartocollis, 1972;Mikulas & Vodanovich, 1993;Pekrun et al., 2010;Todman, 2003;Vogel-Walcutt et al., 2012); it motivates withdrawal behaviour and involves a desire to escape from it (Berlyne, 1960;Fahlman et al., 2013;Fenichel, 1953;Fiske and Maddi, 1961;Greenson, 1953;Mikulas and Vodanovich, 1993;Pekrun et al., 2010;Todman, 2003;Van Tilburg and Igou, 2012); it is triggered by situations that are perceived as negatively valued (uninteresting, trite, meaningless, etc.) (Van Tilburg & Igou, 2012, 2017a; it leads to a negative appraisal of one's situation (Eastwood et al., 2012); and its presence is judged by subjects to be incongruent to their wishes and valued goals (Van Tilburg & Igou, 2012). ...
... The cognitive profile of boredom is characterized chiefly by two features: the presence of negative appraisals of one's situation and attentional difficulties (Eastwood et al., 2012;Tam, in press;Van Tilburg & Igou, 2017a). Either individually or jointly, these features appear to play a double role in the experience of boredom: they can be the antecedents of boredom, insofar as they precede and perhaps cause the experience of boredom, or they are the proper parts of the experience of boredom, insofar as any instance of the experience of boredom involves either one of these two features. ...
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The functional theory of boredom maintains that boredom ought to be defined in terms of its role in our mental and behavioral economy. Although the functional theory has recently received considerable attention, presentations of this theory have not specified with sufficient precision either its commitments or its consequences for the ontology of boredom. This essay offers an in-depth examination of the functional theory. It explains what boredom is according to the functional view; it shows how the functional theory can account for the known characteristics of boredom; and it articulates the theory's basic commitments, virtues, and limitations. Ultimately, by furthering our understanding of the functional theory of boredom, the essay contributes to a better theoretical grounding of boredom.
... Critically, affective terms should seem equally emotional when expressed as states of being ("being angry") as when expressed as states of feeling ("feeling angry"; . And like other affective-cognitive emotions, people report that "being bored" is just as emotional as "feeling bored." 1 This clever linguistic argument is mirrored in self-report data: participants asked to rate the valence of boredom overwhelmingly report that boredom is predominantly negative (Goetz et al., 2014;Goetz, Frenzel, Pekrun, & Hall, 2006;van Tilburg & Igou, 2016). And, behaviorally, when given the choice, many people choose negative stimuli (e.g., electric shocks, visually disturbing images; Bench & Lench, 2019;Havermans et al., 2015;Nederkoorn et al., 2016;Wilson et al., 2014) over feeling bored, suggesting that boredom is itself aversive. ...
... But these prototypes do not preclude the existence of non-prototypical category members, such as flamingoes, hot dogs, or-in the case of emotion-quiet anger, subdued joy, or restless boredom. For instance, whether boredom is primarily low or high arousal has been hotly contested, with some theories defining boredom as an inherently low arousal state (Posner, Russell, & Peterson, 2005;van Tilburg & Igou, 2016). From a constructivist approach, the question is moot: arousal should vary. ...
Article
Long overlooked, boredom has drawn increasing attention across multiple subfields of psychology (including clinical, developmental, educational, cognitive, and industrial/organizational psychology), as well as economics, philosophy, neuroscience, and animal cognition. In this article, we review and integrate this work by providing a social psychological perspective on boredom as an emotion and its role in signaling the need for change to restore successful attention in meaningful activity. In doing so, we discuss the implications of that approach for understanding boredom cross‐culturally and cross‐species, and identify opportunities for targeted interventions to reduce boredom and improve well‐being.
... Initially, boredom was unduly dismissed as a trivial experience in scientific research (as discussed in Eastwood et al., 2012;Van Tilburg & Igou, 2017a), but has recently been elucidated as a complex construct that plays an important role in psychological and physical well-being (e.g., Sommers & Vodanovich, 2000). Boredom is an undesirable experience with an aversion so powerful that it can motivate the pursuit of negative experiences to escape it (Bench & Lench, 2019). ...
... Despite boredom's prevalence and strong inverse relationship with well-being, society is paying the consequences of psychological literature trivializing the concept until recent years (Eastwood et al., 2012;Van Tilburg & Igou, 2017a), resulting in a lack of general interventions or proactive mitigation strategies to deal with boredom, despite ample pleas (e.g., Fahlman et al., 2009;LePera, 2011;Weybright et al., 2020). Now that the negative consequences of chronic boredom, which are severe and plentiful, are apparent (e.g., Goldberg et al., 2011), a coherent framework of how people cope with boredom in healthy and productive ways is overdue. ...
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Boredom is a prevalent experience linked to negative psychological and societal outcomes. Building on the notion that sources of meaning in life can mitigate boredom, we examined whether self-compassion would be negatively associated with boredom and if the elevated sense of meaning in life that self-compassion offers could explain this negative association. We tested these predictions at the trait and state level using self-report measures with three correlational studies. In Study 1 (N = 49), we tested if trait self-compassion correlated negatively with boredom proneness. In Study 2 (N = 265), we investigated if this relationship was mediated by presence of meaning in life. In Study 3 (N = 191), we tested this mediational model for state experiences of self-compassion, meaning in life, and boredom. Correlational (SPSS) and mediational analyses (AMOS) were used to analyze the data. Consistently, we found negative associations between self-compassion and boredom (Studies 1–3). Further, presence of meaning in life mediated the relationship between self-compassion and boredom (Study 2 and 3). We conclude that self-compassionate individuals are less likely to experience boredom and this is partially explained by greater meaning presence. The findings add to the notion that self-compassion, offering meaning in life, reduces boredom.
... Lack of meaning and value, as implied by boredom, thwart this need, thus contributing to health problems [23]. While the emotional experience of boredom has been shown to be psychometrically distinct from depression [23,81,82], the correlative link between boredom and psychological well-being (assessed with items such as "Have you felt sad") as demonstrated again in our study can be interpreted in that strong experiences of boredom might make students vulnerable to depression. ...
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Existing research shows consistent links between boredom and depression, somatic complaints, substance abuse, or obesity and eating disorders. However, comparatively little is known about potential psychological and physical health-related correlates of academic boredom. Evidence for such a relationship can be derived from the literature, as boredom has adverse consequences in both work and achievement-related settings. The present study investigates latent correlations of 1.484 adolescents’ (Mage = 13.23) mathematics boredom scores at three time points during a semester in 2018/19 and their Rasch scaled health-related quality of life (HRQoL). Moreover, we applied latent growth curve modeling to estimate boredom trajectories across the semester and determined the relationship between the latent growth parameters of student boredom and HRQoL in bivariate correlation analyses. Our results show that boredom is significantly negatively linked with all HRQoL dimensions (physical well-being, psychological well-being, autonomy and parent relation, social support and peers, school environment [SCH], and general HRQoL [GH]). Furthermore, stronger increases in boredom across the semester were negatively associated with SCH scores and GH. In conclusion, given that boredom is negatively linked with HRQoL and that stronger boredom growth is linked with more severe health-related problems, signs of academic boredom could be an early warning signal for adolescents’ potentially severe problems.
... We may therefore conclude that the incongruencies that characterize the COVID-19 context affect men in a different pattern, through loss of connection to the teaching-learning processes, manifest as a negative emotional state and avoidance motivation (Leonard et al., 2020;Pouratashi and Zamani, 2020). On the other hand, self-regulation and boredom have been shown to be inversely related, since a high level of self-regulation is associated with a low propensity to boredom (Isacescu et al., 2017;van Tilburg and Igou, 2017;Bieleke et al., 2020;. Moreover, boredom seems to be related to cognitive problems, and to physical and emotional self-regulation (Isacescu et al., 2017;. ...
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The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic have required substantial adjustments in terms of university teaching–learning processes. The aim of this study was to verify whether there were significant differences between the academic year of 2020 and the two preceding years in factors and symptoms and stress. A total of 642 university students (ages 18–25 years) participated by filling out validated self-reports during the months from March to August 2020. Using an ex post facto design, SEM analyses and simple and multiple ANOVAs were performed. Structural results showed that stress factors from the teaching process had a predictive value for the learning process, emotions, and academic burnout, and being a man was a factor predicting negative emotion. In a similar way, inferential results revealed no significant effect of academic year but did show an effect of gender on stress experiences during the pandemic. Aside from certain specific aspects, there was no significant global effect of the year 2020 on factors and symptoms of stress. The results showed that studying in the year of the COVID-19 outbreak did not have a significant effect on stress triggered by the teaching process. From these results, we draw implications for specific guidance interventions with university teachers and students.
... However, scholars also suggest that boredom could be motivating, thus facilitating information processing. A recent study found that boredom is a mild negative emotion, characterized by low arousal, low perceived challenge, low perceived meaningfulness and low attention given to situations and tasks (Van Tilburg and Igou, 2017). Due to such natures of being bored, boredom experience could facilitate the search for a more challenging activity (Van Tilburg and Igou, 2012). ...
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Purpose The playable ad is a new type of digital advertising that combines interactivity with gamification. Guided by psychological reactance theory, this study aims to explore the psychological processes and effects of playable ads on consumers’ perceived control and product attitudes. Design/methodology/approach This paper conducted two experiments to examine the relationship between playable ads, perceived control and product attitude. This paper also applied psychological reactance theory and investigated whether perceived control triggered by the interactive features of playable ads influenced psychological reactance toward them. Findings Findings from two experiments show that playable ads, compared to video ads, increased consumers’ perceived control, which, in turn, led to more positive attitudes toward the advertised products (Studies 1 and 2). This study also supports psychological reactance theory by revealing that increased perceived control diminished perceived freedom threat and subsequently alleviated consumers’ psychological reactance toward advertising messages (Study 2). Originality/value This study sheds light on the effectiveness of a new type of ad-game integration – playable ads. Different from prior research in gamification of advertising, this paper examined the effectiveness of playable ads in an information processing context in which the ads were not the primary task to focus on. This study also extends psychological reactance theory in the context of interactive marketing by exploring the effect of perceived control afforded by digital message features in mitigating reactance.
... Indeed, recent conceptualizations have underlined the functionality of boredom since it indicates that a situation is unsatisfactory (e.g., [5][6][7]) and motivates people to explore more interesting behavioral alternatives (e.g., [8,9]). Specifically, van Tilburg and Igou [10,11] suggested that boredom arises when one's goal is low in meaning; in this case, boredom acts as an important signal which promotes the re-engagement in activities that are coherent with one's interests, thus reestablishing a sense of meaningfulness. ...
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Boredom in adolescence is often underestimated, although it may be the sign of a profound unease or be associated with psychological disorders. Given the complexity of the construct of boredom and its increasing prevalence among adolescents in recent years, the present study aimed to validate the factorial structure of the Italian version of the Multidimensional State Boredom Scale (MSBS) in adolescents using a cross-validation approach. The study involved 272 students (33.8% males, 66.2% females) aged 14–19 (M = 15.9, SD = 1.38) living in northern and central Italy. In addition to the MSBS, the Symptoms Checklist 90-R (SCL 90-R) and the Children’s Depression Inventory (CDI) were administered. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses validated a 23-item structure of the MSBS, comprising five correlated factors. The tool showed a good internal consistency for these factors and a good convergent and factor validity. The MSBS consequently seems a valid and reliable method for assessing boredom in adolescence. The cut-off for the total score that could pinpoint cases posing a potential clinical risk was 88. A weak correlation was found between the total level of boredom and the daily Internet usage, while no relationship emerged between boredom and age, gender, and grades. Since excessive levels of boredom may conceal a general unease that could develop into structured psychological disorders, the value of the MSBS lies in enabling us to identify in advance adolescents at potential clinical risk.
... As an affective state, boredom is defined as, "the aversive state of wanting, but being unable, to engage in satisfying activity" (Eastwood et al., 2012). As such, boredom typically occurs during monotonous tasks like studying and working (particularly if unchallenging), or when there is nothing to do (Berlyne, 1960;Chin et al., 2017;Harris, 2000;van Tilburg and Igou, 2017). It is transient (Mikulas and Vodanovich, 1993), easily being mitigated by refocusing attention to another task (Fisher, 1993;Harris, 2000). ...
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Consistent with boredom, prior work has found that mink raised in non-enriched (NE) or enriched (E) conditions differ in their motivations to seek stimulation: NE mink spent more time oriented towards and in contact with diverse stimuli presented to them (ranging from rewarding to aversive), and in one study, NE mink showed shorter latencies to contact these stimuli and consumed more treats (Meagher and Mason, 2012; Meagher et al., 2017). Here, in Study A, we used a new population of young adult males (n = 30) to test the hypothesis that this reflects boredom-like states rather than long-lasting traits, being rapidly reversed by access to more stimulating environments. Minks’ exploration of stimuli was tested after seven months in minimally enriched control cages (containing a wiffle ball and shelf), and re-tested a median of six days after half the mink were moved to larger cages that were enriched with rewarding items. Latencies to contact stimuli (F1, 27.42 = 0.23, p = 0.32) and proportion of treats consumed (F1, 27.45 = 0.44, p = 0.26) were not reduced by access to enriched housing, but contact durations were (F 1,29.11 = 14.23, p = <0.05) and orientation times tended to be (F 1, 29.22 = 2.37, p = 0.07). Boredom-like exploration in farmed mink thus reflect states that are rapidly reduced by environmental enrichment. Enrichment-access also significantly reduced stereotypic behaviour (SB; z = 3.81, p = <0.05), although lying awake (another potential boredom-like indicator) unexpectedly increased (z = -4.15, p = <0.05). However, the reduction of SB did not correlate with reductions in exploration (F1,12 = 0.73, p = 0.41), indicating that SB and boredom-like states are independent. In Study B, we pooled data from all three populations studied to date, to re-test all hypotheses with greater power (N = 79). This revealed no significant associations between exploration of stimuli and SB, nor with lying awake. Furthermore, only contact and orientation durations were consistently lower in enriched housing (F1,72 = <45.50, p = <0.05), suggesting that these measures are most sensitive to motivations to seek stimulation. Overall, Study B shows that baseline time-budgets of SB and lying awake cannot reliably be used to identify boredom-like states in mink. However, Study A supports the hypothesis that increased exploration of diverse stimuli by captive animals in unstimulating housing reflects transient, reversible boredom-like states (not long-lasting traits).
... Lack of meaning and value, as implied by boredom, thwart this need, thus contributing to health problems [23]. While the emotional experience of boredom has been shown to be psychometrically distinct from depression [23,81,82], the correlative link between boredom and psychological well-being (assessed with items such as "Have you felt sad") as demonstrated again in our study can be interpreted in that strong experiences of boredom might make students vulnerable to depression. ...
Preprint
Existing research shows consistent links between boredom and depression, somatic complaints, substance abuse, or obesity and eating disorders. However, comparatively little is known about potential psychological and physical health-related correlates of academic boredom. Evidence for such a relationship can be derived from literature, as boredom has adverse consequences in both, work and achievement-related settings. The present study investigates latent correlations of 1.484 adolescents’ (Mage 13.23) mathematics boredom scores at three time points during a semester and their Rasch scaled health-related quality of life (HRQoL). Moreover, we applied latent growth curve modeling to estimate boredom trajectories across the semester and determined the relationship between the latent growth parameters of student boredom and HRQoL in bivariate correlation analyses. Our results show that boredom is significantly negatively linked with all HRQoL dimensions (physical well-being, psychological well-being, autonomy and parent relation, social support and peers, school environment [SCH], and general HRQoL [GH]). Furthermore, stronger increases of boredom across the semester were negatively associated with SCH scores and GH. In conclusion, given that boredom is negatively linked with HRQoL and that stronger boredom growth is linked with more severe health-related problems, signs of academic boredom could be an early warning signal for adolescents’ potentially severe problems.
... This result resembles previously reported findings. In fact, some studies show that people who look to increase their meaning in life show determination to engage in actions aimed at improving the social quality of life (van Tilburg & Igou, 2017;. Following this line of thinking, searching for meaning can lead to positive downstream reciprocity, which implies a belief that an individual's kindness may be rewarded by a third party Szcześniak et al., 2020), and thus boost the sense of well-being . ...
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We analyzed the relationship between post-critical beliefs and the quality and stability of marriage, taking into account the mediating function of attitude and the tendency to forgive. The sample consisted of 122 predominantly Roman Catholic respondents. We used the Marriage Quality and Stability Scale, the Post-Critical Belief Scale and the Attitude and Tendency to Forgive Scale. Correlation analysis showed a significant positive relationship between Symbolic Affirmation and stability of marriage. Mediation analysis demonstrated that the relationship between Symbolic Affirmation and stability of marriage was mediated by attitude toward forgiveness. The results suggest that religiousness plays a role in predicting stability of marriage and that attitude towards forgiveness is a mediator explaining the mechanism of this relationship.
... Boredom was able to predicted the membership of the three latent classes significantly. Boredom is characterized as mild in negative valence, low in arousal, lacking of perceived meaningfulness and involving low attention given to situations and tasks [60]. Therefore, boredom creates a sensation seeking state that motivates individuals to explore novel experiences that can elicit different feelings [61]. ...
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The relationships between negative emotions and smartphone addiction has been tested through the literature. However, most of the studies applied variable-centered approaches. The heterogeneity of smartphone addiction severity has not been examined for the associations with negative emotion variables. The purposes of the present study is to explore the latent classes of smartphone addiction and analyze the relationships between depression, social anxiety and boredom and these subgroups. The Smartphone Addiction Scale-Short Version (SAS-SV) and three negative emotion scales were employed to conduct a survey of 539 college students. Mplus8.3 software was applied to perform the latent class analysis (LCA) based on the smartphone addiction symptom ratings. ANOVA and multinomial logistic regression were used to explore the differences among these latent categories and the associations between these subgroups and negative emotion variables. Results demonstrated that Negative emotional variables were significantly correlated with smartphone addiction proneness. Based on their scores on the Smartphone Addiction Scale, smartphone users were divided into three latent classes: low risk class, moderate class and high risk class. Women were more likely to be classified in the high-risk class. The severity of depression and boredom was able to predict the membership of the latent class effectively; while social anxiety failed to do this in the high risk class.
... Due to the role of attention in emotion regulation, attention training may be a valuable intervention for improving emotion regulation [16]. In a review study by Wadlinger and Scakowitz, [12] it was reported that correction of attentional bias can directly modify the processes that are important in regulating attention [17]. ...
Article
Objective: The aim of the present study is to investigate the effect of computer-based cognitive rehabilitation therapy on difficulties in emotional regulation among students with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). Methods: Participants were 24 students with ADHD (12 boys and 12 girls) studying in 6-9th grades during 2018-19 at schools located in District 7 of Tehran, Iran. They were selected using a purposive sampling method and based on inclusion/exclusion criteria and then randomly assigned into experimental and control groups. Data collection tool was the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale (DERS) completed at pre-test, post-test, and follow-up phases. Experimental group received computer-based cognitive rehabilitation therapy for 10 weeks (20 sessions, two sessions per week, each for 30 minutes). Data were analyzed using repeated measure ANOVA in SPSS V. 26 software. Results: All subscales of DERS were significantly improved after intervention which had a medium-to-large effect size. Conclusion: Computer-based cognitive rehabilitation therapy can help treat difficulties in emotional regulation and improve performance of students with ADHD.
... Because boredom has been associated with numerous negative outcomes (Eastwood et al., 2012), it has a rather negative connotation. However, it has also been linked to positive outcomes such as creativity (Harris, 2000) and pro-social behavior (Van Tilburg and Igou, 2017). Boredom is a powerful motivator for negative and positive behaviors alike (Elpidorou, 2014(Elpidorou, , 2017. ...
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In response to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) schools around the world have been closed to protect against the spread of coronavirus. In several countries, homeschooling has been introduced to replace classroom schooling. With a focus on individual differences, the present study examined 138 schoolers (age range = 6 to 21 years) regarding their self-control and boredom proneness. The results showed that both traits were important in predicting adherence to homeschooling. Schoolers with higher levels of self-control perceived homeschooling as less difficult, which in turn increased homeschooling adherence. In contrast, schoolers with higher levels of boredom proneness perceived homeschooling as more difficult, which in turn reduced homeschooling adherence. These results partially hold when it comes to studying in the classroom. However, boredom threatened adherence only in the homeschooling context. Our results indicate that boredom proneness is a critical construct to consider when educational systems switch to homeschooling during a pandemic.
... This is in line with the functional account of state boredom-that state boredom signals rising opportunity cost and the need to explore one's environs for some activity that is more engaging or rewarding than whatever is currently in front of us [7,18,19]. Regardless of whether boredom is conceptualized as a mood or an emotion [16], state boredom is consistently characterized as a negatively valenced experience [20] in the classic valence/arousal framework of describing emotions (for review see [21]). With regards to trait boredom it is well demonstrated in the literature that those high in trait boredom proneness experience a litany of negative outcomes such as increased depression and anxiety [22][23][24], susceptibility to problem gambling [25][26][27], increased absenteeism and decreased job satisfaction [28]. ...
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The state of boredom arises when we have the desire to be engaged in goal pursuit, but for whatever reason we cannot fulfil that desire. Boredom proneness is characterized by both frequent and intense feelings of boredom and is an enduring individual difference trait associated with a raft of negative outcomes. There has been some work in educational settings, but relatively little is known about the consequences of boredom proneness for learning. Here we explored the unique contributions of boredom proneness, self-control and self-esteem to undergraduate self-reported higher grade point average (GPA). Within educational settings, prior research has shown self-control and self-esteem to be associated with better academic performance. In contrast, boredom proneness is associated with lower levels of self-control and self-esteem. Our analyses replicate those previous findings showing that self-control acts as a positive predictor of GPA. Importantly, we further demonstrated, for the first time, that boredom proneness has a unique contribution to GPA over and above the contribution of self-control, such that as boredom proneness increases, GPA decreases. We discuss potential mechanisms through which boredom proneness may influence academic performance.
... Critically, this attentional mismatch can occur when an activity is underchallenging (e.g., running at moderate intensities) or overchallenging (e.g., trying to dunk a basketball although one can clearly not jump high enough) 48 . In addition, boredom can occur when an activity is perceived as being void of meaning [49][50][51] . It makes intuitive sense that perceived lack of meaning might be important in the context of exercise behavior. ...
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Self-control is critical for successful participation and performance in sports and therefore has attracted considerable research interest. Yet, knowledge about self-control remains surprisingly incomplete and inconsistent. Here, we draw attention to boredom as an experience that likely plays an important role in sports and exercise (e.g., exercise can be perceived as boring but can also be used to alleviate boredom). Specifically, we argue that studying boredom in the context of sports and exercise will also advance our understanding of self-control as a reward-based choice. We demonstrate this by discussing evidence for links between self-control and boredom and by highlighting the role boredom plays for guiding goal-directed behavior. As such, boredom is likely to interact with self-control in affecting sports performance and exercise participation. We close by highlighting several promising routes for integrating self-control and boredom research in the context of sports performance and exercise behavior.
... It is important to note that relevant research following these models, still debates upon one dimension of boredom: its arousal or activation dimension. Findings have shown that state boredom can be defined in terms of a state of low arousal (Mercer & Eastwood, 2010;van Tilburg & Igou, 2016), a state of high arousal (Ohsuga et al., 2001), or a state of both, mixed high and low, accounting even for the flexibility of arousal (Eastwood et al., 2012;Mills & Christoff, 2018;Elpidorou, 2020). For these conflicting accounts, propose two possible explanations: on the one hand, it is argued that the arousal concept itself might be multidimensional; on the other hand, it is the possibility of multiple types of boredom. ...
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Whether boredom is a unitary construct or if multiple types of boredom exist is a long-standing debate. Recent research has established the existence of boredom types based on frequency observations of boredom by experience sampling. This work tries to expand our understanding of boredom and replicate these previous findings by applying intensity observations of cross-sectional type for four discrete learning activity emotions: boredom, anxiety, hopelessness, and enjoyment. Latent class analysis based on activity emotion scores from 9863 first-year students of a business and economics program results in seven profiles. Five of these profiles allow a linear ordering from low to high control and value scores (the direct antecedents of emotions), low to high positive, and high to low negative emotions. Two profiles differ from this pattern: one ‘high boredom’ profile and one ‘low boredom’ profile. We next compare antecedent relationships of activity emotions at three different levels: inter-individual, inter-class or between classes, and intra-class or within classes. Some of these relationships are invariant for the choice of level of analysis, such as hopelessness. Other relationships, such as boredom, are highly variant: within-class relationships differ from inter-individual relationships. Indeed, our results confirm that boredom is not a unitary construct. The types of boredom found and their implications for educational practice are discussed and shared in this article.
... We deemed boredom to be a suitable control condition as it is a negatively valanced affective state that is linked with increased sensation-seeking and rumination (Bench & Lench, 2019;Sousa & Neves, 2020;van Tilburg & Igou, 2017). Further, experiences of boredom and anger last approximately the same amount of time (i.e., two hours; Verduyn & Lavrijsen, 2015). ...
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Retaliatory aggression is a rewarding behavior. Decisions about rewarding behaviors often involve an intertemporal bias, such that people prefer immediate rewards and discount delayed rewards. We integrated these literatures to test whether the delay discounting framework could be applied to retaliatory aggression. Across six studies (total N = 1,508), participants repeatedly chose between immediate-but-lesser or delayed-but-greater retaliation. As with other rewards (e.g., money), participants preferred immediate-but-lesser retaliation, discounting the value of delayed-but-greater revenge. Rates of aggression discounting were temporally stable andassociated with greater aggressive behavior. Experimentally-induced angry rumination reduced discounting rates, motivating participants to wait longer to inflict greater harm. Participants with greater antagonistic traits (e.g., physical sadism), displayed stronger preferences for delayed-but greater vengeance. These findings suggest that some dispositionally aggressive individuals may delay retaliation in service of greater future revenge. Our results bolster the important role of reward in retaliatory aggression and suggest that an intertemporal framework is likely a fruitfularea of investigation for antisocial behavior. We discuss the implications of our findings in relation to contemporary theories of aggression and broader theories of antisocial behavior.
... We deemed boredom to be a suitable control condition as it is a negatively valanced affective state that is linked with increased sensation-seeking and rumination (Bench & Lench, 2019;Sousa & Neves, 2020;van Tilburg & Igou, 2017). Further, experiences of boredom and anger last approximately the same amount of time (i.e., two hours; Verduyn & Lavrijsen, 2015). ...
... These orthogonal dimensions (valence and arousal) define participants' emotional similarity space, wherein proximities reflect the similarity among stimuli [1]. This was replicated both in adults and children [2][3][4], using simple stimuli, such as words [5][6][7], objects [8,9], and faces [10][11][12][13], and with more complex stimuli, such as real world photographs [14][15][16]. Based on this line of research, an increasing number of studies aim to decode the nature of emotions in the brain [17], particularly where and how valence and Symmetry 2021, 13, 2091 2 of 10 arousal are represented, by computing the correlation between behavioural and neural measures of similarity [18][19][20][21]. ...
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Is Mr. Hyde more similar to his alter ego Dr. Jekyll, because of their physical identity, or to Jack the Ripper, because both evoke fear and loathing? The relative weight of emotional and visual dimensions in similarity judgements is still unclear. We expected an asymmetric effect of these dimensions on similarity perception, such that faces that express the same or similar feeling are judged as more similar than different emotional expressions of same person. We selected 10 male faces with different expressions. Each face posed one neutral expression and one emotional expression (five disgust, five fear). We paired these expressions, resulting in 190 pairs, varying either in emotional expressions, physical identity, or both. Twenty healthy participants rated the similarity of paired faces on a 7-point scale. We report a symmetric effect of emotional expression and identity on similarity judgements, suggesting that people may perceive Mr. Hyde to be just as similar to Dr. Jekyll (identity) as to Jack the Ripper (emotion). We also observed that emotional mismatch decreased perceived similarity, suggesting that emotions play a prominent role in similarity judgements. From an evolutionary perspective, poor discrimination between emotional stimuli might endanger the individual.
... While a variety of self-report methods has been developed in order to quantify the subjective experience of boredom 1,23,24,36 , these methods are by nature restricted to humans and measure boredom independent of its environmental causes (e.g. when applying a questionnaire after completing a boring task). The causes of boredom, however, are versatile and range from attentional failures (due to a mismatch of an individual's cognitive resources and current cognitive demand) 1,25 over constraint 42 up to a lack of meaning 25,26 . Therefore, the development of methods that provide a readout of boredom with close linkage to its environmental cause seems auspicious. ...
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Boredom has been defined as an aversive mental state that is induced by the disability to engage in satisfying activity, most often experienced in monotonous environments. However, current understanding of the situational factors inducing boredom and driving subsequent behavior remains incomplete. Here, we introduce a two-alternative forced-choice task coupled with sensory stimulation of different degrees of monotony. We find that human subjects develop a bias in decision-making, avoiding the more monotonous alternative that is correlated with self-reported state boredom. This finding was replicated in independent laboratory and online experiments and proved to be specific for the induction of boredom rather than curiosity. Furthermore, using theoretical modeling we show that the entropy in the sequence of individually experienced stimuli, a measure of information gain, serves as a major determinant to predict choice behavior in the task. With this, we underline the relevance of boredom for driving behavioral responses that ensure a lasting stream of information to the brain.
... Thus, specific social and psychological configurations were causing more boredom and boredom had a negative impact on athlete performance. While boredom is prototypically understood as something that occurs in situations that are under-challenging and of low arousal (Van Tilburg & Igou, 2017;Vogel-Walcutt et al., 2012; but see also Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a recent study showed that boredom can even occur during very 4 hard efforts that are performed until exhaustion (Hirsch et al., 2021). Lastly, a study that was conducted with ultraendurance runners, who were competing in a 24h running competition, showed that trait measures of boredom a) predicted how much the athletes struggled with boredom during their competition, and b) the experience of boredom during the competition was a predictor of whether athletes had experienced a crisis during their run (Weich et al., 2022). ...
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Recent research has brought up boredom as guiding signal in goal-directed behavior. Boredom activates a search for more valuable activities, consequently, boredom can challenge goal-directed behavior, also in the sporting context. Here, we examined experienced boredom in athletic training for a competition in 153 athletes with a cross-sectional questionnaire. We developed the questionnaire based on theoretical approaches of boredom. Specifically, we considered two core triggers of boredom, i.e., the ability to remain engaged with the training and the value that athletes ascribe to the training. We found that the positive relationship between difficulty of engagement in athletic training and the experience of boredom is moderated by the value ascribed to the training. In other words, the value ascribed to the training plays a protecting role in that high levels of value nullify the positive relationship between difficulty of engagement and experienced boredom in sports. Future research is needed to better understand antecedents and consequences of boredom experiences in specific sporting contexts, for example differentiating individual vs. collective activities, or competition vs. training situations.
... The vitality part of thriving consists of the personal state of positive energy, and the learning part enhances competence and efficacy . In contrast, boredom is a negative psychological state that is characterized primarily by inattention and lack of interest (Fisher, 1993); it includes lack of perceived meaning and challenges (Eastwood et al., 2012;van Tilburg & Igou, 2017). Boredom is brought on by under-stimulation (e.g., Harju & Hakanen, 2016;Reijseger et al., 2013), distinguishing it from burnout for example, which is brought on by overwork, over-attention, and too much responsibility (Schaufeli & Salanova, 2014). ...
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Based on workplace resources theories, especially conservation of resources theory, the present study examines if empowering leadership promotes subordinates’ innovative work behavior and reduces workplace bullying through two mediators, an energic state (thriving at work) and an attentional state (job boredom). U.S. employees answered questionnaires at three times one month apart. The hypothesized mediation model was supported more strongly than alternative models. Empowering leadership at Time 1 fostered subordinates’ thriving and alleviated their job boredom at Time 2. Greater thriving or less boredom resulted in more innovative work behavior and less bullying at Time 3. Together, the study shows the important roles of employees’ energic and attentional states in explaining why the job resources provided in empowering leadership may affect subordinates’ desirable and undesirable behaviors.
... Interest in boredom research has surged in recent years [1][2][3] . A substantial body of theoretical and empirical work indicates that the experience of boredom affects goal-directed behavior in a wide range of settings and situations [4][5][6] . ...
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Introduction: Boredom proneness is linked to poor self-regulation, leading to poor decision making and/or increased risk taking. These links have not yet been investigated in the domain of sports and exercise. However, poor decisions or excessive risk behavior would be highly detrimental to sporting performance and, in some cases, even cause physical harm. Here, we address this gap by assessing if boredom proneness is linked to general risk taking, sport-specific risk taking, and to regrets about sports-specific decision errors with respect to acting too risky or too passively. Methods: N = 936 athletes (27.6 ± 9.0 years, 89.6% men) – n = 330 Climbers (31.8 ± 10.7 years, 82.4% men), n = 83 Snowboarders (29.9 ± 8.3 years, 79.5% men), and n = 523 Esports athletes (24.6 ± 6.3 years, 95.8% men) – completed the Short Boredom Proneness Scale (SBPS), along with measures for objective risk taking (Balloon Analogue Risk Task; BART), subjective risk taking (general willingness to take risks), as well as assessments for sport-specific risk taking and regrets for sports-specific decision errors (taking too many risks, failing to act at all). In the two extreme sports samples (Climbers and Snowboarders), we additionally assessed self-selected outcome certainty in a hypothetical sports-specific scenario where an error would result in physical harm. Results: A series of multiple regression analyses revealed that boredom proneness was unrelated to objective and subjective general risk taking, but a significant predictor of sport-specific risk taking and higher risk taking in the sports scenario (Climbers and Snowboarders only). Most importantly, boredom proneness predicted regrets for taking too many risks and being too passive. Exploratory post-hoc analyses further indicated that boredom proneness in extreme sports athletes was lower than in esports athletes. Higher boredom proneness was significantly related to lower skill levels across all kinds of sport. Discussion: Across three athlete samples, boredom proneness was unrelated to general risk taking but significantly related to poorer decision making, as indicated by regrets about acting too risky and too passively, as well as demanding a significantly lower safety threshold to make a risky sports-specific choice. While at odds with the often reported link between boredom proneness and risk taking, these results are consistent with the conceptualization of boredom proneness as a maladaptive self-regulatory disposition that leads to noisy decision making in sports. In addition, we provide preliminary evidence that boredom proneness covaries with self-selection into specific types of sports and might also stand in the way of skill acquisition in sports.
... These theories can be categorised into three groups: (a) environmental theories, (b) attentional theories, and (c) functional theories. Environmental theories (also known as arousal-related theories) ascribe boredom to three factors: (a) the lack of stimulation, such as repetitive tasks which require little attention, or unvarying vigilant tasks which require a great deal of attention (Markey et al. 2014), (b) non-optimal arousal as a result of insufficient or undesirable stimulation (van Tilburg and Igou 2017), and (c) constraints that people experience when they feel trapped in a situation which limits their autonomy (Chin et al. 2017). ...
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Given the significance of boredom and its detrimental effects on the English as a foreign language (EFL) students’ academic achievements, this study utilised an exploratory sequential mixed-methods design to initially explore the boredom factors in EFL classes among a sample of 139 university students and then develop and validate the Precursors of Students’ Boredom in EFL Classes (PSBEC) in the context of Iran. Confirmatory factor analysis, based on the data from 991 university students, resulted in the confirmation of eleven-factor model of the PSBEC scales introducing eleven factors as the main precursors: (a) teaching practices, (b) excessive class control, (c) inattentive behaviour, (d) overchallenge, (e) underchallenge, (f) intrinsic values, (g) extrinsic values, (h) negative affective factors, (i) boredom proneness, (j) classroom-related factors, and (k) curriculum design. Moreover, the PSBEC scales showed good convergent validity with the Foreign Language Enjoyment (FLE) and the Perceived Teachers’ Enthusiasm (PTE) scales. The PSBEC scales also negatively correlated with students’ academic achievements except for boredom due to underchallenge, supporting the ecological validity. The findings help teachers assess the boredom-inducing factors in EFL classes and find ways to avoid boredom and its detrimental effects on their EFL students.
... Investigating the reverse effect of boredom on challenge might prove more difficult, as most experimental methods of manipulating boredom are directly intertwined with environmental aspects, considering the aspect of task difficulty is a constituent of students' challenge. For example, completing very repetitive, monotonous tasks (for example copying Wikipedia-entrances or rotating icons of pegs via mouse click; Markey, Chin, Vanepps, & Loewenstein, 2014;van Tilburg & Igou, 2017) is quite certainly linked with being underchallenged. The same holds true for watching a video of men hanging laundry (e.g., Danckert et al., 2018;Merrifield & Danckert, 2014). ...
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External input is any kind of physical stimulation created by an individual's surroundings that can be detected by the senses. The present research established a novel conceptualization of this construct by investigating it in relation to the needs for material, social and sensation seeking input, and by testing whether these needs predict psychological functioning during long- and short-term input deprivation. It was established that the three needs constitute different dimensions of an overarching construct (i.e. need for external input). The research also suggested that the needs for social and sensation seeking input are negatively linked to people's experiences of long-term input deprivation (i.e. COVID-19 restrictions), and that the need for material input may negatively predict the experiences of short-term input deprivation (i.e. sitting in a chair without doing anything else but thinking). Overall, this research indicates that the needs for social, material and sensation seeking input may have fundamental implications for experiences and actions in a range of different contexts.
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Boredom is a common, unpleasant emotion that conveys meaninglessness in life and compels people to escape from this adverse existential experience. Within the paradigm of social psychology frameworks, previous research found that bored people endorse cultural sources of meaning as compensation against this state (e.g., nostalgia, political ideologies). In recent years, another form of defence against meaning threats has been identified. An existential escape hypothesis relating to boredom claims that people seek to avoid meaninglessness when people encounter meaning threats such as boredom. By engaging in behaviours with low self-awareness, people counteract awareness of their bored and meaningless self. In this article, we review the current literature on boredom in light of such acts of existential escape. We also provide suggestions for future research to highlight under which circumstances people are more likely to engage in existential escape and identify phenomena that need to be tested within the escape process.
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Background: Trait boredom is associated with several internalizing and externalizing problems. Addressing existing research gaps in the field, the present study investigated the map of cognitive processes for boredom, based on the rational emotive behaviour therapy model (REBT). Aims: The general aim of the study was to investigate the organization of irrational and rational evaluative cognitions related to boredom, and the association between boredom and depression symptoms and state/trait anxiety. Methods: The 233 participants (84% women) completed online scales of evaluative cognitions, trait boredom, trait/state anxiety and depression. Multiple mediation models via the SPSS extension PROCESS were employed. Results: The REBT psychopathology and psychological health models were partially confirmed, as the evaluative primary cognitions predicted positively and significantly the secondary ones in both cases. Low frustration tolerance (LFT) and global evaluations (GE), and frustration tolerance (FT), respectively, had significant effects. We found a positive significant association between boredom proneness and the negative dysfunctional emotions investigated. Conclusions: Both results offer further support for the hierarchy of cognitions and the distinction between the level of irrationality and rationality in REBT. This is the first attempt to assess a cognitive map of boredom, underlining the importance of (L)FT in relation to boredom. The significance of GE in boredom suggests that people might see themselves responsible, or even blame themselves, others or life itself while bored. The associations of boredom with anxiety and depression are relevant, as its role in those contexts is not yet fully understood.
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While models considering the relationship between emotion and risk differ, many agree that emotions should affect risk in accordance with the adaptive function of the emotion. The function of boredom has been proposed to motivate the pursuit of an alternative experience. Based on this, we predicted that a state of boredom would result in an optimistic perception of risk and increased risk-taking. In Study 1 (n = 164) and Study 2 (n = 200) participants who were made bored (relative to neutral, anger, and fear conditions) reported less worry and concern and estimated fewer deaths for causes of death. Study 3 (n = 149) showed that participants who were made bored (compared to neutral and fear conditions) perceived risk more optimistically, reported being more likely to take risks, and perceived more potential benefits from taking risks. In Study 4 (n = 84) participants who were made bored (relative to neutral) took more risks on the Balloon Analogue Risk Task, a behavioural measure of risk. These findings show that state boredom results in an optimistic perception of risk, increased self-reported risk taking, and increased risk taking. Our results support boredom as an emotion that impacts risk in line with its function.
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Although feelings in the work environment are common and essential, there seems to be a significant amount of literature about Emotion's formation and control methods. Large groups of people frequently seek to alter the emotions of those from whom others communicate. Therefore, this paper suggests Recognition and Regulating the Importance of Work-place Emotions (RRIWE) with three standard sizes of motives for controlling relational emotions at the work-place. Emotions in the work-place depend on freedom (essential versus immutable), relativity (aggressive versus egoism), and skill (quality versus enjoyment-oriented) are motivating policy. The combination of such aspects indicates eight distinct classifications of reasons underlying the inter-personal emotions. RRIWE methodology offers new projections of the impact of regulations on work-place emotions. The overall method is used to find groups of emotions from others and the efficacy of organizational adaptive emotion control.
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This paper examines the relationship between consumer loneliness, boredom, telepresence, influencer-brand image congruence and purchase intention by investigating consumers of live commerce during the COVID-19 period. With the help of an online survey website, survey data was gathered on 550 Chinese customers who experienced live commerce shopping in China. Although previous studies have shown that consumer boredom and loneliness have an impact on purchase intention, the mechanism of influence remains unclear. As a result, additional research is needed to study the link between boredom and loneliness and customer purchase intention. Consumers’ purchase intention was influenced by their feelings of loneliness and boredom. Telepresence played a mediating role in the impact of loneliness and boredom on purchase intention. Influencer-brand image congruence played a moderating role in the impact of consumers’ boredom on purchase intention. The study results contribute to the research of factors impacting consumers’ purchase intention. In addition, this study can help live commerce merchants better understand the impact factors of consumers’ purchase intention and contribute to the development of live commerce.
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Yucel, M. & Westgate, E. C. (Accepted). From electric shocks to the electoral college: How boredom steers moral behavior. In A. Elpidorou (Ed.), The Moral Psychology of Boredom. London: Rowman & Littlefield.
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We all experience boredom, from being stuck in airport security lines to reading poorly written book chapters. But what is boredom, why do we experience it, and what happens when we do? We suggest a new take on this everyday emotional experience, as an important and potentially useful cue that we’re not cognitively engaged in meaningful experiences. According to the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom, people feel bored when they can’t successfully engage their attention in meaningful activities. Boredom can be painful, but it gives us important feedback about our lives, by signaling a lack of meaningful attentional engagement. In short, boredom tells us whether we want to and are able to focus on what we are doing or thinking, and steers us towards behaviors that ensure that we do. Across a broad range of situations, attention and meaning independently predict boredom, are not highly correlated, and do not interact. But more importantly, attention and meaning deficits result in different types of boredom with different downstream consequences for how people behave. For instance, being bored because what you’re doing lacks meaning feels different and has different consequences than being bored because you can’t pay attention, in part because they signal different problems. Likewise, boredom can result when something is too easy or too hard, because both make it hard to pay attention. All of these different causes of boredom matter, we argue, because they result in different types of boredom with different downstream consequences. Why we are bored shapes what we want to do next, and helps explain why bored people make often puzzling decisions, such as choosing to self-administer painful electric shocks or turning to political extremism. In short, like pain, boredom may be unpleasant but it plays an important role in alerting us when we either don’t want to (or are unable to) pay attention to what we’re doing, and motivating us to change our behavior to restore attention and meaning to our lives, for good or for ill.
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There is little question as to whether there is good boring art, though its existence raises a number of questions for both the philosophy of art and the philosophy of emotions. How can boredom ever be a desideratum of art? How can our standing commitments concerning the nature of aesthetic experience and artistic value accommodate the existence of boring art? How can being bored constitute an appropriate mode of engagement with a work of art as a work of art? More broadly, how can there be works of art whose very success requires the experience of boredom? Our goal in this paper is threefold. After offering a brief survey of kinds of boring art, we: i) derive a set of questions that we argue constitutes the philosophical problem of boring art; ii) elaborate an empirically informed theory of boredom that furnishes the philosophical problem with a deeper sense of the affect at the heart of the phenomenon; and iii) conclude by offering and defending a solution to the problem that explains why and how artworks might wish to make the experience of boredom key to their aesthetic and artistic success.
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Self-control is critical for successful participation and performance in sports and therefore has attracted considerable research interest. Yet, knowledge about self-control remains surprisingly incomplete and inconsistent. Here, we draw attention to boredom as an experience that likely plays an important role in sports and exercise (e.g., exercise can be perceived as boring but can also be used to alleviate boredom). Specifically, we argue that studying boredom in the context of sports and exercise will also advance our understanding of self-control as a reward-based choice. We demonstrate this by discussing evidence for links between self-control and boredom and by highlighting the role boredom plays for guiding goal-directed behavior. As such, boredom is likely to interact with self-control in affecting sports performance and exercise participation. We close by highlighting several promising routes for integrating self-control and boredom research in the context of sports performance and exercise behavior.
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Introduction: Boredom proneness is linked to poor self-regulation, leading to poor decision making and/or increased risk taking. These links have not yet been investigated in the domain of sports and exercise. However, poor decisions or excessive risk behavior would be highly detrimental to sporting performance and, in some cases, even cause physical harm. Here, we address this gap by assessing if boredom proneness is linked to general risk taking, sport-specific risk taking, and to regrets about sports-specific decision errors with respect to acting too risky or too passively. Methods: N = 936 athletes (27.6 ± 9.0 years, 89.6% men): n = 330 Climbers (31.8 ± 10.7 years, 82.4% men), n = 83 Snowboarders (29.9 ± 8.3 years, 79.5% men), and n = 523 Esports athletes (24.6 ± 6.3 years, 95.8% men) completed the Short Boredom Proneness Scale (SBPS), along with measures for objective risk taking (Balloon Analogue Risk Task; BART), subjective risk taking (general willingness to take risks), as well as assessments for sport-specific risk taking and regrets for sports-specific decision errors (taking too many risks, failing to act at all). In the two extreme sports samples (i.e., climbers and snowboarders), we additionally assessed self-selected outcome certainty in a hypothetical sports-specific scenario where an error would result in physical harm. Results: A series of multiple regression analyses revealed that boredom proneness was unrelated to objective and subjective general risk taking, but a significant predictor of sport-specific risk taking and higher risk taking in the sports scenario (climbers and snowboarders only). Most importantly, boredom prone-ness predicted regrets for taking too many risks and being too passive. Exploratory post-hoc analyses further indicated that boredom proneness in extreme sports athletes was lower than in esports athletes. Higher boredom proneness was significantly related to lower skill levels across all kinds of sport. Discussion: Across three athlete samples, boredom proneness was unrelated to general risk taking but significantly related to poorer decision making, as indicated by regrets about acting too risky and too passively, as well as demanding a significantly lower safety threshold to make a risky sports-specific choice. While at odds with the often-reported link between boredom proneness and risk taking, these results are consistent with the conceptualization of boredom proneness as a maladaptive self-regulatory disposition that leads to noisy decision making in sports. In addition, we provide preliminary evidence that boredom proneness covaries with self-selection into specific types of sports and might also stand in the way of skill acquisition in sports.
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Violence and health inequalities impact the academic outcomes of students, especially among minority groups. This study examines the differences in grade retention and dropout intentions with respect to exposure to violence and to mental health (anxiety, depression, and trauma) among youth living in Puerto Rico. Data from 566 students of fifth to twelfth grade in Puerto Rico were collected as part of a school-based service program. A two-way ANOVA showed no significant differences in exposure to violence and mental health among students with and without a history of grade retention. However, students who reported dropout intentions showed higher exposure to violence and mental health issues. These results highlight the value of assessing mental health and contextual indicators in designing interventions to prevent adverse academic outcomes in vulnerable populations.
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Unfortunately, some people are perceived as boring. Despite the potential relevance that these perceptions might have in everyday life, the underlying psychological processes and consequences of perceiving a person as “boring” have been largely unexplored. We examined the stereotypical features of boring others by having people generate (Study 1) and then rate (Study 2) these. We focused on occupations (e.g., data analytics, taxation, and accounting), hobbies (e.g., sleeping, religion, and watching TV), and personal characteristics (e.g., lacking humor and opinions, being negative) that people ascribed to stereotypically boring others. Experiments then showed that those who were ascribed boring characteristics were seen as lacking interpersonal warmth and competence (Study 3), were socially avoided (Study 4), and enduring their company required compensation (Study 5). These results suggest that being stereotyped as a bore may come with substantially negative interpersonal consequences.
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Despite the fact that numerous researches regarding the psychological impact of COVID-19 pandemic are conducted, an investigation into relations of boredom received little empirical attention. Therefore, this study aimed to explore the relationships of the 5 types of boredom proposed by Goetz et al. (2013), among high school students with at least one social media account in Bangkok during the COVID-19 pandemic. Data was collected through an anonymous online questionnaire asking the participants to rate their emotions from 1 to 5 towards several statements representing each type of boredom. This was distributed twice, once in April 2020 and once in April 2021, to measure the difference of boredom types students felt after a one-year period. A total of 100 students were randomly selected to participate in the survey in April 2020. The following year, another 100 students were selected to take part in the survey. Findings revealed that having been in a stressful environment as a global pandemic for a year can enhance one's level of arousal. Mean levels of boredom types with higher levels of arousal increased in the latter year while the ones with relatively low arousal decreased.
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