Operationalising Transnational Migrant Networks through a Simultaneous Matched Sample Methodology

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EDITED
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MULTI~SITED
ETHNOGRAPHY
Theory,
Praxis
and
Locality
in
Contemporary
Research
Edited
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Mark
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ISBN
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780754
673187
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praxis
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contemporary
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Edited
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MARK
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University
of
Malta,
Malta
AS
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recording
or
otherwise
without
the
prior
permission
of
the
publisher.
Mark
-Anthony
Falzon
has
asserted
his
right
under
the
Copyright,
Designs
and
Patents
Act,
1988,
to
be
identified
as
the
editor
of
this
work.
List
ofFigurès
and
Table
vii
Published
by
Notes
on
Contributors
ix
Ashgate
Publishing
Limited
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Company
Editor's
Acknowledgements
xiii
Wey
Court
East
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420
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Cherry
Street
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Introduction:
Multi
-sited
Ethno
a
h
Theo
Praxis
and
~
~
P
Y~
rY~
Surrey,
GU9
7PT
VT
05401-4405
Locality
in
Contemporary
Research
1
England
USA
MaYk-Anthony
Falzon
www.ashgate.com
1
Arbitrary
Locations:
In
Defence
of
the
Bounded
Field
-site
25
Matei
Candea
British
Library
Cataloguing
in
Pubflncatuon
Il~ata
Multi
-sited
ethnography
:theory,
praxis
and
locality
in
2
What
if
There
is
No
Elephant?
Towards
a
Conception
of
contemporary
research
an
Un-sited
Field
4~
1.
Ethnology
-Methodology
I.
Falzon,
Mark
-Anthony
Joanna
Cook,
James
Laidlaw
and
Jonathan
Mair
305.8'001
3
Scaling
and
Visualizing'Multi-sited
Ethnography
73
g,ibrary
of
Congress
Cataloging-fiaa-Publication
Data
Kim
Forten
Multi
-sited
ethnography
:theory,
praxis
and
locality
in
contemporary
reseazch
/
[edited]
by
Marlc-Anthony
Falzon.
4
In
the
Right
Place
at
the
Right
Time?
Reflections
p.
cm.
on
Multi
-sited
Ethnography
in
the
Age
of
Migration
87
Includes
bibliographical
references
and
index.
Ester
Gallo
ISBN
978-0-7546-7318-7
1.
Ethnography
—Research.
2.
Ethnography
--Methodology.
3.
Ethnography
--Fieldwork.
I.
Falzon,
Mark
-Anthony.
5
Emplacement
and
Environmental
Relations
in
Multi
-sited
Practice/Theory
103
GN345.M85
2009
Caroline
Gatt
305.80072--dc22
R
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2008045374
6
Expanding
Sites:
The
Question
of
`Depth'
Explored
119
Cindy
Horst
7
Follow
the
Missionary:
Connected
and
Disconnected
Flows
ISBN
978"0
7546
7318
7
eISBN
978
0
7546
9144
0
of
Meaning
in
the
Norwegian
Mission
Society
135
Ingie
Hovland
8
Localizing
Climate
Change:
AMulti-sited
Approach
149
v
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Mixed
Sources
Werner
Krauss
Product
group
from
well
managed
forestsandothercontrolledsaurces
printed
and
bound
in
Great
Britain
by
~~~
www.fsc.org
Cert
no.SA-COC-1565
01996
ForcstStewardship
Council
MPG
Books
Ltd,
BOdmlil,
Cornwall.

214
Multi
-sited
Ethnography
Strathern,
M.
(2004),
Partial
Connections
(Walnut
Creek:
A1taMira
Press).
Tsing,
A.L.
(2005),
Friction::4n
Ethnography
of
Global
Connection
(Princeton:
Princeton
University
Press).
Wolfe,
C.
(ed.)
(2003),
Zoontologies:
The
Question
of
the
Animal
(Minneapolis:
University
of
Minnesota
Press).
Wood,
W.
and
Lefevre,
C.
(2OÓ7}
`Changing
volatile
compounds
from
mycelium
and
sporocarp
of
American
matsutake
mushroom,
Tricholoma
magnivelera',
Biochemical
Systematics
and
Ecology
35,
634-36.
Chapter
12
I~~~~g~~g
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1
Valentina
Mazzucato
In~~o~fl~nc~non
Conducting
research
on
a
transnational
topic
poses
the challenge
to
researchers
of
finding
a
good
balance
between
depth
and
breadth.
Transnational
phenomena,
by
their
very
nature,
cross
nation-state
borders
—
be
they
related
to
people,
ideas,
goods,
or
institutions.
Various
scholars
have
suggested
that
multi
-sited
research
lends
itself
well
to
understanding
these
cross
-border
flows.
In
his
seminal
article,
Marcus
(1995)
proposed
six
possibilities:
follow
the
people,
things,
metaphors,
stories,
lives,
and/or
conflicts.
Yet
for
researchers
who
have
since
employed
this
or
similar
research
approaches,
the
challenge
has
been
to
combine
multiple
locations
with
an
in-depth
understanding
of
the
different
localities,
as
well
as
to
be
able
to
contextualize
the
often
fragmented
information
that
one
gets
from
multiple
sites
(Rutten
2007).
So
while
Appadurai
(2000)
argues
that
local
area
studies
are
a
thing
of
the
past
(given
that
most
social
phenomena
involve
or
are
affected
by
cross
-
boundary
flows),
others,
like
Mintz
(1998),
Burawoy
(2000)
and
Rutten
(2007),
argue
that
the
local
anchoring
of
research
is
necessary
to
gain
in-depth
laiowledge
of
globalizing
processes.
In
a
review
of
multi
-sited,
empirical
transnational
studies
that
I
conducted
in
2005
(Mazzucato
2008),
two
characteristics
stand
out.
Fust,
all
researched
two
or
more
sites
in
a
step
-wise
fashion.
That
is,
a
researcher
first
worked
in
one
location,
and
then
moved
on
to
a
second
and
possibly
a
thud.
Second,
the
majority
of
the
reviewed
studies
obtained
their
primary
information
from
interviews
involving
1
This
chapter
reports
on
the
results
of
a
collaborative
research
programme
between
the
University
ofAmsterdam
(AMIDSt),
Vrije
UniversiteitAmsterdam
(AOE),
theAmsterdam
Institute
for
International
Development
(AIID),
and
the
African
Studies
Centre
(Leiden)
in
the
Netherlands,
and
the
University
of
Ghana
(ISSER)
in
Ghana,
entitled
`Transnational
networks
ánd
the
creation
of
local
economies:
Economic
principles
and
institutions
of
Ghanaian
migrants
at
home
and
abroad'
(Nederlandse
Organisatie
voor
Wetenschappelijk
Onderzoek
(NWO)
grant
number
410-13-0
l
OP).
I
wish
to
acknowledge
the
useful
comments
ofMark-Anthony
Falzon
on
a
previous
version
of
this
chapter.

216
Multi
-sited
Ethnography
short
contact
with
respondents?
The
latter
finding
supports
Rutten's
(2007)
argument
that
social
scientists'often
claim
to
use
anthropological
or
ethnographic
methods
when
in
reality
they
rely
on
qualitative,
in-depth
interviews.
Simultaneity
and
networks
are
two
important
features
of
transnational
phenomena
that
emerge
from
the
theoretical
literature.
Transnational
flows
do
not
occur
in
a
vacuum
but
requiretrans-border
networks
along
which
to
travel.
Second,
thanks
to
modern
information
and
communication
technologies,
people
can
be
simultaneously
engaged
in
two
or
more
countries.
Simultaneous
engagement
enables
linkages
between
dispersed
people
to
tighten,.
new
livelihood
opportunities
to
emerge,
social
institutions
to
change,
and
hybrid
identities
to
develop.
These
changes
have
led
to
qualitative
differences
in
how
migrants,
the
cities
in
which
they
live,
and
their
home
communities,
are
impacted
by
migration
(Foner
1997).
This
chapter
reports
on
a
simultaneous
matched
sample
methodology
developed
for
the
Ghana
TransNet
3
study
in
which
we
attempted
to
bridge
the
boundary
between
breadth
and
depth
and
to
incorporate
simultaneity
and
networks
directly
into
the
methodology.
Simultaneous
matched
sample
(SMS)
methodology
means
using
a
sample
of
informants
who
are
linked
to
each
other
by
being
part
of
the
same
social
network
and
studying
these
informants
in
a
simultaneous
fashion
so
that
information
obtained
from
one
informant
in
one
locality
can.
be
immediately
linked
up
with
that
obtained
from
another
elsewhere.
A
Sn~aultaaneoaas
Matcl~ec~
S~aanpfle
Me~Il~odoIlogy
The
Ghana
TransNet
research
programme
examined
how
migrants'
transnational
networks
affect
the
principles
and
institutions
on
which
local
economies
are
based.
Through
flows
of
goods,
money,
services,
and
ideas
between
migrants
and
people
they
know
in
their
home
country,
values,
knowledge,
economic
opportunities,
and
means
of
social
assistance
are
changed,
adapted
and
transforméd,
ultimately
impacting
the
institutions
that
shape
local
economies
both
at
home
and
abroad.
The
research
programme
takes
migrants'
simultanéous
engagement
in
two
or
more
countries
directly
into
account
methodologically
(Mazzucato
2000).
As
argued
by
Levitt
and
Glick
Schiller
(2004),
simultaneity
is
one
of
the
distinguishing
features
of
transnational
phenomena.
That
is,
contemporary
technologies
make
communication
across
large
distances
easier,
faster,
and
cheaper,
and
facilitate
and
make
widespread
the
ability
of
migrants
to
be
simultaneously
engaged
in
two
or
more
countries
at
the
same
time.
SMS
methodology
takes
this
burgeoning
quality
directly
into
account,
in
two
ways.
First,
the
unit
of
analysis
is
a
network
of
people
who
are
not
necessarily
based
in
the
same
nation-state.
Rather
than
an
2
Of
the
23
studies
reviewed,
all
were
conducted
in
a
step
-wise
fashion
and
15
used
methods
requiring
aone-off
or
short
contact
with
respondents.
3
Readers
wánting
more
information
about
the
project
can
consult
<www2.fing.uva.
nUghanatransnet>.
Bridging
Boundaries
with
a
Transnational
Research
Approach
217
individual
migrant
or
their
household
back
home,
as
was
typical
of
migration
studies
in
the
past,
the
unit
of
analysis
includes
the
migrant
but
also
their
friends,
family,
colleagues
and
others
with
whom
they
engage
in
trans
-border
exchanges.
Second,
simultaneity
is
taken
into
account
by
conducting
the
study
through
a
team
of
researchers
based
in
the
main
locations
of
migrants'
networks.
The
programme
combined
three
projects
each
based
in
an
important
node
of
Ghanaian
transnational
networks:
Amsterdam,
where
most
Ghanaians
in
The
Netherlands
reside,
Accra,
the
capital
city
of
Ghana
where
many
migrants
have
lived
or
passed
through,
and
rural
to
semi
-urban
villages
in
the
Ashanti
Region
of
Ghana
to
which
many
migrants
trace
their
roots
4
The
five
year
research
programme
was
conducted
in
two
phases.
In
the
first,
lasting
one
and
a
half
years,
contact
was
made
with
Ghanaian
migrants
in
Amsterdam,
a
network
survey
carried
out,
a
research
team
established,
Amsterdam
-
based
respondents
selected,
and
preliminary
fieldwork
conducted
in
Ghana.
In
a
second
phase,
lasting
two
years,
Ghana
-based
respondents
were
contacted,
similar
reseazch
tools
developed
for
each
research
location,
and
fieldwork
carried
out
in
each
of
the
three
research
locations.
The
last
one
and
a
half
years
ofthe
programme
were
spent
analysing
and
disseminating
results
in
academic
and
policy
circles.
These
phases
are
described
in
detail
below.
First,
contact
was
made
with
Amsterdaan-based
Ghanaian
migrants.
Of
the
official
figure
of
18,000
Ghanaians
in
The
Netherlands
in
2006,
5
approximately
60
per
cent
lived
in
the
wider
Amsterdam
region
and,
of
these,
almost
80
per
cent
resided
in
one
neighbourhood,
Amsterdam'
South
East
(Dienst
Onderzoek
en
Statistiek
2006).
Initial
contact
was
made
by
frequenting
the
neighbourhood,
attending
church
ceremonies
and
social
events,
and
working
together
with
Ghanaians
on
a
cultural
project.
As
there
exists
no
general
survey
of
Ghanaian
migrants
in
The
Netherlands,
we
conducted
an
initial
network
survey
by
selecting
migrants
encountered
in
as
many
different
social
settings
as
possible
(two
churches,
one
cultural
project,
two
community
leaders,
three
hometown
associations,
one
workplace,
chance
encounters
in
markets,
and
initial
contact
with
migrants'
families
in
Ghana).
6
The
diversity
of
gateways
helped
ensure
that
we
came
into
contact
with
a
wide
variety
of
migrants
with
different
individual
and
network
characteristics.
Based
on
this
survey
we
then
selected
case
study
individuals
and
their
network
members
to
follow
in
depth.
Anetworlc
survey
based
on
17name-generator
questions
was
conducted
among
106
Ghanaians.
The
name
-generator
questionnaire
is
a
tool
used
in
quantitative
social
network
analysis
(Burt
1984;
Campbell
and
Lee
1991)
in
which
questions
4
Later,
a
smaller
study
was
added
in
Kumasi,
the
regional
capital
of
the
Ashanti
Region,
where
migrant
network
members
were
also
located
in
large
numbers.
5
Unofficial
estimates
pointed
towards
40,000
in
2000
(Mazzucato
2004).
6
Snowball
sampling,
often
used
in
migration
studies
when
there
is
no
baseline
survey,
was
not
used
so
as
to
avoid
the
risk
of
obtaining
access
to
only
certain
types
of
migrants.

218
Multi
-sited
Ethnography
are
asked
with
respect
to
the
exchange
of
emotional
and
material
supportive
content
between
ego
and
altërs
~
(McAllister
and
Fischer
1978).
In
our
study,
we
asked
questions
pertaining
to
both
positive
relations
(such
as
friendships)
as
well
as
negative
relations
(such
as
people
one
argues
with)
and
strong
and
weak
ties
(Granovetter
1973).
Respondents
were
asked
to
mention
as
many
names
as
they
could
think
of
for
each
questioxr
and
along
with
the
names,
also
the
location
of
the
person
and
the
relationship
with
the
respondent
(kin/non-kin
and,
for
each,
specifying
the
kind
of
relationship,
such
as
`business
partner'
or
`mother's
sister').
The
tool
was
tested
for
cultural
relevance
of
questions
and
satwration.~
A
selection
was
made
of
respondents
with
whom
to
conduct
the
second
phase
of
research
based
on
individual
characteristics
of
the
migrant
(sex,
age,
income,
education,
and
length
of
migration
period)
and
the
network
(size
and
density),
trying
to
get
as
much
diversity
as
possible.
This
step
required
asking
those
selected
if
they
would
take
part
in
our
research
and
if
they
consented
to
having
us
interview
their
network
members
in
Ghana.
Whenever
possible,
two
to
three
meetings
were
held
with
each
respondent
before
asking
them
to
take
part,
so
as
to
create
a
feeling
of
trust.
This
was
important,
given
that
many
respondents
were
in
vulnerable
positions
(either
because
they
themselves
were
undocumented
and/or
because
they
were
related
in
some
way
to
others
in
a
similar
predicament).
Meanwhile,
two
additional
researchers
had
been
recruited
and
based
in
Accra,
the
capital
of
Ghana,
and
in
a
rural
location
in
the
Ashanti
region
(to
which
many
migrants
trace
their
roots).$
A
preliminary
fieldwork
visit
to
Ghana
followed.
As
migrant
respondents
were
being
found
inAmsterdam,
their
network
member
names
and
addresses
were
communicated
to
the
researchers
in
Ghana.
In
the
selection
of
Amsterdam
-based
respondents,
care
was
taken
to
select
migrants
with
network
members
located
in
a
cluster
of
rural
locations.
Spatial
clustering
was
necessary
in
order
to
keep
distances
manageable
(the
Ashanti
region
is
approximately
24,400
kmz),
given
that
researchers
would
visit
each
respondent
on
a
weekly
basis.
Four
clusters
were
chosen,
three
larger
towns
and
one
cluster
of
three,
more
difficult
to
access,
smaller
villages.
We
were
aiming
for
30
to
40
networks,
and,
after
getting
the
consent
—and
some
rejections
—
of
various
migrants,
we
ended
up
with
a
sample
of
33
networks,
9
or
115
respondents
between
the
three
research
projects.'o
7
Saturation
refers
to
eliciting
as
complete
a
network
with
as
few
questions
as
possible.
The
complete
questionnaire
can
be
found
on
<www2.fing.uva.nUghanatransnet>.
8
IncludingtheAmsterdam-based
researcher,
the
team
was
composed
of
a
development
studies
scholar,
a
rural
sociologist,
and
a
development
economist.
All
had
several
years
of
field
experience
in
developing
countries.
9
In
four
cases
the
migrants
did
not
want
to
take
part
in
the
research,
thus
only
their
network
members
were
interviewed.
10
Including
the
smaller
Kumasi
study,
we
had
a
total
of
131
respondents.
However,
here
I
report
only
on
the
respondents
in
the
three
main
locations
as
these
were
the
ones
with
whom
all
methods
were
employed.
Bridging
Boundaries
with
a
Transnational
Research
Approach
219
The
Nethert
Ghana
Region
~~-
O
=respondents
•
=afters
~
=1wo-way
flows
data
—
=one-way
flow
data
Figuare
b2.Il
ScIl~ea~n~tnc
~e~resernta4~o~n
og
a
~aiga
-
amh
rne4vvo~lk
a~n~ll
~espon~en~s
o~4he
Gl~aue~
~r~ansNet
g~~og~~IIunuane
It
was
often
difficult
to
trace
network
members
in
Ghana
and
to
overcome
their
initial
mistrust.
During
that
period
Dutch
immigration
policy
was
extremely
restrictive,
going
as
far
as
sending
detectives
to
the
towns
and
villages
of
origin
of
visa
applicants
to
check
if
the
information
on
their
application
forms
was
correct.
If
any
member
of
the
extended
family
gave
discrepant
information,
this
was
considered
sufficient
grounds
for
a
visa
refusal.l'
This
made
migration
a
highly
sensitive
topic
in
Ghana
and
there
was
a
general
mistrust
of
foreigners
asking
questions
about
migrants.
Working
with
local
research
assistants
helped
assuage
the
suspicion
of
local
residents.
However,
the
most
helpful,
indeed
crucial,
tactic
in
getting
respondents
in
Ghana
to
collaborate
in
our
study,
was
asking
the
migrants
to
telephone
their
network
members
in
Ghana
and
explain
that
the
research
programme
was
a
bona
fide
academic
exercise
(that
is,
that
we
were
not
working
for
the
Dutch
immigration
police).
Some
migrants
sent
gifts
or
letters
to
Ghana
through
researchers
and
this
helped
generate
trust.
In
the
urban
areas
(where
11
In
our
specific
case,
when
we
tried
to
get
a
Ghanaian
PhD
candidate
to
work
with
us
in
The
Netherlands
on
this
project,
his
grandmother,
who
had
more
than
20
grandchildren,
had
forgotten
that
the
candidate
was
born
in
Accra,
and
gave
a
different
answer
than
was
on
the
visa
form.
The
candidate
was
rejected
a
visa
based
on
these
grounds
and
thus
could
not
work
with
us
on
the
project.
He
ended
up
getting
a
PhD
degree
from
the
London
School
of
Hygiene
and
Tropical
Médicine.

220
Multi
-sited
Ethnography
addresses
are
by
no
means
easy
to
locate)
we
soon
learned
that
first
meetings
with
respondents
should
be
arranged'at~well
known
locations,
from
which
we
would
proceed
to
the
respondents'
homes.
Because
of
these
and
other
intricacies,
this
phase
lasted
ten
months,
from
September
2002
to
June
2003.
Figure
12.1
shows
schematically
what
the
networks
that
we
studied
looked
like.
Respondents
in
the
three
research
locations
are
demarcated
by
a
circle.
It
can.
be
noted
that
in
some
instances
we
had
information
about
flows
from
both
sides
because
both
sender
and
receiver
were
respondents.
In
other
cases,
we
had
information
about
flows
only
from
one
side,
because
the
network
member
resided
outside
our
three
research
locations.
Once
the
respondent
matrix
was
in
place,
the
second
phase
of
the
progranune
could
begin.
The
research
team
jointly
developed
questionnaires
and
question
lists
so
that
the
same
questions
would
be
asked
simultaneously
in
the
three
research
locations
to
the
members
of
the
same
networks.
First,
a
transaction
study
was
developed
to
record
all
transactions
12
on
a
monthlybasis
conducted
in
eight
domains
of
daily
life,
identified
from
the
literature
and
preliminary
fieldwork
as
being
important
in
the
economic
lives
of
migrants
and
people
back
home.
These
were
housing,
business
(including
farming),
funerals,
church,
health
care,
education,
remittances
for
general
sustenance,
and
community
development
projects.
For
each
transaction
the
name,
location,
and
relationship
of
the
traansaction
partner
were
recorded.
The
transaction
questionnaire
was
administered
on
a
monthly
basis
during
the
period
July
2003
to
June
2004.
Thus,
rather
than
aone-off
visit,
this
questionnaire
required
12
visits
to
each
respondent.
Second,
in-depth
interviews
were
carried
out
on
each
of
the
eight
domains,
payingspecific
attention
to
the
role
of
network
members
therein.
Third,
life
histories
were
compiled.
Fourth,
participant
observation
in
social
events
were
employed
in
Amsterdam
from
June
2002
to
August
2005
and
in
locations
in
Ghana
from
May
2003
to
August
2004.
The
various
research
techniques
required
visiting
respondents
at
least
once
monthly
and
sometimes
more
frequently.
This
allowed
us
to
build
relationships
with
respondents,
which
fostered
feelings
of
trust
and
improved
the
quality
of
response.
Besides,
the
`excuse'
of
a
questionnaire
or
interview
created
opportunities
to
observe
respondents
in
their
different
contexts:
at
work,
at
home,
at
the
market,
or
in
a
neighbourhood
chop
bar.
The
relationships
we
established
with
respondents
also
meant
that
we
were
often
invited
to
ceremonies
such
as
funerals,
marriages
and
baptisms,
giving
us
further
opportunities
for
participant
observation.
12
Transactions
were
defined
as
an
exchange
of
information
(through
telephone,
post,
audio
cassettes,
physical
travel,
or
computer),
goods,
money
or
services.
Bridging
Boundaries
with
a
Transnational
Research
Approach
221
C➢aaa
-
acteris4ncs
of
S1VdS
mea~nocIlology
Working
in
a
Team
Working
in
a
team
of
researchers
presents
researchers
with
methodological
advantages
as
well
as
organizational
and
attitudinal
challenges.
As
mentioned
earlier,
multiplé
sites
pose
serious
challenges
to
the
established
idea
of
the
`lone
ethnographer',
who
alone
is
in
a
position
to
interpret
their
data.
One
of
the
greatest
challenges
is
gaining
depth
,of
information
and
being
able
locally
to
contextualize
information.
If
a
researcher
spends
time
in
multiple
sites,
this
limits
the
duration
of
work
in
any
one
site.
Further,
information
obtained
from
multiple
sites
can
appear
`splintered',
making
it
difficult
to
combine
the
various
pieces
into
a
whole
picture
(Rutten
2007).
One
way
to
combine
in-depth
analysis
with
multiple
sites
is
by
working
in
a
team
in
which
each
researcher
covers
a
different
site.
This
allows
them
to
spend
a
longer
amount
of
time
at
a
site
than
if
they
were
to
cover
different
sites
individually,
thus
giving
them
the
time
to
errabed
themselves
in
the
everyday
life
and
activities
of
respondents.
The
side
benefit
is
adequate
tune
in
which
to
build
trust
—especially
important
as
migration
can
be
a
sensitive
topic
that
requires
a
trusting
relationship
between
researcher
and
informantls.
In
our
case
we
needed
to
know
about
the
income
and
asset
wealth
of
informants
to
see
to
what
degree
people
in
Ghana
were
reliant
on
migrant
remittances;
for
migrants,
we
needed
to
be
able
to
estimate
how
much
of
their
income
went
into
remittances.
In
the
urban
contexts
of
Accra
and
Amsterdam,
these
topics
could
only
be
discussed
in
a
reliable
fashion
once
trust
was
established.
The
same
is
true
for
the
legal
status
of
a
migrant.
We
found
that
legal
status
was
very
important
for
understanding
migrants'
vulnerability,
their
access
to
services,
housing
and
jobs
and
their
reliance
on
social
network
members
(Mazzucato
2007).
Yet
it
was
only
possible
to
discuss
issues
of
legal
status
once
a
relation
of
reciprocity
was
established
with'respondents.
Having
researchers
based
in
multiple
sites
allowed
us
to
piece
together
the
different
chunks
of
information.
Each
researcher
was
kept
updated
with
information
from
other
parts
of
the
network.
This
had
two
advantages:
first,
being
able
to
contextualize
knowledge
about
one's
research
site
within
a
broader
picture
of
what
was
happening
elsewhere,
and,
second,
gaining
more
in-depth
information
from
respondents
by
adapting
questions
in
light
of
this
translocal
knowledge.
An
example
of
the
first
advantage
is
our
study
of
the
economics
of
funerals
in
Ghana.
Each
researcher
followed
events
related
to
a
specific
funeràl
that
spanned
three
locations:
the
village
where
the
three
day
ceremony
was
celebrated;
the
regional
capital
where
many
of
the
provisions
for
and
guests
at
the
ceremony
came
from;
and
the
national
capital
where
the
body
was
preserved
for
months
in
order
to
allow
migrants
to
prepare
for
the
funeral
and
travel
to
Ghana.
By
sharing
information
between
researchers
we
were
able
to
document
the
different
transnational
activities
that
took
place
to
make
the
funeral
possible,
to
place
these
within
the
culturally
relevant
context
of
funerals
in
Ghana,
and
to
see
how
the

222
Multi
-sited
Ethnography
outcomes
of
the
funeral
—such
as
who
benefited
financially
from
it,
who
gained
in
social
prestige
and
how
relationshïps
between
migrants
and
their
home
town
were
negotiated
—were
influenced
by
events
and
activities
that
took
place
in
the
three
locations
(Mazzucato
et
al.
2006).
An
example
ofthe
second
advantage
is
the
increased
ability
to
obtain
information
at
our
own
sites
that
this
gave
us.
Thy
following
was
a
typical
scenario.
While
travelling
to
Spain,
Nana
Asasa
was
detained
at
Schiphol
airport
due
to
lack
of
proper
documentation.
She
was
taken
to
a
prison
approximately
301an
from
Amsterdam
where
she
was
given
a
phone
card
and
called
her
sister
inAmsterdam
to
ask
for
help.
Her
sister
went
to
visit
her
and
brought
her
money
to
purchase
more
cazds.
Nana
Asasa
then
called
to
tell
me
what
had
happened
and
ask
for
help.
I
emailed
a
summary
of
my
field
notes
to
the
researcher
who
was
studying
Nana
Asasa's
parents
in
Kumasi.
Although
Nana
Asasa
had
already
been
in
prison
for
a
few
weeks
and
her
sister
had
contacted
her
parents
to
let
them
laiow
the
situation,
the
reseazcher
in
Kumasi
had
not
been
told
about
the
situation
by
the
parents.
Following
my
email
the
researcher
told
the
parents
that
she
knew
about
Nana
Asasa's
situation.
The
parents
thus
saw
that
Nana
Asasa
trusted
us
with
the
information
and
subsequently
let
the
researcher
in
on
the
details
of
what
was
happening.
We
found
out
how
they
were
experiencing
the
event,
and
the
activities
that
they
engaged
in
as
a
consequence
of
it.
These
involved
making
phone
calls
to
the
Netherlands,
staying
at
home
to
wait
for
calls
from
the
Netherlands,
abandoning
agricultural
activities
on
the
family
farm
located
a
day's
travel
from
Kumasi
so
as
to
be
present
for
any
decisions
that
needed
to
be
made
concerning
Nana
Asasa,
and
attending
a
`prayer
camp'
for
two
weeks
with
fasting
and
prayers
and
in
which
donations
were
made.
These
were
all
activities
that,
had
we
not
known
about
Nana
Asasa's
situation
in
the
Netherlands,
we
would
only
with
difficulty
have
detected,
as
they
blended
in
with
daily
activities
of
people
in
Ghana.
This
contextualization
of
information,
however,
can
only
be
achieved
through
close
collaboration
and
data
sharing
within
the
research
team.
This
requires
a
particular
mind
frame
of
researchers,
as
well
as
infrastructure
for
data.
sharing.
Researchers
need
to
be
ready
to
share
data,
which
can
be
quite
a
shift
from
the
model
of
the
lone
social
scientist
who
individually
produces
and
owns
data..
Clear
agreements
on
aset
of
co-authored
publications
can
facilitate
this
sharing
process.
Researchers
also
need
to
accept
that
they
are
less
free
to
make
independent
choices.
For
example,
researchers
based
in
Ghana
were
not
free
to
select
their
own
field
sites,
as
this
depended
on
the
respondents
who
were
selected
in
Amsterdam
and
the
locations
of
their
network
members.
Finally,
an
event
in
one
location
may
require
a
researcher
in
another
to
readjust
their
schedule
in
order
to
be
able
to
follow
those
activities
associated
with
that
event.
A
second
period
of
intensive
sharing
among
researchers
emerges
during
the
development
of
research
tools.
In
order
to
achieve
many
of
the
advantages
of
SMS
methodology,
it
is
necessary
that
the
same
questions
be
asked
in
the
different
research
locations,
simultaneously.
This
allows
comparison
across
sites,
provides
Bridging
Boundaries
with
a
Transnational
Research
Approach
223
additional
information
with
which
to
improve
questioning
in
each
site,
and
allows
researchers
to
note
discrepancies
in
response
patterns.
Methodological
tools
are
thus
required
that
can
be
applied
to
each
research
site
sunultaneously.
This
necessitates
that
researchers
draw
on
their
own
previous
knowledge
of
their
site
to
develop
tools
such
as the
questionnaires
for
the
network
and
transaction
studies
and
interview
keys
for
the
in-depth
interviews
and
life
histories,
together,
ensuring
that
they
are
relevant
for
each
context.
For
the
Ghana
TransNet
project,
this
exercise
was
conducted
between
the
first
and
second
fieldwork
phases,
when
all
researchers
were
in
The
Netherlands
and
could
together
develop
the
different
tools
to
be
used.
Information
on
later
and
necessary
changes,
discovered
during
the
testing
phase
in
each
of
the
research
sites,
was
communicated
through
intensive
email
exchange.
Working
in
a
team
cannot
substitute
for
the
lived
experience
of
a
researcher.
However,
we
built
in
various
ways
of
helping
researchers
contextualize
information.
The
principal
investigator
who
was
responsible
for
integrating
the
three
projects,
and
who
was
herself
conducting
the
Amsterdam
-based
fieldwork,
made
various
visits
to
the
urban
and
rural
field
sites
in
Ghana
and
was
present
at
at
least
one
interview
with
each
informant.
A
second
means
that
we
used
to
help
researchers
contextualize
information
was
by
sharing
information
on
a
regular
basis
through
bi
-weekly
reports.
During
our
research,
we
circulated
bi-
weekly
field
reports
in
which
we
summarized
progress
at
each
of
the
sites
and
proposed
a
list
of
possible
topics/themes
of
interest
to
be
asked
to
respondents
at
the
other
sites.
Each
researcher
tried,
as
far
as
possible,
to
include
these
themes
in
their
regular
interviews
with
respondents
at
their
site.
Such
close
and
frequent
communication
within
the
team
was
only
possible
because
all
researchers
had
access
to
the
Internet,
making
it
possible
to
share
field
notes
via
email.
Simultaneity
and
Multiple
Sites
Having
a
team
of
researchers
located
at
the
most
important
nodes
of
Ghanaian
~
migrants'
transnational
networks
enabled
us
partially
to
overcome
one
of
the
challenges
of
researching
a
mobile
population.
It
allowed
us
to
trace
the
immediate
consequences
in
one
site
of
actions
taking
place
in
another,
and
to
trace
the
link
between
the
two.
It
also
made
it
possible
to
verify
discourses
about
migration
by
verifying
people's
actions
in
both
sending
and
receiving
countries.
It
is
worth
expanding
on
these
three
points.
One
ofthe
difficulties
in
conducting
research
with
methods
that
require
more
than
a
one-offvisit
to
a
mobile
population
is
that
one
can
easily
lose
track
of
respondents
—people
change
addresses,
mobile
phone
numbers,
and
migrate
to
other
countries.
Indeed
all
of
these
situations
presented
themselves
during
our
research.
Marcus's
suggestion
to
`follow
the
people'
is
appropriate
but
how
does
one
achieve
this
in
practice
when
mobility
is
such
a
variable
and
fickle
process?
Locating
researchers
in
the
most
important
nodes
of
Ghanaian
migrants'
transnational
networks,
using
the
same
tools
at
the
same
time,
and
sharing
information,
enabled
us
to
continue

224
Multi
-sited
Ethnography
working
with
our
informants
who
moved
between
one
location
and
another.
So,
for
example,
when
one
young
studënt,
the
daughter
of
a
migrant,
graduated
from
Kumasi
National
University
for
Science
and
Technology
and
moved
to
Accra
for
work,
we
continued
to
interview
her
tY~rough
our
zeseaxcher
based
in
Accra.
SMS
methodology
allowed
us
to
~
trace
the
dvrect
consequences
of
Dutch
immigration
policy
on
people
living
in
Ghana.
Stringent
requirements
for
verification
and
validation
of
professional
diplomas
in
the
Netherlands
had
led
some
migrants
to
seek
better
employment
opportunities
elsewhere
in
Europe,
as
was
the
case
for
one
of
our
respondents,
Joy.
Because
of
our
following
of
Joy's
network
members
in
Kumasi,
we
were
able
to
document
the
effects
of
Joy's
move
on
her
school
-age
nephew.
Joy
is
a
qualified
Ghanaian
nurse
who,
in
the
nine
years
that
she
resided
in
The
Netherlands
—seven
of
which
with
the
appropriate
documentation
in
hand
—was
never
able
to
have
her
nursing
diploma
validated,
and
worked
in
the
lowest
ranks
of
elderly
caxe.
During
our
fieldwork,
Joy
was
at
the
end
óf
her
tether
and
increasingly
ianpatient
with
the
consequences
to
her
self-esteem.
She
ultimately
decided
to
move
to
the
UK
where
she
had
better
chances
of
getting
her
diploma
recognized.
This
would
have
its
financial
demands,
since
she
would
need
to
pay
for
her
trip
and
housing,
and
it
would
take
some
time
for
her
to
obtain
a
nursing
job.
Her
husband,
who
was
working
two
jobs
in
The
Netherlands,
used
his
income
to
support
her
during
this
transition
phase,
which
lasted
almost
a
year.
The
costs
of
this
move
were
documented
in
the
transaction
study
and
at
the
same
time
we
were
able
to
follow
the
consequences
this
had
in
Ghana.
Joy
and
her
husband
were
financing
a
nephew's
schooling
in
Ghana;
as
a
consequence
of
Joy's
move
they
were
unable
to
pay
the
fees
for
half
of
the
academic
year.
By
the
end
of
our
fieldwork
no
one
in
Ghana
had
been
able
to
make
good
and
the
child
had
been
taken
out
of
the
school.
These
insights
were
only
possible
throughthe
simulfaneous,multi-sited,
production
of
transactional
data.
Toy
and
her
husband
had
not
mentioned
their
inability
to
pay
.school
fees
for
their
nephew,
either
because
they
had
not
thought
of
it,
or
because
they
were
embarrassed.
While
some
aspects
can
be
obtained
through
recall
during
interviews
or
life
histories,
simultaneity
allowed
us
to
deal
witfi
the
dynamics
and
order
of
time
of
memory,
to
capture
smaller
transactions
or
events
which
may
otherwise
have
been
forgotten,
and
to
establish
linkages
which
respondents
themselves
may
not
have
been
aware
of.
There
are
many
discourses
on
migration
that
exist
in
Ghana
and
among
migrants
overseas,
and
one
often
finds
them
reproduced
in
migration
studies
that
rely
solely
on
what
people
say
(interview
data,
that
is),
without
recognizing
that
this
does
not
necessarily
correspond
with
what
people
actually
do.
We
found
that
migrants
often
have
more
room
for
manoeuvre
than
they
might
portray.
Matching
data
on
requests
made
from
network
members
in
Ghana
with
actual
migrant
behavior
in
The
Netherlands
and
knowledge
of
migrants'
financial
situations
revealed
the
ways
in
which
some
migrants
skirt
requests
or
are
able
to
avoid
requests
from
some
people
Bridging
Boundaries
with
a
Transnational
Research
Approach
225
in
their
network.
These
are
aspects
of
behaviour
that
migrants
will
not
easily
reveal
in
an
interview.
These
strategies
only
became
clear
to
us
because
we
could
observe
migrant
behavior
at
the
time
of
requests.
Finally,
we
found
that
migrants
are
also
dependent
on
their relations
in
the
home
country,
particularly
during
certain
phases
of
their
migratory
trajectories,
making
them
net
receivers
rather
than.
givers
of
help.
This
partly
explains
why
they
continue
to
send
remittances
despite
the
fact
that
they
say
they
feel
oppressed
by
requests
(Ma.zzucato
2006).
This
reliance
on
home
did
not
emerge
from
the
interviews
with
migrants
themselves,
because
they
often
associated
it
witha
`failed'
migration
project.
Rather,
it
came
out
of
observing
how
migrants
solved
difficult
situations,.(such
as
losing
a
job,
being
detained,
or
getting
cheated
in
amarriage-for-residency-permit),
the
requests
they
made
to
people
in
Ghana,
and
the
ensuing
actions
that
network
members
in
Ghana
undertook
on
their
behalf.
As
the
example
of
Nana
Asasa's
detainment
shows,
we
were
only
able
to
arrive
at
these
various
conclusion
by
observing
and
collecting
quantitative
data
from
the
different
of
the
migration
process
at
the
same
time.
Another
dominant
discourse
is
that
migrants
show
off
their
hard-earned
income
in
their
country
of
origin,
leading
to
the
misconception
that
`abroad,
money
grows
on
trees'.
The
discourse
has
it
that
this
conspicuous
behaviour
of
migrants
results
in
youths
wanting
to
migrate
and
in
extended
family
members
making
constant
requests
for
money
and
goods
from
migrants.
Having
researchers
in
different
locations
meant
that
we
could
observe
migrants'
behaviour
on
their
home
visits.
It
emerged
that
people
in
Ghana,
especially
in
the
cities,
had
a
very
realistic
picture
of
life
in
developed
countries
and
were
well
aware
that
their
compatriots
were
often
working
and
living
in
difficult
conditions.
We
found
that
migrants
were
usually
not
explicit
to
their
network
members
about
their
own
personal
circumstances,
but
that
they
explained
how
living
conditions
were
difficult
in
general
and
sometimes
gave
details
about
people
they
knew.
In
fact,
some
of
our
young
respondents
who
were
able
to
secure
a
decent
job
in
urban
Ghana
did
not
express
any
desire
to
migrate.
This
showed
that
while
the
`money
growing
on
trees'
discourse
may
have
reflected
reality
in
the
beginning
of
Ghanaian
emigration
overseas
in
the
1980s,
it
'~
is
now
outdated.
It
may,
however,
still
be
relevant
in
rural
areas
(Kabki
et
al.
2004)
or
arèas
of
Ghana
from
where
not
many
people
emigrate
(De
Lange
2003).
Finally,
a
third
emerging
discourse
amongst
aid
donors,
both
governmental
and
non
-governmental,
is
that
`doing
development
together'
with
migrants
—what
has
been
termed
`co
-development'
—leads
to
more
sustainable
results.
This
is
because
migrants
have
direct
links
to
their
home
communities
and
are
thus
better
aware
of
the
needs
and
equipped
to
reach
communities
without
having
~
to
navigate
bureaucratic
channels.
Reports
and
academic
publications
reporting
these
advantages,
however,
are
based
on
interviews
with
migrants
and
migrant
organizations.
Very
little
work
exists
in
which
what
migrants
say
is
actually
traced
back
to
the
home
country.
Our
SMS
methodology
allowed
verification
of
migrant
discourses
with
what
they
actually
do
in
their
home
areas.
Comparing
the
five
towns
and
village
clusters
where
we
worked
in
the
rural
areas
of
Ghana,
we
found
~
that
in
certain
instances,
particularly
with
small-scale
projects
such
as the
building

226
Multi
-sited
Ethnography
of
classrooms,
the
electrification
of
small
villages
or
the
provision
of
equipment
to
local
clinics,
the
common
wisddm~was
indeed
the
case
(Kabki
et
al.
2008).
In
the
more
extensive
projects
in
larger
villages,
however,
migrant
projects
were
not
always
viewed
positively
by
the
local•.:~opulation.
Different
factions
existed
that
expressed
different
needs,
and
local
leaders
at
tunes
felt
that
their
authority
was
threatened
by
the
often
-prestigious
projects
initiated
by
migrants.
Working
with
Networks
Working
with
networks
rather
than
households
or
kinship
groups
as
our
unit
of
analysis
taught
us
that
kin
relationships
are
not
necessarily
the
most
important.
We
included
non-kin
relations
among
our
respondents
—preachers,
business
partners,
secondary
school
friends,
girlfriends,
and
such.
This
enabled
us
to
notice
that
certain
domains
of
migrants'
activities
in
their
home
countries
were
in
the
hands
of
non-kin
relations.
For
example,
many
migrants
strove
to
build
a
house
in
their
home
country,
in
the
town
or
village
to
which
they
traced
their
roots;
in
these
cases,
it
was
often
a
member
of
the
extended
family
who
helped
(Mazzucato
2008).
However,
in
a
significant
number
of
cases
migrants
preferred
to
build
their
house
in
the
regional
capital
or
Accra,
where
they
may
have had
more
social
ties,
or
where
they
could
avoid
the
slew
of
requests
which
comes
with
being
seen
as
wealthy
(Smith
2007).
A
survey
we
conducted
among
106
Ghanaian
migrants
in
Amsterdam
showed
that
10
per
cent
would
entrust
the
construction
of
their
house
to
non-kin
—
a
significant
percentage
given
the
oft
-noted
Asante
tendency
to
organize
economic
activities
along
kin
lines.
Second,
it
is
important
to
note
that
the
networks
are
never
complete
in
that
it
is
too
costly
to
have
researchers
at
all
the
locations
they
span
(in
our
case
some
networks
extended
to
seven
different
countries),
and
that
even
in
areas
where
researchers
are
located,
some
network
members
may
not
want
to
or
be
unable
to
participate.
Indeed
the
number
of
informants
we
followed
during
our
research
represents
80
per
cent
of
all
network
members
that
were
mentioned
by
Amsterdam
-based
migrants.
This
means
that
for
some
ties
in
a
network
we
could
collect
information
from
both
ends,
while
for
others
only
data
from
one
end
were
forthcoming.
Third,
networks
were
defined
by
migrants
in
Amsterdam.
We
thus
ran
the
risk
of
missing
out
on
network
members
that
were
more
isolated
or
marginal,
for
instance
those
to
whom
the
migrant
did
not
remit;
clearly,
these
types
are.,
necessary
for
a
fuller
understanding
of
transnational
networks.
(A
well
-designed
name
-generator
questionnaire,
however,
minimizes
this
problem.)
In
fact,
the
Ghana
TransNet
programme
included
various
respondents
who
never
received
a
remittance
from
migrants
during
the
entire
stay
abroad
of
a
migrant.
This
allowed
us
to
investigate
questions
as
to
why
these
people
were
so
marginalized,
and
how
they
survived
without
remittances
(Kabki
2008).
Bridging
Boundaries
with
a
Ti^ansnational
Research
Approach
227
ConsflcYer~~oa~s
dor
~Il~e
Use
off
SIO~[~
1~1[e~➢no¢Iloflogy
There
are
some
practical
considerations
when
deciding
whether
or
not
to
use
SMS
methodology.
A
first
consideration
is
the
time
investment
it
requires.
In
all
research
dealing
with
vulnerable
populations,
time
is
needed
to
gain
people's
trust.
With
SMS
methodology
this
aspect
is
accentuated
because
researchers
typically
ask
informants
for
detailed
information
about
their
network
members
who
are
located
far
away,
effectively
allowing
them
less
control
and
oversight
over
the
outcome
of
the
research
exchange.
Indeed,
in
our
case
we
visited
each
respondent
several
times
before
contact
details
of
network
members
were
n
asked
for.
To
gain
trust
and
avoid
misunderstandings,
the
entire
first
year
of
the
Ghana
TransNet
study
was
used
to
make
diverse
types
of
contacts
and
to
gain
people's
trust.
Not
a
single
interview
question
was
asked
in
that
year.
Rather,
time
was
spent
socializing,
going
to
important
events,
ceremonies
and
outdoot~.markets,
and
conducting
a
cultural
project
together
with
migrants.
The
mechanics
of
drawing
up
a
matched
sample
ofrespondents
in
a
transnational
setting
is
also
very
time
consuming.
Time
was
needed
for
Amsterdam
-based
informants
to
identify
network
members,
explain
the
intention
of
the
research,
and
seek
consent
to
pass
on
contact
details
to
researchers.
Once
we
received
the
contact
information,
the
next
(equally
time
consuming)
task
was
to
trace
the
contacts
in
Ghana.
One
difficulty
in
the
urban
context,
given
the
large
scale
combined
with
the
absence
of
street
addresses
typical
of
cities
or
areas
of
cities
in
developing
countries,
was
locating
residences.
This
phase
of
making
contact
with
the
matched
side
of
the
sample
took
approximately
three
months
with
each
researcher
in
their
location
intensively
reporting
back
to
Amsterdam
so
that
migrants
could
be
questioned
again
on
the
contact
information
or
asked
to
contact
their
network
members
to
enlist
their
participation
in
our
project.
Finally,
time
was
needed
to
gain
the
trust
of
the
matched
side
of
the
sample
so
that
they
would
agree
to
participate
as
engagedly
as
SMS
methodology
necessitates.
Another
consideration
to
malse
before
using
SMS
methodology
is
related
to
cost
—teams
of
reseazchers
do
not
come
cheap.
The
Ghana
TransNet
programme
employed
three
full
time
researchers
for
four
years
and
a
total
of
16
research
assistants
hired
during
the
two
years
of
fieldwork.
(And
this
was
a
pilot
study
with
a
total
of
115
respondents
—
if
one
were
to
apply
SMS
methodology
to
greater
numbers,
even
more
researchers
would
be
required.)
The
total
project
cost
almost
500,000
EUR
(750,000
USD).
SMS
methodology
is
a
major
undertaking
and
is
not
really
applicable
to
small
projects.
An
interesting
sideline
concerns
researcher
participation.
Being
part
of
a
team
located
at
the
nodes
of
transnational
networks,
it
is
inevitable
that
researchers
get
involved
in
the
flows
that
knit
locations
together.
When
we
travelled
to
and
from
Ghana
and
The
Netherlands
we
were
invariably
asked
by
respondents
to
transport
money,
gifts,
photos,
audiocassettes,
mobile
phones
and
such,
for
their
friends,
family
and
business
partners.
Thus
the
researcher
becomes
a
courier,
which
is
also

228
Multi
-sited
Ethnography
a
form
of
partial
reciprocity
for
respondents'
cooperation.
More
importantly,
these
situations
provide
a
wealth
of
hands-on
la~owledge
about
what
is
sent
and
how
these
flows
are
organized.
Co~cYunsnoa►s
This
chapter
has
reviewed
some
of
the
main
characteristics
of
SMS
methodology:
working
in
teams,
in
multiple
sites
simultaneously,
and
with
networks.
It
has
highlighted
some
of
the
advantages
such
as the
triangulation
of
results,
the
possibility
to
collect
supplementary
information
with
which
to
improve
the
quality
of
data
obtained,
and
getting
beyond
dominant
migration
discourses.
It
also
discussed
some
of
the
difficulties,
such
as the
different
research
mind
frames
needed
to
be
able
to
work
in
a
team,
the
fact
that
it
is
virtually
impossible
to
work
with
complete
networks,
and
the
investment
of
resources
needed
to
work
with
members
of
networks
scattered
in
different
countries.
However,
the
main
advantages
of
SMS
methodology
are
its
ability
to
address
the
most
important
challenge
of
researching
transnational
topics:
that
of
bridging
the
boundaries
between
depth
of
information
and
breadth
of
research
sites.
Theoretical
and
methodological
literature
on
multi
-sited
fieldwork
(Hannerz
1998;
Marcus
1995;
Stoller
1997)
indicates
its
importance
in
understanding
contemporary
social
phenomena.
A
number
of
studies
of
transnationalism
have
taken
on
this
challenge.
13
However,
most
works
study
multiple
sites
sequentially,
thus
omitting
a
simultaneous
component.
Empirical
studies
thus
leave
open
the
question
whether
simultaneity,
which
has
been
identified
in
the
theoretical
literature
as
being
a
characteristic
feature
of
transnational
flows
(Levitt
and
Glick
Schiller
2004;
Vertovec
1999),
results
in
a
qualitative
difference
in
transnational
social
phenomena.
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L.,
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Schiller,
N.
and
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Blanc,
C.
(1994),
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al.
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13
There
are
too
many
to
cite
fully,
but
some
examples
are
Basch
et
al.
1994;
Gardner
1999;
Goldring
1998;
Guarnizo
et
al.
1998;
Levitt
2001;
Osili
2004;
Schmaltzbauer
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Research
Approach
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R.,
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de
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S.W.
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18:2,
117-33.
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M.
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L.
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L.
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M.P.
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P.
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The
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Doing
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in
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Anthropology
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22:1,
81-94.
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Naerssen,
T.,
Spaan,
E.
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447-62.
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230
Mzilti-sited
Ethnography
Levitt,
P.
(2001),
The
Transnátional
Villagers
(Berkeley:
University
of
California
Press.
Levitt,
P.
and
Glicic
Schillër,
N.
(2004),
`Conceptualizing
Simultaneity:
A
Transnational
Social
Field
Perspective
on
Society',
International
Migration
Review
38:3,
1002-39.
Marcus,
G.E.
(1995),
`Ethnography
in/of
the
World
System:
The
Emergence
of
Multi
-Sited
Ethnography',
Annual
Review
of
Anthropology
24:
95-117.
Mazzucato,
V.
(2000),
`Transnational
Networks
and
the
Creation
of
Local
Economies:
Economic
Principles
and
Institutions
of
Ghanaian
Migrants
at
Home
and
Abroad',
Nederlandse
Organisatie
voor
Wetenschappelijk
Onderzoek.
Online
at:
<wwvv2.fing.uva.nUghanatransnet>.
Mazzucato,
V.
(2004),
`De
Dubbele
Economische
Gerichtheid
van
Ghanese
Migranten:
EenTransnationaalPerspectiefopintegratie-en
ontwikkelingsbeleid'
[Ghanaian
Migrants'
Double
Economic
Engagement:
A
Transnational
View
of
Development
and
Integration
Policies],
Migrantenstudies
20:4,
177-93.
Mazzucato,
V.
(2006),
`Informal
Insurance
Arrangements
in
a
Transnational
Context:
The
Case
of
Ghanaian
Migrants'
Networks',
Paper
presented
at
CSAE
conference,
March
9,
2006,
O~cford
University.
Mazzucato,
V.
(2007),
`The
Role
of
Transnational
Networks
and
Legal
Status
in
Securing
a
Living:
Ghanaian
Migrants
in
The
Netherlands',
CONFAB
Working
Paper
43
(University
of
Oord).
Mazzucato,
V.
(2008),
`The
Double
Engagement:
Transnationalismand
integration
-
Ghanaian
Migrants'
Lives
between
Ghana
and
the
Netherlands',
Journal
of
Ethnic
and
Migation
Studies
34:2,
199-216.
Mazzucato,
V.
(2008),
`Simultaneity
and
Networks
in
Transnational
Migration:
Lessons
Learned
from
a
Simultaneous
Matched
Sample
Methodology',
in
DeWind
and
Holdaway
(eds).
Mazzucato,
V.,
Boom,
B.
van
den
and
Nsowah-Nuamah,
N.N.N.
(2008),
`Remittances
in
Ghana:
Origin,
Destination
and
Issues
of
Measurement',
International
Migration
46:1,
103-22.
Mazzucato,
V.,
van
Dijk,
R.,
Horst,
C.
and
de
Vries,
P.
(2004),
`Transcending
the
Nation:
Explorations
of
Transnationalism
as
a
Concept
and
Phenomenon',
in
Kalb
et
al.
(eds).
McAllister,
L.
and
Fischer,
C.S.
(1978),
`A
Procedure
for
Surveying
Personal
Networks',
Sociological
Methods
and
Research
7:2,
131-48.'
Mintz,
S.W.
(1998),
`The
Localization
of
Anthropological
Practice:
From
Area
Studies
to
Transnationalism',
Critique
of
Anthropology
18:2,
117-33.
Osili,
U.O.
(2004),
`Migrants
and Housing
Investments:
Theory
and
Evidence
from
Nigeria',
Economic
Development
and
Cultural
Change
52:4,
8219.
Rutten,
M.
(2007),
`Leuke
Vakantie
Gehad?'
Verhalen
over
Antropologisch
Veldwerk
[
Had
a
Nice
Vacation?'Stories
about
Anthropological
Fieldwork]
(Amsterdam:
Aksant).
Bridging
Boundaries
with
a
Transnational
Research
Approach
231
Sclunalzbauer,
L.
(2004),
`Searching
for
Wages
and
Mothering
from
Afar:
The
Case
of
Honduran
Transnational
Families',
Journal
of
Marriage
and
the
Family
66:5,
1317-31.
Smith,
L.
(2007),
Tied
to
Migl-ants:
Transnational
Influences
on
the
Economy
of
Accra,
Ghana
(Leiden:
African
Studies
Centre).
Smith,
M.P.
and
Guarnizo,
L.E.
(eds)
(1998),
Transnationalism
from
Below
(New
Brunswick:
Transaction
Publishers).
Stoller,
P.
(1997),
`Globalizing
Method:
The
Problems
of
Doing
Ethnography
in
Transnational
Spaces',
Anthropology
and
Humanism
22:1,
81-94.
van
Naerssen,
T.,
Spaan,
E.
and
Zoomers,
A.
(eds)
(2008),
Global
Migration
and
Development
(London:
Routledge).
Vertovec,
S.
(1999),
`Conceiving
and
researching
transnationalism',
Ethnic
and
Racial
Studies
2:2,
447-62:
Vertovec,
S.
and
Cohen,
R.
(eds)
(1999),
Migration,
Diasporas
and
Transnationalism
(Cheltenham:
Edward
Elgar).