This chapter discusses why local bazaar traders do not formalize their businesses according to official and Western standards. It describes the broader local economic field in the Caucasus and explains different aspects of Caucasian biznes (бизнec), providing an overview of activities subsumed under that rubric and suggesting parameters that help classify economic activities and forms of small entrepreneurshipentrepreneurship. These parameters include (a) the location where business is done (ranging from public pavements to bazaars, shopping malls, and private spaces); (b) personal background (e.g., age, gender, education, personal skills, and ethnic and religious affiliation); (c) social networksnetworks along which business is organized (which may originate in the criminal sphere, in local networks conceptualized as friendshipfriendship, brotherhoodbrotherhood, ethnic community and kinshipkinship, or in the interaction within business activities); (d) the mobilitymobility of traders, (e) the goods that are traded, and, finally, (f) the amounts of goods and capital, means of transportation, and the frequency of the activity. Ideology is another parameter that must be considered, embracing ideas, beliefs, and values. Ideology, parameter (g), is an integral part of the sociocultural setting, and, among other things, provides the framework within which economic activity is assessed. The author suggests considering three overlapping value systems, which together constitute a set of ideas. These value systems respectively relate to (1) value systemlocal society, culture, and cosmology, (2) Soviet ideologyideology, and (3) the neoliberal market economy. Which of these value systems is taken as the point of reference depends on the context, situation, and the actors involved. By giving detailed descriptions of all these parameters and their combinations, the author depicts the variety of the local businesses’ environment, or ecology. She defines the place of long-distance and bazaar tradebazaar trade within the local social hierarchy and socioeconomic context, which, again, results from a specific entanglement of the aforementioned parameters. She visualizes this entanglement by adapting Alexander von HumboldtAlexander von Humboldt’s Naturgemälde,Naturgemälde to reflect on the organic causalities between different factors composing an environment. These causalities create specific niches, which constitute the ecosystems of specific kinds of trade. Forms of trade and entrepreneurship linked to these niches can be viewed as sophisticated adaptations, which do not work in other niches or contexts. Normative definitions of entrepreneurshipentrepreneurship thus do not capture local realities, especially those of bazaar traders. This is also why these traders do not formalize and/or meet the expectations linked to the Western definition of entrepreneurship associated with innovation and the discovery and exploitation of opportunities, described as “one of the primary drivers of industrial dynamism, economic development, and growth” (Carlsson et al. in Small Business Economics 41:913–930, 2013). This chapter thus reviews a variety of themes related to the economic activity of the traders studied and of the Caucasus in general. Above all, it describes the position of bazaar and long-distance traderslong-distance traders within a broader local economic system.