Article

Civil War and the Formation of Social Trust in Kosovo: Posttraumatic Growth or War-related Distress?

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Abstract

While a new, growing subset of the literature argues that armed conflict does not necessarily erode social cohesion in the postwar era, we challenge this perspective and examine how civil war experiences shape social trust in Kosovo after the war from 1998 to 1999. Based on a nationwide survey conducted in 2010 and the disaggregated conflict event data set of the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, we simultaneously analyze the impact of individual war-related experiences and exposure to war in the community through hierarchical analyses of twenty-six municipalities. Our findings confirm that civil war is negatively related to social trust. This effect proves to be more conclusive for individual war experiences than for contextual war exposure. Arguably, the occurrence of instances of violence with lasting psychological as well as social structural consequences provides people with clear evidence of the untrustworthiness, uncooperativeness, and hostility of others, diminishing social trust in the aftermath of war.

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... Theories and research in political psychology predict that experiences of conflict are generally inimical to the development and maintenance of social trust (Cassar et al., 2011;Finkel et al., 2021;Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). For those whose lives are upended by terrorism, civil war, and other forms of violent conflict, it may be difficult to extend trust far beyond one's close friends and family, even within one's locale (Cassar et al., 2013). ...
... Doing so provides a new pathway to studies in political psychology that allows for comparative, cross-national, large-n analysis of the psychological impacts of major conflict events. Our work complements and builds on the empirical approach employed by Kijewski and Freitag (2018), whose recent study used the ACLED data to demonstrate that conflict in Kosovo correlated negatively with social trust in regions affected by the conflict. ...
... One line of research has focused on how exposure to conflict can leave long-lasting psychological traumas (Daphna-Tekoah & Harel-Shalev, 2017;Montiel, 2000;Rinker & Lawler, 2018;Thomas et al., 2016;Voci et al., 2017). Using civilwar data from ACLED from Kosovo, Kijewski and Freitag (2018) argue and find evidence that such traumas do correlate negatively with social trust. Work by Rohner et al. (2013) finds that exposure to conflict corresponds with lower levels of generalized trust and higher levels of ingroup identity salience. ...
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How does exposure to conflict events shape social trust? Research in political psychology predicts that conflict exacerbates group divisions, enhancing ingroup solidarities while simultaneously reducing outgroup trust. Experimental research has found support for these predictions, and yet measuring the impact of conflict on trust beyond the laboratory is difficult. For example, questions about the lasting salience of experimental treatments remain a challenge in the study of conflict. We develop an empirical strategy using geo‐coded individual‐level survey data from the Afrobarometer project and geo‐coded conflict‐event data. We draw spatial and temporal buffers around each survey respondent that allow us to test whether proximate exposure to conflict events correlates with lower social trust, as well as how far and long that salience lasts. We find that exposure to conflict reduces generalized and outgroup trust, as predicted. Contrary to our expectations, we find that it reduces ingroup trust. We investigate further and find that ingroup trust suffers most when respondents live in homogenous ethnic enclaves. Furthermore, we advance an argument that the effects of exposure to conflict are mitigated over distance and time. Our results indicate that the effect diminishes over both time and space.
... For instance, low levels of trust might cause people to avoid high-risk and high-return activities such as entrepreneurship, with adverse effects on economic growth (Guiso et al. 2006;Jakiela and Ozier 2019). Consequently, it is hypothesized that the war in BiH was not only tragic because it led to mass killings and physical destruction but also because the experience continues to affect peoples' beliefs and preferences, which in turn might help explain various economic outcomes (Bellows and Miguel 2009;Cassar et al. 2013;Kijewski and Freitag 2016). ...
... Indeed, individuals are less trusting if their country has recently been involved in an armed conflict (Trussell 2022). In general, war is particularly detrimental to trust as it provides direct proof of the untrustworthiness, uncooperativeness and hostility of other people (Kijewski and Freitag 2016). ...
... Furthermore, moving from areas with no violence to areas with the highest recorded violence decreased trust by 21% points. Kijewski and Freitag (2016) have looked at social trust in Kosovo and found that the war from 1998 to 1999 negatively impacted it. Their work is particularly interesting for this research as it deals with a country from the region, but also because it uses a methodology similar to the one we propose here. ...
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This article examines the long-term effects of war exposure on generalized trust and risk attitudes 20 years after the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Our study goes beyond the destruction of physical and human capital and investigates the effects of war exposure on psychological preferences and beliefs, as well as their mutual relationship and determinants. Our empirical strategy employs a nationally representative survey and an endogenous Seemingly Unrelated Model. We discover that individuals living in municipalities with greater war fatalities report significantly higher distrust in people and simultaneously express greater risk aversion. Moreover, there is a mutually endogenous and strong positive relationship between the two dependent variables, whereby greater trust is associated with greater risk-seeking. Consequently, our results demonstrate that the tragic consequences of war are not only confined to negative socio-economic outcomes but also leave a lasting impact on the psychological preferences of people that experienced it.
... In Libya, the instability that stimulated institutional distrust was experienced by several groups before 2011 and outlasted their departure from the country. When coupled with conflict trauma and concerns for family members who remain behind, the confluence of trauma and distrust manifests in a detachment from others, suspicion, and lingering fear (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). In their study of the long-term impact of the conflict in Kosovo, Sara Kijewski and Markus Freitag (2018) demonstrate the implications for social trust after the Civil War ended in 1999. ...
... In their study of the long-term impact of the conflict in Kosovo, Sara Kijewski and Markus Freitag (2018) demonstrate the implications for social trust after the Civil War ended in 1999. Perhaps as anticipated, the conflict resulted in lower levels of social trust and inhibited positive social trust (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). Moreover, since the perpetrators of the violence were strangers, the lower social trust was directed towards all people, known and unknown alike (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). ...
... Perhaps as anticipated, the conflict resulted in lower levels of social trust and inhibited positive social trust (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). Moreover, since the perpetrators of the violence were strangers, the lower social trust was directed towards all people, known and unknown alike (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). During or after a war, sharing trust is a risk that is shaped from the state-down (Freitag & Traünmuller, 2009;Lyytinen, 2017), as much as horizontally through local, communal dynamics. ...
Article
This article considers how trust is constructed in the refugee community of Malta, against the backdrop of ongoing and recurrent unrest in Libya. As social trust is re-evaluated, social spaces have become sites of tension where divisions re-emerge along political, ideological, and economic lines. By focusing on the Libyan diaspora, the article presents an insight into the ways that conflict trauma shapes trust-building, and considers the challenges faced by civil society organisations and government bodies in their efforts to facilitate support and community-building on the island. The article is based on 14 interviews conducted in 2015 with members of the Libyan diaspora, and Maltese civil society organisations and government bodies. The interviewees discussed the multifaceted aspects of trust-building, including the legacy of 42 years of political distrust during the regime of the former Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, regional affiliations and divisions, and the continuum of trauma that unfolds in the Maltese Open Centres and in the host community. The findings of the study indicate that there are additional structural impediments that extend beyond the ongoing conflict, including the Maltese detention process, the redrawing of political boundaries around social spaces in the towns, and the role of identity, which present determining factors in the building of social trust. Collectively, these aspects hold implications for integration into the diaspora community on the island, while in the long term, individual recovery from conflict trauma is dependent on the trust-networks that are constructed, or joined, by the refugees.
... Nevertheless, the majority of studies on violence and trust still finds that experiences of trauma (Alesina & La Ferrara, 2002), several forms of victimization (Brehm & Rahn, 1997;Dinesen, 2012;Salmi, Smolej, & Kivivuori, 2007), and civil war (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018) are related to lower levels of social trust. It is argued that people often face major challenges to their basic assumptions about the world, its citizens, and themselves following traumatic events. ...
... More specifically, fear and threat contribute to suspicion about other people's intentions and the idea that most people will try to take advantage of you. Negative expectations of sinister intentions and fearing others' motives and behavior are defining criteria of distrust (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018;Lewicki, McAllister, & Bies, 1998). On the other hand, the violence itself may also impact general trust by disturbing social life via, among others, causing economic losses (Sandler & Enders, 2008), inducing political change and polarization (Alonso, 2013;LaFree et al., 2015;Montalvo, 2011), and transforming social networks (Paxton, 2005;Wood, 2008). ...
... While some authors have argued that trust is a fairly stable societal characteristic rather immune to negative experiences (Bauer, 2015;Jones, 1996;Uslaner, 2002Uslaner, , 2008, others have argued that traumatic experiences such as large-scale terrorist attacks may actually bond people, leading to increases in trust (Calhoun & Tedeschi, 2014;Putnam, 2002). The vast majority of studies, however, still shows a negative relation between a wide range of violence measures and a wide range of social cohesion indices including trust (e.g., Brehm & Rahn, 1997;Kijewski & Freitag, 2018;Salmi et al., 2007). Drawing on these contradicting findings, we have examined the impact of both societal terrorism exposure and individuals' terror experiences on social trust levels across a large number of countries. ...
... They have been associated with a wide array of negative impacts on the mental health and psychosocial well-being of conflict-affected populations (Tol, Song, & Jordans, 2013). Exposure to violence can seriously affect individ-ual attitudes, collective norms, and bonds between people (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). These latter social consequences are, among others, termed social capital. ...
... The term expresses something positively new in people's lives, a kind of additional benefit compared to before the traumatic event (Zoellner & Maercker, 2006). Posttraumatic growth can cause certain individuals to recognize new possibilities, having a new appreciation of life and can increase the subjective well-being (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). In turn, individuals who are happier, who feel that they have more power over one's own life and are more satisfied with life-in short, individuals that are mentally healthy-tend to exhibit higher levels of social capital (Delhey & Newton, 2003). ...
... This insignificant effect might reflect the problematic nature of this measure. For instance, some have argued that the general trust measure is morally loaded and does not reflect a realistic situation (Kijewski & Freitag, 2018;Nannestad, 2008). Moreover, our measure of social support had an insignificant total effect. ...
Article
Objective: There is an often-hypothesized link between war exposure and social capital. Empirical studies testing this linkage, however, show mixed results. One potential influential factor that might explain these mixed results is impaired mental health, which includes a number of symptoms and behaviors that are associated with impaired social interactions. Method: To examine the influence of mental health on the relationship between war exposure and social capital, we used a mediation framework. Data were collected from 460 Burundian refugees in three Tanzania refugee camps. Result: Our results showed an overall positive effect of war exposure on social capital. In addition, war exposure may increase mental health problems (posttraumatic stress symptoms and general psychological distress), which in turn was related to a decline in social capital. Conclusions: Policymakers and scholars examining the consequences of war and armed conflict should consider not only the direct effects of war exposure but also the indirect effect of mental health impairments. Treating trauma-related mental health problems may not only improve individual well-being but may also improve social capital, influencing the livelihoods of entire communities affected by armed conflict.
... Consistently with Vianí and Bituima's examples, most of this literature shows that exposure to conflict fosters cooperation within communities (see review by Bauer et al. 2016). Other studies, however, challenge these findings and-consistent with Quipile's example-show that community cohesion declines in localities affected by conflict (Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Barclay Child and Nikolova 2017). What explains these contradictory findings? ...
... In contrast to these relatively sanguine findings, another group of studies shows a substantial decline in cohesion in communities affected by conflict (Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Barclay Child and Nikolova 2017;Dell and Querubin 2018;Vélez et al. 2016). Evidence from Sudan and the Balkans shows that the experience of violence at the hands of competing group deepens intergroup animosities (Beber, Roessler, and Scacco 2014;Canetti-Nisim et al. 2009). ...
... These negative effects of conflict are often explained with reference to the fear and suspicion mechanism. For example, Kijewski and Freitag (2018) point to psychological consequences of conflict, characterized by symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder, including fear of other people (see also Cecchi and Duchoslav 2018). 2 Drawing on evidence from Kyrgyzstan, Hager, Krakowski, and Schaub (2019) find that conflict undermines cohesion within groups because variation in victimization creates a feeling of suspicion, which fuels within-community grievances. ...
Article
Evidence on the consequences of war for community cohesion is mixed, pointing to both positive and negative effects of conflict. This study examines symmetry of force between warring actors as an explanation of heterogeneous conflict effects. Using survey data from 224 Colombian villages, I compare cohesion in communities exposed to asymmetric and symmetric conflicts, a guerrilla war between rebels and the state and a more conventional war between rebels and paramilitary groups, respectively. I find that symmetric war increases participation in community organizations, while asymmetric war decreases trust. Evidence suggests three mechanisms that explain these findings. Symmetric war increases cohesion (i) by spurring individuals to band together to cope with significant disruption of services and (ii) by strengthening group identities that map onto fairly clear wartime cleavages. Asymmetric war reduces cohesion (iii) by instilling fear and suspicion linked to wartime experiences of civilian collaboration and denunciations.
... Generally, insights on obvious material consequences of civil war prevail throughout the literature (Blattman and Miguel 2010). Nevertheless, a growing body of work is dealing with the consequences of wartime violence for individuals' political and social behavior and attitudes (Bauer et al. 2016;Blattman and Miguel 2010;Freitag, Kijewski, and Oppold 2017;Grosjean 2014;Grossman, Manekin, and Miodownik 2015;Hutchison 2014;Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Luca and Verpoorten 2015;Tir and Singh 2015;Wood 2008). In this vein, "insofar as civil wars have an intrinsic political dimension, it is more than plausible to think that war experiences and related psychological distress will have political consequences" (Balcells 2012, 314). ...
... In the context of post-civil war countries, guaranteeing civil liberties to former opponents may be a fundamental step toward bridging the divide between them and paving the way toward reconciliation (Bakke et al. 2009;Dyrstad et al. 2011). Yet, war experiences provoke feelings of threat, fear, and helplessness (Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Rohner, Thoenig, and Zilibotti 2013). 2 The literature on tolerance and intolerance formation has placed threat at the center of its discourse (Freitag and Rapp 2013;Gibson 1992;Sullivan et al. 1993). Sullivan et al. (1993, 78-79), for example, argue: "In deciding how tolerant or intolerant to be toward a target, there are several obvious considerations. ...
... Our study adds to existing evidence of the severe consequences of war exposure (Bauer et al. 2016;Blattman 2009;Hirsch-Hoefler et al. 2016;Janoff-Bulman 1992;Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Ringdal et al. 2008). Our results indicate that war exposure deteriorates political tolerance, whereas a specific kind of PTG increases levels of tolerance. ...
... Generally, insights on obvious material consequences of civil war prevail throughout the literature (Blattman, Miguel 2010). Nevertheless, a growing body of work is dealing with the consequences of wartime violence for individuals' political and social behavior and attitudes (Blattman, Miguel 2010;Hutchison 2014;Wood 2008;Kijewski, Freitag 2016;Tir, Singh 2015;Luca, Verpoorten 2015;Grosjean 2014;Grossman et al. 2015;Bauer et al. 2016;Freitag et al. 2017). In this vein, "insofar as civil wars have an intrinsic political dimension, it is more than plausible to think that war experiences and related psychological distress will have political consequences" (Balcells 2012, p. 314). ...
... In the context of post-civil war countries, guaranteeing civil liberties to former opponents may be a fundamental step towards bridging the divide between them and paves the way towards reconciliation (Bakke et al. 2009;Dyrstad et al. 2011). Yet, war experiences provoke feelings of threat, fear, and helplessness (Kijewski, Freitag 2016;Rohner et al. 2013). 2 The literature on tolerance and intolerance formation has placed threat at the center of its discourse (Gibson 1992;Sullivan et al. 1993;Freitag, Rapp 2013). Sullivan et al. (1993, pp. ...
... Our study adds to existing evidence of the severe consequences of war exposure (Janoff-Bulman 1992; Kijewski, Freitag 2016;Ringdal et al. 2008;Hirsch-Hoefler et al. 2016;Bauer et al. 2016;Blattman 2009). Our results indicate that war exposure deteriorates political tolerance, whereas a specific kind of posttraumatic growth increases levels of tolerance. ...
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http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/704328 This paper evaluates the psychological pathways between war exposure and the formation of political tolerance in Sri Lanka after the civil war between 1983 and 2009. To date, little is known in the political science literature about the interplay between war experiences, their psychological footprints, and the formation of political tolerance. Based on survey data from 2016, we are able to evaluate the psychological consequences of war experiences, i.e. differentiating between the issues of both war-related distress and posttraumatic growth. Our results based on path models reveal that war exposure does not uniformly damage political tolerance: experiences of posttraumatic growth, a highly discussed phenomenon, are able to increase an individual's probability of granting basic civil liberties to an opposing group.
... This study contributes to the broader literature on the relationship between conflict and trust (e.g. Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Ishiyama et al., 2018;Zilibotti, 2013, 2013a;De Juan and Pierskalla 2016). ...
... The results confirmed their theoretical proposition: An increase in the incidence of violence and fatalities had a negative impact on trust for other Ugandans, made ethnic cleavages more salient, and increased the risk of further conflict. The negative correlation between conflict and social trust has been corroborated by studies conducted in Tajikistan (Cassar, Grosjean, and Whitt 2013) and Kosovo (Kijewski and Freitag 2018). In a study conducted in Nepal, De Juan and Pierskalla (2016) have found that exposure to conflict reduces trust in the national government. ...
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Although the incidence of conflicts between Fulani nomadic pastoralists and sedentary farmers in Nigeria have risen significantly during the last decade, no study has examined how these conflicts influence distrust of members of the Fulani ethnic group and the larger Muslim population, nor the conditions under which these conflicts, which are primarily about competition over land and water resources, morph into religious conflicts. Using novel survey data collected from Kaduna, the state with the third highest incidence of pastoral conflicts in Nigeria, this study fills these gaps. The regression results show that exposure to pastoral conflicts cause distrust of members of the Fulani ethnic group and Muslims; although the size of the effect is much larger for the Fulani compared to Muslims. This shows that the population in Kaduna tend to conflate the Fulani with Muslims. Religious polarization was found to catalyze the process of resource conflicts turning religious.
... This study contributes to the broader literature on the relationship between conflict and trust (e.g. Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Ishiyama et al., 2018;Zilibotti, 2013, 2013a;De Juan and Pierskalla 2016). ...
... The results confirmed their theoretical proposition: An increase in the incidence of violence and fatalities had a negative impact on trust for other Ugandans, made ethnic cleavages more salient, and increased the risk of further conflict. The negative correlation between conflict and social trust has been corroborated by studies conducted in Tajikistan (Cassar, Grosjean, and Whitt 2013) and Kosovo (Kijewski and Freitag 2018). In a study conducted in Nepal, De Juan and Pierskalla (2016) have found that exposure to conflict reduces trust in the national government. ...
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Full-text available
Although the incidence of conflicts between Fulani nomadic pastoralists and sedentary farmers in Nigeria have risen significantly during the last decade, no study has, to the best of my knowledge, examined how these conflicts influence distrust of members of the Fulani ethnic group and the larger Muslim population, nor the conditions under which these conflicts, which are primarily about competition over land and water resources, morph into religious conflicts. Using novel survey data collected from Kaduna, the state with the third highest incidence of pastoral conflicts in Nigeria, this study fills these gaps. The regression results show that exposure to pastoral conflicts cause distrust of members of the Fulani ethnic group and Muslims; although the size of the effect is much larger for the Fulani compared to Muslims. This shows that the population in Kaduna tend to conflate the Fulani with Muslims. Religious polarization was found to catalyze the process of resource conflicts turning religious.
... This is often complicated by a lack of adequate data. As such, it is furthermore a unique opportunity to assess the social trust consequences of such events within the context of a high-income democracy, as opposed to the ex-post evaluation of violent civilian conflicts in developing countries (Goodhand et al., 2000;Kijewski & Freitag, 2018), where such issues have mostly been studied to date. ...
... Making such differences politically and socially salient, one could argue, would lead to an erosion of social trust in Catalonia as a consequence of the political drive toward independence. 6 Overall, these arguments bear a clear relation to literature within what is known as the institutionalist school of trust research, which contends that collective action can create (or destroy) social trust over relatively short periods of time (Goodhand et al., 2000;Kijewski & Freitag, 2018;Rothstein, 2013;Tendler et al., 1997). The institutionalist perspective on trust thus stands in opposition to the interpretation of social trust as a path-dependent informal institution. ...
Article
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Consequences of social trust are comparatively well studied, while its societal determinants are often subject to debate. This paper studies both in the context of Catalan attempts to secede from Spain: First, we test whether Catalonia enjoys higher levels of social capital that it is prevented from capitalizing on. Second, the paper examines whether secessionist movements create animosity and political divisions within society that undermine trust. Employing the nine available waves of the European Social Survey for Spain, we only find weak indications that social trust levels are higher in Catalonia than in the rest of the country. Interestingly, we further find testimony of a purely transient “exuberance effect” after secession became a real option, indicating that the long‐run evolution of social trust may best be thought of as a stable punctuated equilibrium.
... As mentioned by many studies conducted in the aftermath of the Kosova war, the majority of Kosovars experienced traumatic events before, during, and after the war in Kosova (Baliqi, 2017;Morina, 2015). For many Kosovars, many of these consequences of war are unknown, unexplored, or repressed in their memories, and there are only two studies that explored how these experiences operated in terms of resilience and posttraumatic growth (Arenliu et al., 2019;Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). Specifically, the study conducted by Arenliu et al. (2019), which explored the relationship between posttraumatic growth and social support and social activism in a family with missing persons support, showed that family members who reported higher social support [family, friends and important other] and who were active in community organizations reported higher levels of posttraumatic growth. ...
... Specifically, the study conducted by Arenliu et al. (2019), which explored the relationship between posttraumatic growth and social support and social activism in a family with missing persons support, showed that family members who reported higher social support [family, friends and important other] and who were active in community organizations reported higher levels of posttraumatic growth. Another study, conducted by Kijewski and Freitag (2018) showed that war experiences contributed to social distrust, consequently leading to psychological distress. As shown, these two studies explored the war experiences and posttraumatic growth with mainly quantitative research design studies and approached the issue from different perspectives, while there were no studies that used the qualitative methodology to explore the war experiences. ...
Article
The research evidence shows that war had many detrimental effects on the mental health, wellbeing, and social functioning of the people of Kosova, which is similar to the findings in many other postconflict societies. However, there are few studies focusing on the process of meaning-making of war experiences and their impacts on resilience and growth. This phenomenological study aimed to explore the lived war experiences of citizens of Kosova from the perspectives of three generations (grandparents, parents and children) through semistructured interviews, which were conducted with 37 participants. Thematic analysis revealed that the journey of the meaning-making of war experiences in Kosova is rather dynamic and reflects the context in which each generational cohort lived and grew. The findings provide a deeper understanding of the strategies used by each generation for meaning-making and how these strategies contributed to resilience and growth. The implications for mental health counselors, social workers, and policymakers are discussed.
... Third and finally, time may not heal all wounds. Studying social trust in Kosovo, Kijewski & Freitag (2018) find that the negative impact of war is more robust and lasting for individual war experiences than for war exposure measured at the community level. Another recent study, by Blouin & Mukand (2019) on inter-ethnic trust in Rwanda, reaches inconclusive results and argues that the 'lack of precision could be because there is heterogeneity in the genocide effect by ethnicity.' ...
... De Luca & Verpoorten, 2015a;Traumuller, Born & Freitag, 2015), our continuous time series on trust pioneer in revealing the recovery path of trust after violence. Third, unlike most studies (an exception is Kijewski & Freitag, 2018), we can -within our pool of respondentsclearly identify the relevant in-and outgroups, and also detect within-group variation in the probability of individual exposure to violence. We will argue that, in the case of the victim group (ethnic Tutsi) this variation is quasi-exogenous, which allows us to contrast the impact of individual-and group-level exposure to genocidal violence. ...
Preprint
We study changes in inter-and intra-ethnic trust in Rwanda. We focus on the impact of the 1994 genocide against Tutsi, which is a case of group-selective violence marked by a clear perpetrator-and victim-group as well as within-group variation with respect to exposure to violence. In our empirical analysis, we rely on more than 400 individual life histories in which intra-and inter-ethnic trust were systematically ranked for all life history years. Overall, we find that, while intra-ethnic trust remains largely unchanged, inter-ethnic trust decreases with the onset of violence and sharply so for those targeted in the genocide. Inter-ethnic trust gradually recovers over time. Only a subset of the victim-group, namely those with the highest probability of individual physical exposure to violence, portray signs of continued outgroup mistrust, 17 years after the genocide. Our results suggest that taking into account the element of time, establishing a fine-grained differentiation of the relevant in-and outgroups in the conflict, as well as identifying the level of exposure to violence, are necessary steps to better understand the impact of political violence on trust. Regarding theory, our findings further qualify what is known about the twofold theoretical foundation of trust relationships, namely that changes in interpersonal trust reside in altered personal predispositions due to traumatic experiences and/or evolving experiences of trustworthiness in social interaction.
... According to the World Bank's statistics, almost all post-conflict countries show relatively weak performance in governance, which can last for many decades (Collier and World Bank 2003;Rondinelli 2007). In addition to the destruction of physical capital, state fragility is often associated with the decrease in social capital resulting from the erosion of cooperation and trust among the victims of a conflict (Rohner et al. 2013;Cassar et al. 2013;Becchetti et al. 2014; Kijewski and Freitag 2016). Not only do citizens of post-conflict areas appear less willing to trust each other, but also they tend to have lower levels of trust in institutions and more pessimistic beliefs about politicians' morality (Voors and Bulte 2014;De Juan and Pierskalla 2016). ...
... Algan and Cahuc 2010;Tabellini 2010;Conzo et al. 2017;Murtin et al. 2018). 1 Regarding the development of trust over the life-course, pre-school years are considered as a critical stage of life for the formation of enduring prosocial motivations and ingroup favouritism (Aboud 2003;Fehr et al. 2008;Eisenberg et al. 2006;Voigtländer and Voth 2015;Bauer et al. 2014b and; they are also deemed an age where combat exposure may persist throughout life (Leon 2012;Currie and Vogl 2013). In this period of life children's trust is highly sensitive to traumatic experiences such as war events, which might generate psychological distress (Kijewski and Freitag 2016) and lead to the formation pessimistic beliefs about the trustworthiness of the others. ...
Article
This paper examines the long-term effect of conflict on trust by using changes in places and timing of combats during World War II. We focus on the pre-school period, an important life stage for the formation of trust and an age where war exposure may persist throughout life. We find robust evidence that individuals exposed to combats in the first six years of life display lower trust and social engagement well into adulthood. In light of the well-known relationship between trust and collective action, our results lend credence to the theory that violent conflict inhibits well-functioning government in long run.
... A number of studies find that civil war victims show increased prosocial behavior toward ingroup members (see Bauer et al. 2016). A different set of studies, however, questions this finding, linking wartime violence to lower levels of trust and prosociality toward both outgroup and ingroup members (Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Rohner, Thoenig, and Zilibotti 2013). Evidence that systematically explores outcomes within as well as across groups remains scarce, however, as do studies that explore mechanisms that could explain these conflicting findings. ...
... Conflicting groups settled closely intermixed, making it difficult for locals to differentiate between friend and foe. Similar findings of reduced prosociality from the Balkans and Uganda have been linked to post-traumatic stress disorder, a common psychological consequence of exposure to violence (Cecchi and Duchoslav 2018;Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Ruttan, McDonnell, and Nordgren 2015). ...
Article
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Do ethnic riots affect prosocial behavior? A common view among scholars of ethnic violence is that riots increase cooperation within the warring groups, while cooperation across groups is reduced. We revisit this hypothesis by studying the aftermath of the 2010 Osh riot in Kyrgyzstan, which saw Kyrgyz from outside the city kill over 400 Uzbeks. We implement a representative survey, which includes unobtrusive experimental measures of prosocial behavior. Our causal identification strategy exploits variation in the distance of neighborhoods to armored military vehicles, which were instrumental in orchestrating the riot. We find that victimized neighborhoods show substantially lower levels of prosocial behavior. Importantly, we demonstrate that the reduction is similarly stark both within and across groups. Using qualitative interviews, we parse out two mechanisms that help explain the surprising reduction in ingroup prosociality: Victimized Uzbeks felt abandoned by their coethnics, and variation in victimization created a feeling of suspicion.
... Additionally, multiple concrete war experiences such as being a refugee, life endangerment or starvation might have been related to the same event, which may then have been counted multiple times. A better approach would likely be to focus on a limited number of specific experiences and to treat these experiences as qualitatively different, or to give certain experiences a larger weight through factor analysis (Kijewski and Freitag 2018). ...
... Massey et al. (2003) found that war experiences in Croatia were positively related to ethnic nationalism, but unrelated to the support for liberalism. In Kosovo, war experiences seem to have reduced the trust individuals have in the people in their neighbourhoods (Kijewski and Freitag 2018). Strabac and Ringdal (2008) demonstrated that, while indirect war experiences increased ethnic prejudice in Croatia, direct war experiences did not. ...
Article
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wars are extreme events with profound social consequences. political science, however, has a limited grasp of their impact on the nature and content of political competition which follows in their wake. that is partly the case due to a lack of conceptual clarity when it comes to capturing the effects of war with reliable data. this article systematises and evaluates the attempts at modelling the consequences of war in political science research which relies on quantitative methods. our discussion is organised around three levels of analysis: individual level of voters, institutional level of political parties, and the aggregate level of communities. we devote particular attention to modelling the legacies of the most recent wars in southeast europe, and we offer our view of which efforts have the best potential to help set the foundations of a promising research programme. © 2019 Croatia Political Science Association. All rights reserved.
... Under this perspective, trust becomes an integral part of ones' personality (Allport 1961;Cattell 1965;Rosenberg 1956;Uslaner 1999Uslaner , 2002, which is developed through early childhood socialization and tends to change only slowly thereafter. However, in this period of life children's trust is likely sensitive to traumatic experiences such as war events, which generate psychological distress (Kijewski and Freitag 2016) and lead to the development of pessimistic beliefs about the trustworthiness of the others (e.g. Bauer at al. 2017). ...
... For instance, Becchetti et al. (2014) and Cassar et al. (2013) document negative effects of exposure to violence on social preferences, respectively in Kenya and Tajikistan. Similarly, Kijewski and Freitag (2016) show a negative effect of the 6 civil war in Kosovo on social trust, highlighting the role of war-related distress on beliefs about the others' trustworthiness. Positive effects, instead, are showed by Bellows andMiguel (2009) andVoors et al. (2012) with respect to the violence experienced during the civil war in Sierra Leone and Burundi. ...
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This paper sheds lights on the historical roots of trust across European regions. We embrace a life-course perspective and estimate the effect of early exposure to World War II on present levels of trust among Europeans aged above 50. Our identification strategy combines the variation in place and time of conflict episodes with the variation in the respondents' month-year of birth and region of residence during the war. We focus on the preschool period, which is a crucial stage of life for the formation of persistent trust attitudes. Our evidence provides support to this hypothesis. Individuals exposed to war episodes in the first six years of life display lower levels of trust in the adulthood. The gap persists when controlling for region and date-of-birth fixed effects, current and past socioeconomic status, parental investment in human capital and other socio-demographic and economic controls, including current mental and physical health. Placebo results corroborate the validity of our findings.
... Another consequence is dwindling trust in authority figures (Dyrstad et al., 2021;Kappmeier and Mercy, 2019;Kijewski and Freitag, 2016), particularly those perceived F o r P e e r R e v i e w 2 as adversaries (Davis, 2017;Ponce, 2019). For instance, in cases of (post-) colonialism, individuals may be particularly distrustful towards those perceived as affiliated with the colonist or invader, especially when they are in positions of power or prestige (e.g. ...
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Despite recent trends towards research on sustainability and social well-being in global settings, there remains a dearth of knowledge on research approaches and methodologies that are well-suited for contexts of violence and fragility, specifically in management research. Well-intentioned researchers often fall into the same traps over and over again, where objectification, silencing of voices, and violence normalization may prevail (Abdelnour and Abu Moghli, 2021), leading to inadvertently causing harm and perpetuating damaging power dynamics and stereotypes. In this piece, I reflect upon my autobiographical research journey and practical experiences to provide concrete examples and recommendations to other fellow scholars that may enable them to enhance the value of research in fragile environments for all those involved, particularly those most in need. I conclude with a simple guideline for research design, data acquisition, and result dissemination, that may serve as a reference and starting point when embarking on such endeavors.
... Thus, it manipulates grievance and distrust in inter-group relations, and grievance causes the protraction of social conflicts (Azar 1990). While some researchers argue that the death of the family members during a conflict is the most destructive experience for the individuals, according to others, displacement has more power over the people since it directly creates both material and psychological loss (Kijewski & Freitag 2018). ...
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Inter-group social trust is one of the main elements for peacebuilding and, as a common feature of civil wars, Forced Internal Displacement is creating further complexities and challenges for postwar inter-group social trust. However, research revealed that among the internally displaced people (IDP), some tend to have a higher level of postwar inter-group trust compared to the other IDP. Surprisingly, an analysis based on this topic revealed that only a small number of studies are focusing on the condition of IDP's postwar intergroup social trust in the long run. Therefore, this study examines the inter-group social trust of internally displaced people to provide a theoretical explanation for the following question; under what conditions the internally displaced people tend to trust more/less the conflicting party in the postwar context? With an examination of social psychology research, this thesis argues that postwar inter-group social trust of IDP who have experienced continuous prewar inter-group contact will be stronger than the IDP who do not have such inter-group contact experience. The reason behind this expectation is the expected effect of inter-group contact on eliminating the prejudices and promoting the 'collective knowledge' regarding the war and displacement, thus promoting inter-group trust. To analyze the research question empirically, this study collected data from two groups of internally displaced people of Cyprus; IDP displaced from heterogeneous areas and homogenous areas, using the method of qualitative single case analysis. The findings show strong support for the expected causal relationship.
... Although available evidence shows high prevalence rates of violence and mental health issues in the Kosovars context, only a few studies have explored resilience (Arënliu et al., 2019;Kelmendi et al., 2020;Kijewski & Freitag, 2018). This reflects a general limitation of the resilience literature, which has often been studied in North America or western European countries (so-called Western Educated Industrialized Rich and Democratic or WEIRD countries), but seldom in Eastern Europe (Henrich et al., 2010). ...
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Most people who experience trauma want to thrive and often find paths to well-being and healthy functioning. This scoping review explores the existing evidence on adversity and resilience in southeastern European countries, focusing on Kosovo. There is a lack of research on trauma and resilience in cultures outside the US and Western Europe. The paper provides a brief cultural and historical overview of this region and the collectivist cultures found there. We draw from a range of interdisciplinary literatures to identify key strengths that have the potential to improve health outcomes for trauma victims in this region. Overall, 42 papers from PsycInfo and PubMed were identified, using keywords such as “resilience” or “health” and “Kosovo,” “Balkans,” and “Southeastern Europe.” Findings from this scoping review show that different cultural values, norms, and societal ecologies impact resilience within these societies. Some strengths, such as social support and sense of purpose, echoed similar research in the US and Western Europe. There was also evidence that factors such as dignity, family solidarity, social activism, and nationwide meaning-making are strengths associated with resilience for these collectivist societies of southeastern Europe. We also consider the implications of the results for other post-conflict societies. Finally, findings from this review call for culturally sensitive strength-based perspectives in promoting health and well-being after the high dosages of trauma common in this region.
... Of particular interest are the cases in which state formation encountered violent resistance by local population. The ensuing social unrest has been shown to increase uncertainty, decrease investment in human and physical capital (Rodrik 1999;Alesina and Perotti 1996) and lower trust in the institutions (Kijewski and Freitag 2018) thereby harming state-society relations and potentially eroding the perceived legitimacy of the newly-formed state. However, there is no systematic empirical evidence on the forms and causes of local populations' reactions to state formation processes. ...
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What determines violent reaction during state formation processes? To address this question, we exploit the uprisings that occurred when southern Italy was annexed to Piedmont during Italian unification in the 1860s. We assemble a novel dataset on episodes of brigandage, a form of violent rebellion against the unitary government, and on pre-unification social and economic characteristics of southern Italian municipalities. We find that the intensity of brigandage is ceteris paribus lower in and close to settlements of Piedmontese origin. We argue that geographical distance from these communities is a proxy for cultural distance from the Piedmontese rulers. Thus, our results suggest that, in the context of state formation, cultural proximity to the new ruler reduces social unrest by local communities. After ruling out alternative mechanisms consistent with the economic literature, we provide suggestive evidence of cultural persistence and diffusion in our context, and discuss two possible culture-based drivers of our results: social identification with the Piedmontese rulers, and a clash between local values and some specific content of the new institutions.
... The PSS-14 instrument consists of 7 positive items and 7 negative items rated on a 5-point scale (0 = Never, 1 = Almost Never, 2 = Sometimes, 3 = Fairly Often, 4 = Very Often). Items 4,5,6,7,9,10, and 13 are the positively stated items. The scores are calculated by re-versing the scores on the seven positive items, i.e., 0 = 4, 1 = 3, 2 = 2, 3 = 1, and 4 = 0, and then summing across all the 14 items [30]. ...
(1) Background: Syrians are the largest forcibly displaced population in the world. Approximately 20,000 Syrian refugees have resettled in the United States (US) since the civil war in Syria began in 2011, with an estimated 130 families resettling in Houston, Texas. We conducted a pilot study with the objective of examining the physical and mental well-being of the Houston Syrian refugee population. (2) Methods: Online surveys were conducted using psychometrically valid instruments including Afghan Symptom Checklist (ASC), Refugee Post-Migration Stress Scale (RPMSS), Perceived Stress Scale (PSS), and Self-Report Questionnaire (SRQ) (3) Results: According to independent t-tests, Syrian refugee females scored higher than males on ASC (37.78 vs. 31.64, p = 0.0446), particularly in the subscales of sadness with social withdrawal (28.89 vs. 24.31, p = 0.0495), and stress-induced reactivity (6.56 vs. 4.86, p = 0.0004). Similarly, females scored higher than males in RPMSS (60.54 vs. 45.15, p = 0.0022), including the social strain domain (8.08 vs. 5.18, p = 0.0204). In PSS and SRQ, Syrian refugee females reported comparable stress and distress scores as males. (4) Conclusions: Syrian refugee females reported higher stress and distress than males. Displacement from their home country and social strain were the major sources of stress in Syrian refugee females, as indicated in RPMSS.
... They also learn more slowly during trust games, indicating an impaired ability to process relevant information about the intentions of others (Cisler, et al. 2015). Other evidence suggests that individuals with PTS symptoms are more likely to attribute hostile intent to others (van Reemst, Fischer and Zwirs 2014) and to interpret ambiguous situations as more threatening (Bomyea, Johnson and Lang 2016), and that individuals who experience traumatic events or anxiety are less trusting of others (Alesina & Ferrara, 2002;Kijewski & Freitag, 2018;Potts, et al., 2019). ...
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Anxiety influences how people attend to, interpret, and respond to information and potential threats. How does anxiety influence attempts to persuade? We hypothesize that the relationship depends on the interaction between an individual's level of anxiety and the trustworthiness of a source that provides information. Individuals with lower levels of anxiety can be persuaded by a trustworthy source. But persistent and high levels of anxiety lead to hypervigiliance and mistrust in others. This means that even trustworthy sources of information cannot persuade anxious individuals. We test our hypotheses with a factoral survey experiment, drawing participants from residents of internally displaced person (IDP) camps in northeastern Nigeria. We find that information from a more trustworthy source leads to increased return intentions. However, the more participants exhibit psychological distress the less of an effect source trustworthiness has on their return intentions. We conclude by discussing the implications for return of displaced persons and political and personal decision-making more generally.
... However, not all studies show that violence reinforces the established social identities; sometimes it has a detrimental impact on community or national cohesion (e.g. Hager et al. 2019;Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Barclay Child and Nikolova 2020;Dell and Querubin 2018;Vélez et al. 2016). According to the social identity model of collective psychosocial resilience (Drury 2012;Drury et al. 2019), the emergence of shared social identity is predicated on the sense of common fate in relation to collective violence. ...
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A classic pitfall of transitional justice discourse and practice resides in creating a binary between active perpetrators and passive victims. This account, however, tends to overlook emergent forms of coordination, solidarity and collective agency within survivor communities. A parallel can be observed in social psychological research on collective behaviour in mass emergencies and disasters. While early theories suggested that such events lead to psychological vulnerability and a breakdown of norms, accumulated evidence of coordination and social support among survivors is more consistent with a social identity model of collective psychosocial resilience. We apply this model to analyse evidence from a growing number of studies on armed conflicts that suggest that social cooperation and organization can arise as a response to collective violence via shared identity. Drawing on research conducted in different conflict-affected societies, we describe various instances of collective resilience among existing and emergent communities, including cases of collective civilian organization and mobilization for peace and against the divisive logic of violence.
... The developmental perspective of the DPM stresses that with greater agency and autonomy, children are able to transform the post-accord society on an extensive scale. Exposure to ethnic conflict has been associated with lower levels of general (i.e., target not specified) prosocial behavior in children (Keresteš, 2006;Kijewski & Freitag, 2018;Rohner et al., 2013). Outgroup-specific prosocial behavior may be perceived as disloyal toward ingroup members , resulting in social penalties (Abrams et al., 2014;Pinto et al., 2010) or physical punishments (Monaghan & McLaughlin, 2006). ...
Chapter
Millions of children worldwide will not reach their potential in terms of education and development. However, it is widely known that investment in high-quality early childhood development (ECD) pays rich dividends throughout the lifespan of an individual, impacting their own lives, families, and communities in a positive way. Further evidence points to the importance of ECD in delivering the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The multi-sectoral, integrated provision of ECD services is ideally placed to facilitate holistic positive change and enhance social cohesion in some of the most inequitable and vulnerable contexts. The LINKS project brings together an international network of researchers, who work in strategic partnership with United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and Early Years the Organisation for Young Children in Northern Ireland to support the development, implementation, and evaluation of ECD programs in low- and middle-income countries impacted by divisions and conflict. The project is designed to contribute to the international evidence base on ECD for social cohesion and sustaining peace to make a real difference in the lives of children, caregivers, and communities.
... One mechanism through which pre-school children could develop PTG is through interaction with parents. Pre-school years is deemed a very sensitive period and an age where war exposure may persist throughout life (Leon 2012;Currie and Vogl 2013;Arroyo and Eth 1996;Pynoos and Nader 1993), because of-among other mechanisms-psychological distress (Kijewski and Freitag 2016), confusion, and self-blame (Dorresteijn et al. 2019). These reactions might be magnified by children's perception that caregivers where stressed or extremely worried during traumatic events. ...
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Life-course studies have shown that early-life conditions predict health and socio-economic status in adult life. This study analyzes whether experiencing a traumatic event in childhood, i.e., the Second World War (WW2), affects subjective survival probabilities (SSPs). We rely on a representative sample of European adults who were differentially exposed to WW2 during childhood as a result of their date and place of birth. Results show that exposure to WW2 increases SSPs, with socio-economic and health characteristics not playing a mediating role. War exposure also counterbalances the adverse effects of health impairments on SSPs, but it does not affect health outcomes per se. This fact, jointly with low mortality rates of the cohort under investigation, suggests that selective mortality and post-traumatic stress are not the main channels. Instead, the results support the hypothesis that personal growth and life appreciation emerge after traumatic events, thereby leading to optimistic perceptions of longevity.
... Taken together, these outcome variables measure attitudes that are important for building public support for a political solution to the ''Cyprus problem,'' and for promoting reconciliation. Numerous studies have documented a decline in social and intergroup trust as a consequence of civil war (De Luca and Verpoorten, 2015;Ingelaere and Verpoorten, 2020;Kijewski and Freitag, 2018), although ingroup trust is less affected and may even increase in response to violence (Bauer et al., 2016;Gilligan et al., 2014). If trust among groups can be strengthened, this may contribute to solving the credible commitment problems that so often plague negotiations after civil conflict. ...
Article
How can ethnic reconciliation be achieved in conflict settings where populations are physically separated? We address this question by examining the role of “extended contact”—a form of indirect contact which entails learning about the contact experiences of others—in the context of Cyprus’s frozen conflict. We field a survey experiment in order to test two pathways through which extended contact works: (1) by helping build a common identity; and (2) by activating empathy. We find that our treatments are associated with greater trust in the outgroup and greater support for cross-ethnic interaction, but only among segments of the population that are initially less favorable toward reconciliation.
... Early developmental researchers describe wars as "development in reverse": Their legacy is the persistence of underdevelopment through the weakening of local and national political institutions, the destruction of the social fabric, and division of populations by removing the foundation of norms, values, and interpersonal and communal group trust that facilitate interpersonal cooperation (1,2). Consistent with this perspective, some microlevel researchers have found that armed conflicts negatively affect tangible factors such as individuals' investment, income, and consumption (3,4), as well as less tangible elements such as psychological wellbeing and social trust (5,6). ...
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Significance Recent studies document that exposure to civil war violence could increase postwar participation in social organizations. Yet, we lack evidence on whether these effects persist over generations, the pathway of persistence, and whether they generalize to different types of conflict. I address these gaps, drawing on a very detailed dataset on the conflict intensity in the Vietnam War and a representative survey in contemporary Vietnam that includes respondents’ migration history. I find that conflict-affected individuals tend to engage more in social organization and hold greater expressive values, at least 26 y after the individual’s exposure to the war. Further, I find evidence that both persistence within individuals and community-wide transmission jointly account for the long-term increase of civic engagement.
... Interestingly, our data also shows that some factors negatively impact the overall preferences for cooperation. In line with previous research showing declining levels of trust after civil wars (48)(49)(50), our method shows a decreasing preference for trustworthiness in post-revolutionary periods. Finally, we tested the effects of GDP per capita (GDPpc) on all cooperation-to-dominance ratios, and found that in four out of six measures the variations in GDPpc (when accounting for global time trends) generally preceded isomorphic variations in trust, sympathy and prosociality. ...
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Significance We analyzed a large sample of English and French theatre plays and tracked the dynamics of words related to cooperation and dominance before and after early modern revolutions. We show that prior to both the English Civil War and French Revolution, there was a sharp rise in the frequency of words associated with prosociality, trustworthiness, and sympathy vs. words related to authoritarianism, strength and anger. Interestingly, in postrevolutionary reactionary periods, characters became stronger and less trustworthy. Finally, we also show that variations in GDP per capita partially account for these psychological changes. These findings reveal the interplay between economic environment, psychological preferences, and political events and shed lights on the rise and fall of support for democracy.
... Populations who endure war events suffer many traumatizing experiences and develop symptoms associated with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Goren & Neter, 2016;Kijewski & Freitag, 2016;Kira et al., 2012). Many refugees who are uprooted from their home countries may also endure diverse mental health challenges and difficulties of resettlement (Oda et al., 2017;Steel et al., 2009). ...
... Without people's willingness to accept differences and recognize the rights of others in the society, it is challenging to minimize disputes or potential conflicts that arise from the different religious, political, and moral beliefs that people have (Lee, 2014). The legacy of individual-level war exposure on tolerance has received little attention, even though it is known as one of the most important factors defining attitudes and behavior in postwar societies (among others Blattman, 2009;Hirsch-Hoefler et al., 2016;Grossman, Manekin & Miodownik, 2015;Kijewski & Freitag, 2018;Rapp, Kijewski & Freitag, forthcoming). Studies from related fields that explore the relationship between individual exposure to political violence and tolerance, however, show that war exposure 'hardens' one's heart and makes people, among other things, less likely to support peace (Hirsch-Hoefler et al., 2016;Grossman, Manekin, & Miodownik, 2015). ...
Article
How does civil war shape the prospects of lasting peace between formerly opposing ethnic groups after the end of violence? This article addresses the complex relationship between war experience, interethnic attitudes, interethnic forgiveness, and the willingness to permit basic civil liberties to former enemies in the context of postwar Sri Lanka. Despite the end of the 26-year-long civil war in 2009, social and political tensions between the two largest ethnic groups, the Sinhalese and the Sri Lankan Tamils, still prevail. Political tolerance is in the literature considered a crucial micro-level condition for peaceful coexistence, yet, its determinants, in particular the role of war experiences, have not received sufficient attention. Using new and unique all-island representative survey data (N = 1,420), we examine the mutual permission of civil liberties of these two ethnic groups. Our analyses reveal two important findings: first, the likelihood of granting civil liberties varies by civil liberty and ethnic group. Whereas most members of both ethnic groups are willing to grant the right to vote, to hold a speech, and to hold a government position, the right to demonstrate is highly contested, with only low shares of both Tamils and Sinhalese being willing to grant the other group this right. Second, the structural equation models reveal that the direct impact of war exposure is less powerful than expected and depends on the political right in question. Not forgiving the other ethnic group, partly driven by war experience and ethnic prejudice, appears to be a more consistent predictor of intolerance. These results imply that postwar efforts to further forgiveness are important to promote political tolerance and thereby long-lasting peace.
... Second, by examining whether and how war experience can be transmitted and impact following generations' levels of life satisfaction, this study adds to the ever-growing literature examining the long-term, social consequences of war. Although this literature documents the medium-and long-term impact of direct war experiences on trust, political attitudes and behavior, and perceived institutional effectiveness and life satisfaction (Bellows and Miguel 2009;Besley and Reyna-Querol 2014;Blattman 2009;Grosjean 2014;Ikin et al. 2009;Kesternich et al. 2014;Kijewski and Freitag 2018;Shemyakina and Plagnol 2013), we still know little about how such experiences influence social and political outcomes beyond the directly affected. The present study reveals that WWII has had a lasting, negative legacy on individual well-being: Individuals who experienced or whose family members have experienced war are significantly less satisfied with their lives than individuals without any such experiences. ...
Article
Each year, wars disrupt the lives of thousands of people around the globe. Yet, we still know relatively little about the long-term consequences of war in regard to individuals’ satisfaction with life, particularly across generations. In this study, we analyze how war experience influences life satisfaction sixty years after the Second World War with the help of individual survey data from thirty-five countries (N=32,730) from 2010. Drawing from related literatures exploring the long-term impact of traumatic experiences, we examine how such experiences influence individual levels of life satisfaction among those directly affected by the war as well as its impact on their descendants’ level of life satisfaction. Our findings indicate that war experiences continue to be related to lower levels of life satisfaction even six decades after the end of the war, among members of the war generation as well as subsequent generations. This effect is remarkably robust and extends to individuals born decades after the war, becoming stronger with age.
... By victims, I mean individuals and their close relatives (including parents, partner, siblings, and children), who were affected by an act of violence.2 In contrast, several studies identified a negative effect of mass violence, especially on generalized trust (e.g.,Cassar, Grosjean, and Whitt, 2013;De Luca and Verpoorten, 2015;Kijewski and Freitag, 2018;Mironova and Whitt, 2016). ...
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Objective Recent literature indicates that exposure to conflict can foster participation. Scholars often point to the social dynamics related to conflict to explain this finding. This article examines individual coping as alternative explanation. It should influence victims of violence independently of the origin of victimization. Methods Using data from four survey waves in Colombia conducted between 2013 and 2015 (N = 5,536), victims of conflict actors are compared to victims of common delinquency with fixed effects regression analysis. Results Both conflict and crime victims show elevated levels of participation in social organizations across a series of model specifications. Conclusion Theories related to the social dynamics of conflict cannot explain why crime victims show similarly elevated levels of participation as conflict victims. Individual coping theory provides an alternative. According to this theory, victims of violence seek support and participation to deal with emotional stress independent of the source of victimization.
Article
We examine whether disagreements about the Arab Spring uprisings, in five countries that experienced protests, have transitioned into the non-political sphere. To test this spillover effect, we ask two questions: (a) does interacting with fellow nationals who have opposing attitudes towards the Arab Spring generate less pro-social behaviour compared to situations where such disagreements are absent, and (b) whether the degree of affective polarization – if it exists – depends on the severity of the uprising’s outcome. We explore these questions by running two lab-in-the-field experiments – measuring fairness and interpersonal trust – with 1274 subjects from five Arab countries: Syrian refugees, Sudanese refugees, Jordanians, Tunisians and Egyptians. We find significant results on both fairness and trust among the Syrian sample – who experienced the most violent version of the events – and partly among Sudanese refugees. Our findings indicate that the intensity of political polarization (particularly turning it into a violent conflict and generating refugees) is critical in producing the hypothesized spillover effect of affective polarization.
Article
What determines support for separatist movements in Africa? The past two decades have seen a rise in separatism across Africa, including renewed Nigeria's Igbo Biafran nationalism. While a large body of work has focused on the behaviour of African separatist movements themselves, less work has examined the correlates of popular support for their claims and goals. This study does so, focusing on two important factors. First, it examines whether exposure to conflict events involving neo‐Biafran movements increases or decreases support for the claims made by the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB). The study uses geo‐coded data from the Afrobarometer and ACLED datasets to measure proximate exposure and finds that more exposure correlates positively with support for secession. Second, it argues that the highest levels of support should be associated with members of ethnic groups that would dominate the proposed state. Drawing again from Afrobarometer, the study finds support for this.
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Most research on protests has been conducted in peaceful societies, whereas we know far less about contentious collective action in postwar contexts. To fill this gap, we offer a theory that perceived ethnic grievances related to group security and group status are particularly likely to generate protest mobilization in postwar societies. To test this theory and alternative hypotheses, we investigate trends in protest behavior in postwar Kosovo using an original protest event dataset and existing survey data. We find that protest behavior in postwar Kosovo is significantly shaped by perceived ethnic grievances: the majority of protest grievances center around group security and group status concerns. Protests about economic justice or good governance demands are significantly rarer. Using data from existing surveys, we also investigate the determinants of variation in individual protest participation. Our analysis reveals that perceived ethnic discrimination is strongly associated with individual protest participation in Kosovo.
Article
The last decade has seen a proliferation of studies on the consequences of civil wars; yet, we are far from reaching a consensus about what wars leave behind. In this review, we summarise findings from recent scholarship on four areas of importance for post-war politics: civic attitudes, prosocial behaviours, political participation and partisanship. We summarise findings, and suggest ways to answer contradictory or conflicting findings in the existing research by comparing across different literatures. We identify weaknesses in methods and measurement, and provide clear suggestions for future research, particularly calling for greater attention to wartime dynamics, measurement, and mechanisms.
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Intrastate conflicts dominate the twenty-first century. Understanding the psychological mechanisms necessary to transform such settings into more peaceful societies is essential. Toward that end, Helping Kids! is a cross-cultural project that focuses on children in conflict-affected contexts. Moving away from the conceptualization of youth as perpetrators or powerless victims, Helping Kids! recognizes that children can foster a peaceful future, despite growing up in the shadow of war. This chapter approaches peace holistically and understands it as not merely the absence of violence, exploring a conceptualization of positive peace. In line with this understanding, Helping Kids! goes beyond reducing prejudice to focus on intergroup prosocial acts. The chapter first outlines how outgroup prosociality can be understood as an antecedent of peacebuilding and then presents evidence from elementary school-aged children in five different contexts of intergroup conflict (Northern Ireland, Croatia, Kosovo, Republic of North Macedonia, and Israel) to reflect both the complexity and diversity of this area of research. We highlight both the common characteristics and differences across the Helping Kids! contexts and how children can contribute to a transition to peace. The chapter concludes with recommendations for future research and practice.
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In this paper, we claim that information about social cohesion during a crisis influences social trust. We maintain that it is key to distinguish between positive and negative information about social cohesion during the crisis as well as between different forms of social trust, namely particularized trust, identity-based trust, and trust in strangers. Using a real-world survey experiment, we show that positive information on social cohesion has the potential to promote identity-based trust in times of crisis, thus triggering a rally-around-the-fellows effect. This seems to be prevalent for respondents with a lower socio-economic status. Consequently, receiving positive news about social cohesion may trigger identity-based trust in social strata where it is less likely to occur. However, among people ranking lower on the social ladder, negative information undermines their already fragile trust in strangers. Our results have important implications by showing how different information about the impact of a crisis affects the glue that holds society together.
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This study considers how ethnic trust and minority status can impact the ability of ethnic groups to pursue cooperative public goods, focusing on groups with a history of conflict and lingering hostility. A public good experiment between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in postwar Kosovo reveals that subjects contribute far more to a mutually beneficial public good when they are part of an experimentally induced coethnic majority. However, when in the minority, subjects not only underinvest, but many actively divest entirely, privatizing the public good. Majority/minority status also has wide-ranging implications for how individuals relate to real-world public goods and the institutions of government that provide them. Compared to majority Albanians, survey data indicate how minority Serbs in Kosovo express greater safety and security concerns, feel more politically, socially, and economically excluded, are more dissatisfied with civil liberties and human rights protections, and are less likely to participate politically or pay taxes to support public goods. Conflict-related victimization and distrust of out-groups are strong predictors of these minority group attitudes and behaviors. This suggests a mechanism for how conflict amplifies out-group distrust, increasing parochial bias in public good commitments, especially among minorities who are wary of exploitation at the hands of an out-group majority. To restore trust, this study finds that institutional trust and intergroup contact are important to bridging ethnic divides that inhibit public good cooperation.
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The province of Aceh in Indonesia provides a promising case for studying the economic legacy effects of conflict given subnational district-level data on violence and gross domestic product. We demonstrate specific negative economic legacy effects of armed conflict despite a general peace dividend: whilst all districts in Aceh grow faster after conflict ends in 2005 than during the conflict, the districts that suffered relatively more from violence during the war grow relatively more slowly during peacetime than districts that experienced relatively little violence. These negative legacy effects are relatively short-lived, however, and are no longer statistically significant from 2009 onwards. JEL classification: O40, O47, Q54
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The article reviews a family of multilevel models that can be used to build general theories of the nonprofit sector that are still sensitive to variations in context. The comparative study of the nonprofit (or nongovernmental) sector presents formidable challenges to social scientists who are attempting to advance theory on the sector. Ostensibly, the goal is to model and test theories that are generalizable. Yet, as scholars study topics such as volunteerism, donations, governance, management, advocacy, accountability, and the like in different political, economic, and cultural contexts, they often find different patterns across cases. After reviewing the issues and introducing the idea that time (or more specifically events) can be thought of as context as well, we present an analytical approach for doing comparative research using the framework of hierarchical linear modeling.
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Community processes to address fractured social relationships and well‐being remain the least examined dimensions in studies of legacies of civil wars. This article addresses these limitations by analyzing how the wartime and postwar generations have negotiated the legacies of the civil war (1976–1992) in a farming economy region in Mozambique. Based on a 14‐year (2002–2015) study of community courts in Mozambique, we analyzed the types of social conflicts and the associations with gender, age, risk factors, self‐described health impairments, and the timing of farming activities. We identified n = 3,456 participants and found that perennial sources of disputes were related to family formation and maintenance, defamation, accusations of perpetration of serious civil wartime violations, mistrust, debts, and domestic violence. Furthermore, conflict relations were associated with gender, age, risk factors, and health problems. This study concludes that civil wars have lasting multifaceted legacies, but generational tensions, availability of community institutions, and economic resources shape social relationships and well‐being outcomes while averting revenge cycles among civilian war survivors.
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Since civil wars hit rural areas intensely, Rural Producer Organizations (RPO) -as forms of long-term collective action or cooperation among small farmers- are considered essential for peacebuilding. However, the factors underpinning the formation and performance of RPO post-war are unclear. Based on a case study in the municipality of Planadas, Colombia, where the former communist guerrilla Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army – FARC-EP was formed and several associations flourished post-war, this article identifies 14 contextual factors facilitating the rise of RPO. Contrasting the findings with variables identified by collective action, commons theory, and literature on RPO, it was determined that four additional contextual variables play a critical role in RPO development post-war, namely, legacies of war, resilience strategies, institutional intermediaries, and discourses. Legacies of war refer to the vestiges left by the kind of relationship developed between the main armed actor and the civilians in wartime. Economic activity as a resilience strategy indicates civilians’ strategies to stay aside from the confrontation, reducing the probability of being harmed and preventing their involvement in the war or illegal economic activities. Intermediary institutions are third-party organizations that influence RPO. In the case considered, this role was developed by certification schemes known as Voluntary Sustainability Standards. Controverting critical literature on the effects of the standards, the results suggest that they can enhance self-organizing capacities post-conflict at the local level. Finally, discourses refer to additional incentives for RPO development regarding what participants consider valuable beyond economic benefits. Consequently, the article presents the foundations of an expanded framework to understand and foster RPO growth in post-war settings.
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This article explores the sources of public opinion about territorial disputes. Specifically, it investigates the impact of one particular character trait—social trust—on the policy preferences of Indian citizens in the context of the Sino-Indian dispute over Arunachal Pradesh/South Tibet. We argue that social trust shapes how a citizen thinks about a given territorial dispute and influences which policy options this individual favors in response to another country's claim. Our empirical analysis is based on original survey data collected in the National Capital Territory of Delhi (NCT) in January/February 2017. In line with our theoretical expectations, we find that high-trust individuals are: (1) more likely to regard China's claim to Arunachal Pradesh/South Tibet as legitimate; (2) more willing to favor the onset of conflict management; and (3) more supportive of concessions. This article therefore adds to a growing literature examining the individual-level determinants of public opinion in territorial disputes.
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We study changes in inter- and intra-ethnic trust in Rwanda. We focus on the impact of the 1994 genocide against Tutsi, which is a case of group-selective violence marked by a clear perpetrator-group and victim-group as well as within-group variation with respect to exposure to violence. In our empirical analysis, we rely on more than 400 individual life histories in which intra- and inter-ethnic trust were systematically ranked for all life history years. Overall, we find that, while intra-ethnic trust remains largely unchanged, inter-ethnic trust decreases with the onset of violence and sharply so for those targeted in the genocide. Inter-ethnic trust gradually recovers over time. Only members of a subset of the victim-group, namely those with the highest probability of individual physical exposure to violence, portray signs of continued out-group mistrust, 17 years after the genocide. Our results suggest that taking into account the element of time, establishing a fine-grained differentiation of the relevant in- and out-groups in the conflict, and identifying the level of exposure to violence, are necessary steps to better understand the impact of political violence on trust. Regarding theory, our findings further qualify what is known about the twofold theoretical foundation of trust relationships, namely that changes in interpersonal trust reside in altered personal predispositions due to traumatic experiences and/or evolving experiences of trustworthiness in social interaction.
Article
Adolescence constitutes the second and final window of human growth and a period of specific vulnerabilities, such as early pregnancy, early marriage, HIV infection, suicide, violence, alcohol, and drugs. Only a limited body of research investigates the effects of humanitarian crises on the human capital and well‐being of adolescents. The evidence focuses on the short‐term effects of conflict and, to a lesser extent, natural disasters on education, physical health, and nutrition, but not on mental health. Most analyses examine the situations of individuals exposed in utero and young childhood, but rarely during adolescence. Typically missing are robust empirical identification strategies and estimates on heterogeneous effects across age or gender. The lack of quality data and challenges in defining adolescence, establishing causality, or ensuring ethical research explain the knowledge gaps. Possible ways to expand the evidence base include mixing georeferenced data on individual location with georeferenced data on crises, sharpening quasi‐experimental analytical techniques, and reconsidering the current timing of demographic data collection, now spanning 4‐ or 5‐year intervals. The failure to make such adjustments will end by ignoring specific vulnerabilities among adolescents and render sustainable progress in well‐being globally, narrowing inequalities, and guaranteeing human rights to all more difficult to achieve.
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After almost 20 years since the end of the armed conflicts in former Yugoslavia, we are witnesses to the fact that the main causes of the conflicts have not been overcome. Reconciliation between ethnic groups that had been in conflict by means of economic and political cooperation, must have a psychological foundation. This study investigates the relations between Conspiracy Mentality, basic lexical social attitudes, and the factors important for Croatian-Serbian and Kosovo Albanian-Serbian reconciliation, i.e., the Ethos of Conflict and the Readiness for Reconciliation. We hypothesize that Conspiracy Mentality will predict the propensity for reconciliation over and above basic social attitudes, and that will mediate the relations between basic social attitudes and factors contributing (or preventing) reconciliation. With the samples of Serbs from Central Serbia (n = 307) and Northern Kosovo (n = 271), Conspiracy Mentality, Ethos of Conflict, Readiness for Reconciliation and five basic lexical social attitudes (Traditional Religiosity, Unmitigated Self-Interest, Communal Rationalism, Subjective Spirituality, and Inequality-Aversion) were measured. Results showed that Conspiracy Mentality is negatively related to the Readiness for Reconciliation and positively to the Ethos of Conflict. Additionally, Conspiracy Mentality predicts Ethos of Conflict over and above the basic social attitudes. Finally, Conspiracy Mentality mediates the relationships between Traditional Religiosity, Inequality-Aversion and Subjective Spirituality on the one hand, and Ethos of Conflict on the other. The results suggest that Conspiracy Mentality should be taken into consideration when creating policies and programmes focused on reconciliation.
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Civil wars entail many harmful consequences for the population beyond physical injuries and casualties. Although recent research has pointed out the importance of psychological distress, it must not be overlooked that not only immediate experiences from civil wars can cause such distress, but also the processes transforming social networks. In this article, the authors argue that wartime transformation is enduring even after the civil war has ended. It is precisely these social processes that are responsible for the psychological footprint on civilians. This claim is tested using original survey data collected in Sri Lanka, which has witnessed a devastating civil war. Results of the regression analysis indicate that social transformation processes are distinctly associated with increased war-related distress. Moreover, social transformation processes partly mediate the relationship between direct exposure to war and distress. These findings have important implications for our understanding of social interventions in the aftermath of civil wars.
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The field of international relations has long focused on understanding and explaining the causes of war. In contrast, scholars have devoted relatively little attention to war’s consequences. However, scholarly literature on the consequences of violent conflict, including its effects on liberal democracy, has burgeoned and improved in recent decades. This essay critically reviews the state of scholarly knowledge regarding the short-term and long-term effects of both interstate and intrastate violent conflict on liberal democratic institutions and practices. We explore these effects on two key regime dimensions: participation and contestation. Existing research shows that security threats, mobilization, and warfare are neither entirely negative nor entirely positive with respect to liberal democracy. On the one hand, in the short run, these pressures erode liberal institutions and values. On the other hand, large-scale mobilization and warfare—both interstate and civil—encourage broader and more intense participation at the individual level and strengthen participation’s structural foundations. However, despite recent advances, there remains much that we still do not know, which suggests promising avenues for future research. The existing literature has not sufficiently or systematically distinguished among the effects of threat/insecurity, mobilization, and warfare. It has been stronger on empirical findings than on developing the midrange theories and causal mechanisms that would make sense of those findings. It has been firmer on conflict’s impact on individual attitudes and predilections than on how and when violence reshapes larger political processes and structures. It has had more to say about conflict’s short-run effects than its long-term effects, especially with respect to contestation. The impact of violent conflict on liberal democracy remains a rich soil for future research.
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In this chapter, we review some of the work on trust and show its relevance to effective conflict management. We also extend some of this work to a broader understanding of the key role of trust in relationships, and how different types of relationships can be characterized according to the levels of trust and distrust that are present. Finally, we describe procedures for rebuilding trust that has been broken, and for managing distrust in ways that can enhance short-term conflict containment while rebuilding trust over the long run. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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We show that armed conflict in Uganda affects social capital as measured by trust and associational membership. Relying on three rounds of nationally representative individual-level data bracketing a large number of violent events, we find that self-reported generalized trust and associational membership decreased during the conflict in districts in which violent events took place. But we also find evidence for a rapid recovery of social capital in the aftermath of violence. Results from a variety of identification strategies, including difference-in-differences and instrumental variable estimates, suggests that these relationships are causal.
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Generalized trust is praised by many researchers as the foundation of functioning social systems. An ongoing debate concerns the question whether and to what extent experiences impact individuals’ generalized trust, as measured with the standard trust survey question. So far, reliable empirical evidence regarding the causal effect of experiences on generalized trust is scarce. Studies either do not directly measure the quality of experiences or use designs that are prone to selection bias. In the present study, we investigate a unique panel data set from Switzerland that contains measures of trust and measures of negative experiences, i.e. victimization. We use change score analysis and ‘genetic matching’ to investigate the causal effect of victimization on generalized trust and find no substantially strong effect that is consistent across panel data waves.
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This study assessed the pathogenic and salutogenic effects of exposure to terror among Israeli youth. A total of 2,949 adolescents from grades seven through nine in four areas of differing exposure to terror were assessed for objective exposure and subjective exposure to terror, and for posttraumatic symptoms and posttraumatic growth. Two-thirds of the subjects faced at least one terror incident, and one-fourth were exposed to more than three different terror incidents. We found a low correlation between objective and subjective exposure. Results show that 41.1% of the participants report mild to severe posttraumatic symptoms, while 74.4% report feelings of growth. Objective and subjective measures of exposure were associated with both posttraumatic stress and psychological growth. Additionally, religious adolescents reported greater feelings of growth, and girls reported more feelings of growth than boys. The pathogenic and salutogenic effects of terror are discussed.
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This article attempts to explain why some countries experience civil wars while others do not. It argues that renewed war is likely to have less to do with the attributes of a previous war, as many people have argued, than with current incentives individual citizens have to rejoin a rebel group. Civil wars will have little chance to get off the ground unless individual farmers, shopkeepers, and potential workers choose to enlist in the rebel armies that are necessary to pursue a war, and enlistment is only likely to be attractive when two conditions hold. The first is a situation of individual hardship or severe dissatisfaction with one’s current situation. The second is the absence of any nonviolent means for change. An analysis of all civil wars ending between 1945 and 1996 suggests that a higher quality of life and greater access to political participation have a significant negative effect on the likelihood of renewed war. Countries that provide higher levels of economic well-being to their citizenry and create an open political system are less likely to experience multiple civil wars regardless of what happened in a previous conflict.
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A large number of cross-national survey datasets have become available in recent decades. Consequently, scholars frequently apply multilevel models to test hypotheses on both the individual and the country level. However, no currently available cross-national survey project covers more than 54 countries (GESIS 2009). Multilevel modeling therefore runs the risk that higher-level slope estimates (and the substantial conclusions drawn from these estimates) are unreliable due to one or more influential cases (i.e., countries). This comment emphasizes the problem of influential cases and presents ways to detect and deal with them. To detect influential cases, one may use both graphic tools (e.g., scatter plots at the aggregate level) and numeric tools (e.g., diagnostic tests such as Cook’s D and DFBETAS). To illustrate the usefulness and necessity of these tools, we apply them to a study that was recently published in this journal (Ruiter and De Graaf 2006). Finally, we provide recommendations and tools to detect and handle influential cases, specifically in cross-sectional multilevel analyses.
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Our study evaluates the dimensionality and equivalence of social trust across cultural contexts, using new data from Switzerland and the World Values Survey 2005–2008. Whereas some scholars assert that trust should be regarded as a coherent concept, others claim that trust is better conceived of as a multidimensional concept. In contrast to the conventional dichotomy of the forms of social trust, we identify three distinct forms of trust, namely, particularized, generalized, and identity-based trust. Moreover, we dispute the view that respondents understand the wording of survey questions regarding social trust differently between different cultural contexts, which would imply that comparative research on trust is a pointless endeavor. Applying multiple-group confirmatory factor analysis to the various constructs of social trust, we conclude that one may study relationships among the three forms of trust and other theoretical constructs as well as compare latent means across cultural contexts. Our analyses therefore provide an optimistic outlook for future comparative analyses that investigate forms of social trust across cultural contexts.
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This article identifies six main theories of the determinants of social trust, and tests them against survey data from seven societies, 1999-2001. Three of the six theories of trust fare rather poorly and three do better. First and foremost, social trust tends to be high among citizens who believe that there are few severe social conflicts and where the sense of public safety is high. Second, informal social networks are associated with trust. And third, those who are successful in life trust more, or are more inclined by their personal experience to do so. Individual theories seem to work best in societies with higher levels of trust, and societal ones in societies with lower levels of trust. This may have something to do with the fact that our two low trust societies, Hungary and Slovenia, happen to have experienced revolutionary change in the very recent past, so that societal events have overwhelmed individual circumstances.
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The purpose of this study was to assess the relation between trauma exposure and prosocial behavior. Undergraduate students (N = 1,528) completed online measures of prosocial behavior (both daily helping behavior and volunteering), lifetime trauma exposure, and 5 other known correlates (i.e., empathy, agreeableness, religiosity, extraversion, and gender) of prosocial behavior at Time 1. At Time 2, 2 months later, participants (n = 1,281) completed measures of trauma exposure between Time 1 and Time 2 (to identify individuals who experienced a trauma between Time 1 and Time 2; n = 122), prosocial behavior, event-related distress, and well-being. Individuals who had experienced more lifetime traumas engaged in more prosocial behavior, and lifetime trauma exposure explained additional variance in prosocial behavior after accounting for other known correlates. In addition, individuals who had experienced a recent trauma reported engaging in more daily helping behavior than a matched no-trauma comparison group (n = 122). Among recent trauma survivors, engaging in prosocial behavior was associated with greater well-being. Implications for research and practice are addressed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Nearly everyone who survived the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina experienced traumatic events. The authors' research, combined with their personal and clinical experience, shows that at least some people have experienced positive changes that they attribute to the wartime. In the short literature review that begins this chapter the authors will put the two case reports from Bosnia and Herzegovina that begin this chapter in a wider perspective by attempting to summarize what is known about adversarial growth due to war, especially in civilians. In the second half of the chapter the authors will present some new results on adversarial growth from their own research in Bosnia and Herzegovina. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This paper presents a large-scale, comprehensive test of generalized trust across 31 nations. I pay particular attention to the theory and measurement of voluntary associations in promoting trust, hypothesizing that voluntary associations connected to other voluntary associations are more beneficial for the creation of generalized trust than associations isolated from other associations. The theory is tested with a multi-level, cross-national model, including both individual-level and country-level variables to predict the placement of trust. At the individual level, I find that membership in connected associations creates more trust than membership in isolated associations. At the national level, having more connected voluntary associations increases trust, while having more isolated associations decreases trust.
Book
On February 17, 2008, Kosovo declared its independence, becoming the seventh state to emerge from the break-up of the former Yugoslavia. A tiny country of just two million people, 90% of whom are ethnic Albanians, Kosovo is central - geographically, historically, and politically - to the future of the Western Balkans and, in turn, its potential future within the European Union. But the fate of both Kosovo, condemned by Serbian leaders as a “fake state” and the region as a whole, remains uncertain. In Kosovo: What Everyone Needs to Know, Tim Judah provides a straight-forward guide to the complicated place that is Kosovo. Judah, who has spent years covering the region, offers succinct, penetrating answers to a wide range of questions: Why is Kosovo important? Who are the Albanians? Who are the Serbs? Why is Kosovo so important to Serbs? What role does Kosovo play in the region and in the world? Judah reveals how things stand now and presents the history and geopolitical dynamics that have led to it. The most important of these is the question of the right to self-determination, invoked by the Kosovo Albanians, as opposed to right of territorial integrity invoked by the Serbs. For many Serbs, Kosovo's declaration of independence and subsequent recognition has been traumatic, a savage blow to national pride. Albanians, on the other hand, believe their independence rights an historical wrong: the Serbian conquest (Serbs say “liberation”) of Kosovo in 1912. For anyone wishing to understand both the history and possible future of Kosovo at this pivotal moment in its history, this book offers a wealth of insight and information in a uniquely accessible format.
Chapter
Surveys suggest an erosion of trust in government, among individuals, and between groups. Although these trends are often thought to be bad for democracy, the relationship between democracy and trust is paradoxical. Trust can develop where interests converge, but in politics interests conflict. Democracy recognizes that politics does not provide a natural terrain for robust trust relations, and so includes a healthy distrust of the interests of others, especially the powerful. Democratic systems institutionalize distrust by providing many opportunities for citizens to oversee those empowered with the public trust. At the same time, trust is a generic social building block of collective action, and for this reason alone democracy cannot do without trust. At a minimum, democratic institutions depend on a trust among citizens sufficient for representation, resistance, and alternative forms of governance. Bringing together social science and political theory, this book provides a valuable exploration of these central issues.
Chapter
Trust is more than just another interesting, difficult, though only recently widely studied social phenomenon. The current rise in interest in this phenomenon (as reflected in recent writings by, among others, Fukuyama (1995), Seligman (1992), Gambetta (1988), Giddens (1990), Levi (1996), Misztal (1996), Putnam (1993), and Eisenstadt (1995, 1998)) as well as the closely related group of phenomena such as social capital, respect, recognition, confidence, associability, social cohesion, and civil society may have to do with a widely shared, though largely implicit, diagnosis of basic problems of public policy and the steering of social coordination, and ultimately the maintenance of social order itself. Specialists in the field of sociology of knowledge will have to reflect upon why it is that these perennial questions of social theory are widely addressed today in terms of such “soft” conceptual tools referring to informal and subinstitutional social phenomena.
Article
Although most people will gradually recover from the psychological effects of a traumatic event, PTSD will develop in a substantial proportion. PTSD appears to represent a failure to recover from a nearly universal set of emotions and reactions and is typically manifested as distressing memories or nightmares related to the traumatic event, attempts to avoid reminders of the trauma, and a heightened state of physiological arousal. Studies of the biologic mechanisms of PTSD have delineated circumscribed alterations in brain regions, such as the amygdala and hippocampus, that are associated with fear and memory, as well as changes in hormonal, neurochemical, and physiological systems involved in coordinating the body's response to stress. The treatment of PTSD involves educating the patient about the nature of the disorder, providing a safe and supportive environment for discussing traumatic events and their impact, and relieving the distress associated with memories and reminders of the event. A variety of approaches, such as exposure therapy, cognitive therapy, and pharmacotherapy, have been found to be effective in the treatment of PTSD.
Article
This comprehensive study of international ethnic cleansing provides in-depth coverage of its occurrences in Armenia, Nazi Germany, Cambodia, Yugoslavia, and Rwanda, as well as cases of lesser violence in early modern Europe and in contemporary India and Indonesia. After presenting a general theory of why serious conflict emerges and how it escalates into mass murder, Michael Mann offers suggestions on how to avoid such escalation in the future. Michael Mann is the author of Fascists (Cambridge, 2004) and The Sources of Social Power (Cambridge 1986).
Book
This volume explores the nature of civil war in the modern world and in historical perspective. Civil wars represent the principal form of armed conflict since the end of the Second World War, and certainly in the contemporary era. The nature and impact of civil wars suggests that these conflicts reflect and are also a driving force for major societal change. In this sense, Understanding Civil Wars: Continuity and change in intrastate conflictargues that the nature of civil war is not fundamentally changing in nature. The book includes a thorough consideration of patterns and types of intrastate conflict and debates relating to the causes, impact, and ‘changing nature’ of war. A key focus is on the political and social driving forces of such conflict and its societal meanings, significance and consequences. The author also explores methodological and epistemological challenges related to studying and understanding intrastate war. A range of questions and debates are addressed. What is the current knowledge regarding the causes and nature of armed intrastate conflict? Is it possible to produce general, cross-national theories on civil war which have broad explanatory relevance? Is the concept of ‘civil wars’ empirically meaningful in an era of globalization and transnational war? Has intrastate conflict fundamentally changed in nature? Are there historical patterns in different types of intrastate conflict? What are the most interesting methodological trends and debates in the study of armed intrastate conflict? How are narratives about the causes and nature of civil wars constructed around ideas such as ethnic conflict, separatist conflict and resource conflict? This book will be of much interest to students of civil wars, intrastate conflict, security studies and international relations in general.
Article
Introduction Michaelene Cox Part I. Social Capital as an Instrument of Violence 1. Shades of orange and green: Civil society and the peace process in Northern Ireland Roberto Belloni 2. Reporting the greater odds: Dissent and militancy among trusting East-Central European citizens Michaelene Cox 3. Social capital, crime and welfare: the cases of Colombia and Honduras Jose Cuesta 4. Analyzing the dark side of social capital: Organized crime in Russia Leah Gilbert 5. Illicit interest groups, social capital, and conflict: A study of the FARC Patricia Micolta Part II. Social Capital as a Catalyst for Peace 6. The color of tears is the same everywhere: Inter-ethnic networking and grassroots organizing among women workers in conflict-ridden Sri Lanka Sandya Hewamanne 7. Gender, conflict, and social capital: Bonding and bridging in war in the Former Yugoslavia Maja Korac 8. Decentralization and social capital formation in communities of Mali Keith Moore 9. Cyprus conflict and social capital theory: a new perspective on an old conflict Raymond Saner Part III. Ambiguities of Social Capital in Peace and Conflict 10. The pacific promise of civic institutions? Causal ambiguity in the study of social capital Terrence Chapman 11. Social capital in exclusive and inclusive networks: Satisfying human needs through conflict and conflict resolution Susan Allen Nan 12. Exploring opportunities and obstacles for a constructive role of social capital in peacebuilding: A framework for analysis Thania Paffenholz
Article
A model of the economic effects of civil war and the post-war period is developed. A key feature is the adjustment of the capital stock through capital flight. Post-war this flight can either be reversed or continue, depending partly upon how far the capital stock has adjusted to the war. The model is tested on data for all civil wars since 1960. After long civil wars the economy recovers rapidly, whereas after short wars it continues to decline. We then consider the effect of the compesition of economic activity, distinguishing between war-vulnerable and war-safe activities. Evidence for Uganda shows such compositional effects to be substantial.
Article
Differences in ethnic tolerance among majority and minority ethnic groups can be understood in part as the result of structural factors involving population arrangements and the distribution of power, especially as these are manifest in ethnic enclaves. The current article builds on Allport's contact hypothesis in combination with propositions found in Blalock's theory of minority-group relations and Blau's structural theory of heterogeneity and inequality to show why spatial arrangements and their corresponding power relations influence intergroup feelings of tolerance. A model of tolerance within and outside enclaves is proposed and tested using survey data (N = 13,442) from the former Yugoslavia collected in 1989-90, just before the country's dissolution. Intolerance is greatest in ethnic enclaves for both minority and majority group members. Majority group members living in enclaves dominated by a minority group are, through a combination of resentment and restraint on their power, more intolerant than in any other situation. Minority group members living in enclaves and experiencing both nascent power and anxiety in their minority status are more intolerant than when living dispersed among majority populations. Greater attention to the role of enclaves is important for advancing social science understandings of ethnic and racial separatism and integration in multiethnic societies. In the case of the former Yugoslavia, policies that seek harmony by accepting ethnic separation may be sowing future conflict.
Article
This study not only shows that the empirically well-established negative relationship between residential diversity and trust in neighbors holds for the case of Germany, but goes beyond existing research by providing experimental evidence on the causal nature of the diversity effect. Respondents exposed to experimental stimuli that made salient the ethnic or religious heterogeneity of their neighborhoods display significantly lower levels of trust in their neighbors than do respondents in the control group. Further, we explore the role of interethnic contact in mediating the relationship between diversity and trust in a degree of detail unmatched by earlier studies. We consider not only positive forms of interethnic contact such as friendships, but also neutral and negative encounters between people of native and immigrant origin. We find that interethnic contacts mediate negative diversity effects on trust in different ways for both groups. For natives, distant encounters and negative experiences with immigrants in diverse contexts reduce trust, whereas for people of immigrant origin trust in neighbors suffers from the relatively small number of native acquaintances in diverse neighborhoods.
Article
To date, neighbourhood studies on ethnic diversity and social trust have revealed inconclusive findings. In this paper, three innovations are proposed in order to systemise the knowledge about neighbourhood ethnic diversity and the development of social trust. First, it is proposed to use a valid trust measure that is sensitive to the local neighbourhood context. Second, the paper argues for a conception of organically evolved neighbourhoods, rather than using local administrative units as readily available proxies for neighbourhood divisions. Thirdly, referring to intergroup contact theory and group-specific effects of diversity, the paper challenges the notion that ethnic diversity has overwhelmingly negative effects on social trust.
Article
We study effects of wartime violence on social cohesion in the context of Nepal's 10-year civil war. We begin with the observation that violence increased levels of collective action like voting and community organization—a finding consistent with other recent studies of postconflict societies. We use lab-in-the-field techniques to tease apart such effects. Our causal-identification strategy exploits communities' exogenous isolation from the unpredictable path of insurgency combined with matching. We find that violence-affected communities exhibit higher levels of prosocial motivation, measured by altruistic giving, public good contributions, investment in trust-based transactions, and willingness to reciprocate trust-based investments. We find evidence to support two social transformation mechanisms: (1) a purging mechanism by which less social persons disproportionately flee communities plagued by war and (2) a collective coping mechanism by which individuals who have few options to flee band together to cope with threats.
Article
Diversity has powerful advantages, but may also generate internal tensions and low interpersonal trust. Despite extensive attention to these questions, the relationship between diversity and trust is often misunderstood and findings methodologically flawed. In this article, we specify two different mechanisms and adherent hypotheses. An individual might base her decision to trust on her perceived social similarity in relation to others in the community, that is, a similarity hypothesis. However, in a homogenous context, she might expect trustworthy behavior irrespective of her own social position due to signals of low degrees of social conflict and dense social networks, that is, a homogeneity hypothesis. Prior research has pinpointed only one of these mechanisms. The homogeneity hypothesis has not been explicated, and when the intention has been to test the similarity hypothesis, the homogeneity hypothesis has unintentionally been tested instead. The results are straightforward. While the homogeneity hypothesis is strongly supported, the findings speak against the similarity hypothesis.
Article
The article examines short-term effects of terror on trust and civic engagement in Norway. Prior to the July 22, 2011 attacks, Norway ranked among the nations with the highest levels of trust and civic engagement in the world. How does a nation of trusters react to terror? Based on two web surveys conducted in March/April 2011 and August 2011 short-term effects on trust, fear, and political interest and participation are analyzed. Two competing hypotheses are explored: first, the “end-of-innocence hypothesis,” which assumes that the attacks have disrupted trust and instilled a new culture of fear, and second, the “remobilization hypothesis,” which assumes that the attacks have led to a reinforcement of trust and of civic values. Our results show increased interpersonal and institutional trust as well as a modest increase in civic engagement, especially among youth. Moreover, there is little increase in experienced fear within the population. Our study therefore supports the remobilization-of-trust hypothesis. Contrary to the intended aims of the attacker, the structures of trust and civic engagement seem to have been reinforced in Norwegian society. This study in part corroborates findings concerning short-term effects after September 11, 2001.
Article
Interpersonal trust has recently emerged at the centre of research in social science as an important component of social capital. Earlier, it has been theorized that exposure to media cultivates a suspicious and distrusting ‘mean–world’ outlook on life (cultivation theory). In this article, we aim to bind these separate but obviously interconnected theoretical discussions in a combined empirical analysis, by exploring several potential correlates of social trust. As criminologists, our main interest lies in the possible association between victimization, fear of crime, use of crime news media and trust. We categorize victimization experiences as either persistent or occasional ones. In addition, we add a set of social and structural factors to our analysis. Our cross–sectional survey data consists of a nationally representative sample of 15–16 year–old Finnish adolescents (N = 5142). The results of the multivariate analyses indicate that both victimization and fear of crime are related to lower levels of interpersonal trust. As expected, there is a more robust association between persistent victimization and the level of trust than is the case with occasional victimization. Viewing regularly television crime reality programmes is also robustly related to lower levels of trust, a finding that supports the cultivation theory. Of social interaction variables, social support and supervision by parents and teachers are positively related to trust. Contrary to this, participation in civic life (such as religious and various secular associations) is not related to social trust among Finnish adolescents. This and other results are here discussed applying social capital theory and cultivation theory of media effects.
Article
The purpose of this article is to answer the question, Does religiosity cause ethnic intolerance? We define ethnic intolerance as the unwillingness to extend economic, political, and social rights to other ethnic groups. According to the “resurgence hypothesis,” religious revivals associated with frequent church attendance and intense religious beliefs are partly responsible for intolerant attitudes toward minorities. The “salience hypothesis,” on the other hand, suggests that ethnic intolerance and religiosity are jointly determined by in-group/out-group polarization resulting from competition and conflict for scarce resources. Under the salience hypothesis, religiosity is hypothesized to be merely a carrier of group identity and is not expected to affect intolerance. We evaluate these hypotheses with survey data from Croatia collected in 1996. Results support the salience hypothesis: the effect of religiosity on ethnic intolerance is largely spurious, caused by the joint determination of religiosity and ethnic intolerance by in-group/out-group polarization. These findings call into question popular views that posit resurgent religiosity as a significant motivator of intolerance in situations of ethnic conflict.
Article
The study of contextual effects on political behavior has expanded dramatically in the last two decades. In this article we review the recent progress of the field in an attempt to develop a coherent framework for categorizing and analyzing contextual effects. We note that some types of effects have been understudied and that the processes by which context affects individuals have not received sufficient attention. Taking an information approach, we argue that context works through individual perceptions of contextual phenomena and that many sources of and reactions to information condition contextual effects. Finally, we suggest profitable future research efforts based on previous research and our preferred approach to the field.
Article
By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against the prevailing view that such violence is an instance of impenetrable madness, the book demonstrates that there is logic to it and that it has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, and cultures than currently believed. Kalyvas specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and individual civilians trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what opportunities their predicament affords them. Violence, he finds, is never a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats simple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the 'frontlines' of civil war.
Article
One of the major goals of the international community's intervention into the Balkans is the rebuilding of “viable multiethnic societies”. Such societies require support from a population that builds inclusive social capital. I applied social network theory to interethnic relations to help identify the conditions under which minorities could embark on this arduous task in divided, war-torn societies, like Bosnia-Herzegovina. Analysis of data from interviews and participant observation indicate that institutions support positive interethnic relationships when they help people to address practical concerns; allow for individual norms and repeated, mutually dependent interethnic interaction; are rooted in local culture; and are difficult for people to avoid. Nominally mixed urban workplaces and certain types of civic organizations, not advocacy groups or neighbourhoods, meet these criteria. These findings urge scholars working on the role of civil society in rebuilding divided post-conflict societies to look more closely at venues beyond voluntary organizations.
Book
The Moral Foundations of Trust seeks to explain why people place their faith in strangers, and why doing so matters. Trust is a moral value that does not depend upon personal experience or on interacting with people in civic groups or informal socializing. Instead, we learn to trust from our parents, and trust is stable over long periods of time. Trust depends on an optimistic world view: the world is a good place and we can make it better. Trusting people are more likely to give through charity and volunteering. Trusting societies are more likely to redistribute resources from the rich to the poor. Trust has been in decline in the United States for over 30 years. The roots of this decline are traceable to declining optimism and increasing economic inequality, which Uslaner supports by aggregate time series in the United States and cross-sectional data across market economies.
Article
This study focuses on war experiences, war-related distress, and health. It is based on face-to-face interviews in a representative survey of 1,000 Kosovar Albanians. Results show that direct war experiences have a stronger impact on war-related distress and health than indirect war experiences. The strongest predictor among crucial single experiences was being held prisoner of war. Among Kosovo-Albanians, direct war experiences may have had a strong effect on war-related distress, even 4 years after the end of the war.
Article
This article examines what the determinants of ethnic prejudice in Croatia were in the aftermath of the 1991–1995 war. The analysis is based on a nationwide survey (N = 2,202) conducted in March and April 1996, less than a year after the cessation of war activities in Croatia. The main focus of our analysis is on how war influences the ethnic prejudice of individuals. The influences of individual war-related experiences and the effects of regional differences in the level of war activities are analyzed simultaneously by conducting a multilevel analysis. The main findings are that individual war-related experiences have little impact on prejudice, but that the contextual influence of war is somewhat stronger. Variables that are not directly related to the conflict—such as education, religiosity and size of the place of residence—have the strongest effect on prejudice. Insofar as our results can be generalized to other large-scale ethnic conflicts, they indicate that a recent history of conflict is not in itself a major hindrance to the process of ethnic reconciliation.
Article
Given the importance that generalized social trust plays in various theories of American society, recent evidence of its low levels among younger people portends ominous changes in American civic life. Using survey data collected from high school seniors over the last 20 years, this paper examines the origins of social trust among young people and the causes of change in beliefs about trust over time. Such changes could not be accounted for by the explanations for declining trust offered in other accounts of social capital. An alternative explanation, based on the theoretical accounts of Alexis de Tocqueville and Emile Durkheim, is that materialistic values may be undermining young people's views about the trustworthiness of others. Both aggregate time series correlations and an individual-level model show that the rapid rise of materialistic value orientations that occurred among American youth in the 1970s and 1980s severely eroded levels of social trust. The paper concludes with some observations about the likely trajectory of American democracy, given the kinds of trends observed in the youth data.
Article
Objective Most studies of the long-term after-effects of war have focused on survivors seeking treatment or financial compensation. The present study examined the current psychological adjustment of a community sample of ageing World War II (WWII) survivors, including survivors of bombardments, persecution, resistance, combat and other violence.MethodA community sample of 4057 Dutch WW II survivors answered a 4-page postal questionnaire. Of these, 1461 survivors answered a second follow-up questionnaire.ResultsEven 50 years after World War II, a statistically significant but modest relationship was found to exist between exposure to shocking war events and current psychological adjustment in terms of symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety and anger. A total of 66 respondents (4.6%) met the criteria for PTSD. The highest level of current PTSD (13%) was found among survivors of persecution. The lowest level of PTSD (4%) was found among civilian war victims and resistance participants, while military veterans had an intermediate score (7%). With regard to absolute numbers, civilian war victims represented the largest proportion of PTSD sufferers.Conclusion In a study of a community sample of WW II survivors, we found that most of these survivors had no severe symptoms of PTSD. Nevertheless, probably tens of thousands of Dutch individuals are still suffering from long-term after-effects from World War II. For these vulnerable survivors, the ageing process will complicate the coping process.
Article
Existing approaches to resolving civil wars are based primarily on the assumption that these wars result from conflicts of interest among rational individuals. However, peacebuilding efforts based on this approach usually fail in cases of ethnic civil war, leading sooner or later to renewed fighting. Symbolic politics theory suggests the problem with these peace efforts is that they pay insufficient attention to ameliorating the emotional and symbolic roots of extremist ethnic politics. The theory suggests that resolving ethnic war requires reconciliation–changing hostile attitudes to more moderate ones, assuaging ethnic fears, and replacing the intragroup symbolic politics of ethnic chauvinism with a politics that rewards moderation. The only policy tools for promoting such attitudinal and social changes are reconciliation initiatives such as leaders’ acknowledgement of their sides’ misdeeds, public education efforts such as media campaigns, and problem-solving workshops. Integrating such reconciliation initiatives into a comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, it is argued, is necessary for conflict resolution efforts to be more effective in ending ethnic civil wars.
Article
Little attention has been paid to the social processes of civil war - the transformation of social actors, structures, norms, and practices - that sometimes leave enduring legacies for the postwar period. In this article, I explore the changes wrought by six social processes: political mobilization, military socialization, polarization of social identities, militarization of local authority, transformation of gender roles, and fragmentation of the local political economy. Some of these social processes occur in peacetime, but war may radically change their pace, direction, or consequences, with perhaps irreversible effects. I trace the wide variation in these processes during the wars in four countries: Peru, El Salvador, Sri Lanka, and Sierra Leone. I analyze the effects of these processes as transformations in social networks. These processes reconfigure social networks in a variety of ways, creating new networks, dissolving some, and changing the structure of others.
Article
After discussing issues related to the conceptualization, measurement, and statistical analysis of data on generalized trust, I survey recent empirical work (mainly from about 2000-2007) on this topic. First, results concerning cross-country differences in the level of generalized trust and the dynamics of these levels are presented. Then comes an investigation of empirical work on the determinants of generalized trust, covering contributions focusing on the impact of civic society, quality of institutions, culture and values, and ethnic heterogeneity. In these studies, generalized trust is treated as the dependent variable. After that, I survey recent empirical work on societal impacts of generalized trust, covering research on the impact of generalized trust on economic outcomes, on politics and "good government," and on the welfare state. Here, generalized trust is treated as an independent variable. I conclude with a short assessment of where we stand and how research on generalized trust may proceed from here.