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The position and agency of the 'irregularized: Romani migrants as European semi-citizens
Abstract
This article discusses the position and agency of Romani migrants. It argues that different states often irregularize the status of Romani migrants even in cases where it should be regularized due to their de jure citizenship. This irregularization is possible because of their position as semi-citizens in their ‘states of origin’. Yet, Romani migrants are not mere passive observers of these practices, but react to their irregularized migrant statuses. In doing so, they redefine their national and European citizenships. This article centres around two case studies to analyse the position and agency of Romani migrants The first is Roma with European Union (EU) citizenship and the second is post-Yugoslav Roma without EU citizenship.
... By analysing additional cases, we will be able to witness further ways that Romani individuals react to irregularization through unconventional practices. It is this creative agency that precisely demonstrates that there are possibilities to move beyond the limitations set by those who position Romani migrants on the margins of European citizenship inform Sardelič (2017). In the Czech Republic, Roma has the status of a national minority, which grants them exclusive rights to their national minorities. ...
... In the past, the pressure of the majority of society has led to the establishment of nomadic ethnic groups. Sardelič (2017) points out that, by investigating and comparing the position of Romani migrants with and without EU citizenship in two contexts, I claim that different states render Roma as 'unwanted migrants' by "irregularizing" their migrant status. The case studies in this article demonstrate that the position of many Romani migrants is specific when compared to the position of other irregular migrants. ...
... Due to low mobility, Romani ethnicity remains in unspeakable areas and spreads many unemployed. Sardelič (2017) argue that the last strand of the theory upon which I base my analysis is the enactment of European citizenship (Isin, 2015). "Romani migrants, both within the EU and on its margins, enact European citizenship from their position as semi-citizens and migrants", informed ION (2003). ...
Discrimination affects the lives of many Roma women in different areas of their lives. Issues such as unequal access to the labor market for women and men, domestic violence, stereotypical expectations of the roles of women in society, other expectations in education for women and men are deepening in the context of discrimination and ethnicity expectations. Roma women in the Czech Republic are among the groups most at risk of unemployment. However, repeated failures to find a job reduce their self-esteem and, unfortunately, predetermine their future use in the family circle and in the natural community where they are more or less the role of careers. Relationships in the Roma community are much stronger than usual in Czech society. Many Roma women have a subordinate position towards husband and other male family members. Roma families often do not allow a woman to study, according to her usual practice; she should take care of her family and children. The current need is to listen to the voice of Romani women who strive for full participation in the Czech society and to act in this sense also on the attitudes of their surroundings.
... During negotiations for EU membership, the protection of Roma rights was one of the accession criteria. Some authors argue that this was not only due to a preoccupation with human rights, but also because of concerns that Roma people would migrate to the West in too large numbers (Kymlicka, 2007;Sardelic �, 2017). Nonetheless, according to available data, Roma people from eastern European countries did not migrate in large numbers (Pantea, 2013). ...
... Borderline legal measures have been adopted throughout Europe in order to limit Roma migration (Bigo, Carrera, & Guild, 2013;Tervonen & Enache, 2017). Destination countries often regulate Roma migration in order to both control mobility and limit Roma migration (Sardelic �, 2017). European Roma are frequently subject to deportation (van Baar, 2015), despite EU citizens being granted free movement rights. ...
... In Sweden, thousands of Roma migrants, the majority from Romania, do not have access to health services, shelter or sanitation and are frequently the target of police harassment and discrimination (Amnesty International, 2018). A significant number of Roma migrants are undocumented and as a result continue to be legally invisible (Sardelic �, 2017). The rights that are guaranteed to a citizen or a resident of an EU country cannot be enjoyed by an undocumented migrant. ...
... Some studies show that differences in migration patterns do not arise simply because of ethnicity, but need to be observed from an intersectional perspective, and include the consideration of, for example, gender and class (Nacu 2010;Kóczé 2017). However, a large proportion of this research focuses on particular migration patterns of Roma, especially from countries such as Romania to countries like the UK (Matras and Leggio 2018;, Spain Vrabiescu and Kalir 2017), Italy (Solimene 2011; and France (Ram 2013;Sardelić 2017a), as well as on the construction of the representation of the poor Roma migrant (Richardson 2014;. This image of a poor Roma migrant has been used to show the limits of EU citizenship as well as in broader debates on the politics around migration in general, such as those seen around the UK's EU membership referendum (Brexit) 3 and benefit tourism by EU citizens (Sardelić 2018). ...
... According to these authors, some sources estimate that there are around 30,000 Romani migrants in Germany, 80,000 in Italy, and some 20,000 in Austria, as well as 6000 Roma migrants from Romania in the UK (Cahn and Guild 2008: 33). In most of these countries, the migrants identified as Roma did not simply start coming with the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements, but had longer migratory connections with these places, where they came as forced migrants during the Yugoslav wars (Perić and Demirovski 2000;Sigona 2003;Solimene 2011;Sardelić 2017a). Some other studies show that there is a greater number of mobile Roma between neighbouring countries. ...
... For the former Yugoslavia, this arrangement was one way to address the issue of unemployment, especially in rural areas. However, as I argued in my previous work (Sardelić 2017a), it was also partially done to address the problem of unemployment among Roma who were Yugoslav citizens. There are no reliable numbers regarding how many Yugoslav Roma sought employment in Austria or Germany , as at the time they were simply included in the statistics with other Yugoslav Gastarbeiters. ...
Based on a critical ethnographic research, this paper aims to reflect on the role of welfare surveillance and outsourced social services in migration procedures of Central European Roma. After the fifth EU Enlargement in 2007, transnational mobility has become a significant challenge for all western governments. As full EU citizens, large Roma populations now enjoy freedom of movement in Europe. The long standing prejudiced perception of Roma as profiteers unwilling to integrate became a basis for concerns about a “threatening flood” of Roma westward. As a result, several old Member States have introduced different control strategies allegedly to ensure security, legitimating excessive policing and surveillance of migrants in order to isolate them from national consensus. The “mechanisms” applied for sorting and excluding unwanted Roma communities are grounded in a set of punitive rules enacted through national and local legislation with the purpose of expulsion. Accordingly, limiting access to social services gradually replaced migration policies as a new process of selection regarding undesired European migrants from A8 countries. Service providers in the neoliberal bureaucratic social fields introduced new modalities of surveillance and restrictions to deny income assistance, benefit entitlement and legal aid. This chapter provides an empirical analysis on the effects of these sorting measures and on how the targeted groups either comply or circumnavigate these regulations in London.
... Some studies show that differences in migration patterns do not arise simply because of ethnicity, but need to be observed from an intersectional perspective, and include the consideration of, for example, gender and class (Nacu 2010;Kóczé 2017). However, a large proportion of this research focuses on particular migration patterns of Roma, especially from countries such as Romania to countries like the UK (Matras and Leggio 2018;, Spain Vrabiescu and Kalir 2017), Italy (Solimene 2011; and France (Ram 2013;Sardelić 2017a), as well as on the construction of the representation of the poor Roma migrant (Richardson 2014;. This image of a poor Roma migrant has been used to show the limits of EU citizenship as well as in broader debates on the politics around migration in general, such as those seen around the UK's EU membership referendum (Brexit) 3 and benefit tourism by EU citizens (Sardelić 2018). ...
... According to these authors, some sources estimate that there are around 30,000 Romani migrants in Germany, 80,000 in Italy, and some 20,000 in Austria, as well as 6000 Roma migrants from Romania in the UK (Cahn and Guild 2008: 33). In most of these countries, the migrants identified as Roma did not simply start coming with the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements, but had longer migratory connections with these places, where they came as forced migrants during the Yugoslav wars (Perić and Demirovski 2000;Sigona 2003;Solimene 2011;Sardelić 2017a). Some other studies show that there is a greater number of mobile Roma between neighbouring countries. ...
... For the former Yugoslavia, this arrangement was one way to address the issue of unemployment, especially in rural areas. However, as I argued in my previous work (Sardelić 2017a), it was also partially done to address the problem of unemployment among Roma who were Yugoslav citizens. There are no reliable numbers regarding how many Yugoslav Roma sought employment in Austria or Germany , as at the time they were simply included in the statistics with other Yugoslav Gastarbeiters. ...
This chapter provides a critical overview of research trends on “Roma migration” as they developed over the last decade, contextualizing the issue and setting the stage for the following chapters. Due to the alleged increase in the number of Roma individuals exercising their mobility rights from Eastern European countries to Western Europe –mainly after the 2004 and 2007 EU accession – researchers’ interest has shifted towards this new topic. Many scholars have started focusing in the past decade on the causes and consequences of Roma’s migration patterns, their life in the new countries, and the legal, citizenship and policy questions posed by the appearance of non-Western Roma in Western Europe. Although Romani studies have long been in the constructivist paradigm, “Roma migration” has spurred new tendencies to essentialise Roma groups, at least in political and public debates. This chapter reflects on the conceptual and methodological aspects of researching “Roma migration”. This main question will be addressed through the following sub-questions: What kind of analytical and conceptual tools do researchers employ in order to understand the current migration trends of Roma citizens? What approaches do we adopt, and how do we use ‘old’ concepts, such as “Roma” or “migrant”? In this chapter I also raise the issue of research ethics and of the responsibility of researchers during the processes of knowledge-production on “Roma migration”.
... Some studies show that differences in migration patterns do not arise simply because of ethnicity, but need to be observed from an intersectional perspective, and include the consideration of, for example, gender and class (Nacu 2010;Kóczé 2017). However, a large proportion of this research focuses on particular migration patterns of Roma, especially from countries such as Romania to countries like the UK (Matras and Leggio 2018;, Spain Vrabiescu and Kalir 2017), Italy (Solimene 2011; and France (Ram 2013;Sardelić 2017a), as well as on the construction of the representation of the poor Roma migrant (Richardson 2014;. This image of a poor Roma migrant has been used to show the limits of EU citizenship as well as in broader debates on the politics around migration in general, such as those seen around the UK's EU membership referendum (Brexit) 3 and benefit tourism by EU citizens (Sardelić 2018). ...
... According to these authors, some sources estimate that there are around 30,000 Romani migrants in Germany, 80,000 in Italy, and some 20,000 in Austria, as well as 6000 Roma migrants from Romania in the UK (Cahn and Guild 2008: 33). In most of these countries, the migrants identified as Roma did not simply start coming with the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements, but had longer migratory connections with these places, where they came as forced migrants during the Yugoslav wars (Perić and Demirovski 2000;Sigona 2003;Solimene 2011;Sardelić 2017a). Some other studies show that there is a greater number of mobile Roma between neighbouring countries. ...
... For the former Yugoslavia, this arrangement was one way to address the issue of unemployment, especially in rural areas. However, as I argued in my previous work (Sardelić 2017a), it was also partially done to address the problem of unemployment among Roma who were Yugoslav citizens. There are no reliable numbers regarding how many Yugoslav Roma sought employment in Austria or Germany , as at the time they were simply included in the statistics with other Yugoslav Gastarbeiters. ...
This chapter reveals the experiences of Roma from Serbia who sought and have been denied asylum protection in some EU countries. The seeking of asylum by the Roma from Serbia, as one of the main patterns of their migration, has come to the centre of debated about the rights of obtaining asylum within the existing EU asylum policies, while enforcing the discourse of “false asylum seekers” and “welfare migrants”. By revealing the complex reality within which Roma from Serbia choose to migrate in the form of asylum seeking, the study challenges the discourse of “false asylum seekers” and overcomes the simplification caused by this labelling, through looking at intricate relations between the decisions to seek asylum on the one hand and welfare benefits from getting into asylum procedure on the other. Furthermore, the study sheds light on various ways in which Roma asylum seekers from Serbia exert their power as social actors, thus contesting the tendency to “victimize” Roma populations. The study is based on several months of fieldwork carried out in three different municipalities in Serbia, with Roma whose asylum claims in countries of EU have been denied. This chapter aims to add to the analysis of how existing EU migration policies affect Roma populations by particularly focusing on actor perspective. It moves beyond theoretical analysis and looks at how social actors perceive their own experiences and understand the labels that are being imposed on them.
... Some studies show that differences in migration patterns do not arise simply because of ethnicity, but need to be observed from an intersectional perspective, and include the consideration of, for example, gender and class (Nacu 2010;Kóczé 2017). However, a large proportion of this research focuses on particular migration patterns of Roma, especially from countries such as Romania to countries like the UK (Matras and Leggio 2018;, Spain Vrabiescu and Kalir 2017), Italy (Solimene 2011; and France (Ram 2013;Sardelić 2017a), as well as on the construction of the representation of the poor Roma migrant (Richardson 2014;. This image of a poor Roma migrant has been used to show the limits of EU citizenship as well as in broader debates on the politics around migration in general, such as those seen around the UK's EU membership referendum (Brexit) 3 and benefit tourism by EU citizens (Sardelić 2018). ...
... According to these authors, some sources estimate that there are around 30,000 Romani migrants in Germany, 80,000 in Italy, and some 20,000 in Austria, as well as 6000 Roma migrants from Romania in the UK (Cahn and Guild 2008: 33). In most of these countries, the migrants identified as Roma did not simply start coming with the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements, but had longer migratory connections with these places, where they came as forced migrants during the Yugoslav wars (Perić and Demirovski 2000;Sigona 2003;Solimene 2011;Sardelić 2017a). Some other studies show that there is a greater number of mobile Roma between neighbouring countries. ...
... For the former Yugoslavia, this arrangement was one way to address the issue of unemployment, especially in rural areas. However, as I argued in my previous work (Sardelić 2017a), it was also partially done to address the problem of unemployment among Roma who were Yugoslav citizens. There are no reliable numbers regarding how many Yugoslav Roma sought employment in Austria or Germany , as at the time they were simply included in the statistics with other Yugoslav Gastarbeiters. ...
The increase in migration flows within and into Europe has been accompanied by a growing policy focus on migration management. As in any policy debate, actors mobilise both factual claims and assumptions about the problems to be tackled and the population groups involved, in turn fashioning narratives that shape concrete policies. The article focuses on the policy narratives that developed in the UK around the migration of Roma groups between 2009 and 2014. I will show how the mobilisation of narratives on the criminal nature of Roma migration and about a sudden influx of Roma matched stereotypical images about the ‘Gypsies’. This made both narratives convincing as they fitted expectations about the Roma, to the point that their weak factual basis was ignored. This, in turn, contributed to refocusing the UK debate on migration from the need to reform the benefit system, to the need to reduce migration overall and eventually challenging the EU principle of freedom of movement. I will highlight the role of scholarly research in contributing to the development of policy narratives, calling for scholars to avoid sensationalising our findings, even if this is seen as an attempt to gain support for inclusive migration policies.
... Some studies show that differences in migration patterns do not arise simply because of ethnicity, but need to be observed from an intersectional perspective, and include the consideration of, for example, gender and class (Nacu 2010;Kóczé 2017). However, a large proportion of this research focuses on particular migration patterns of Roma, especially from countries such as Romania to countries like the UK (Matras and Leggio 2018;, Spain Vrabiescu and Kalir 2017), Italy (Solimene 2011; and France (Ram 2013;Sardelić 2017a), as well as on the construction of the representation of the poor Roma migrant (Richardson 2014;. This image of a poor Roma migrant has been used to show the limits of EU citizenship as well as in broader debates on the politics around migration in general, such as those seen around the UK's EU membership referendum (Brexit) 3 and benefit tourism by EU citizens (Sardelić 2018). ...
... According to these authors, some sources estimate that there are around 30,000 Romani migrants in Germany, 80,000 in Italy, and some 20,000 in Austria, as well as 6000 Roma migrants from Romania in the UK (Cahn and Guild 2008: 33). In most of these countries, the migrants identified as Roma did not simply start coming with the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements, but had longer migratory connections with these places, where they came as forced migrants during the Yugoslav wars (Perić and Demirovski 2000;Sigona 2003;Solimene 2011;Sardelić 2017a). Some other studies show that there is a greater number of mobile Roma between neighbouring countries. ...
... For the former Yugoslavia, this arrangement was one way to address the issue of unemployment, especially in rural areas. However, as I argued in my previous work (Sardelić 2017a), it was also partially done to address the problem of unemployment among Roma who were Yugoslav citizens. There are no reliable numbers regarding how many Yugoslav Roma sought employment in Austria or Germany , as at the time they were simply included in the statistics with other Yugoslav Gastarbeiters. ...
Different public debates discuss the position of Roma in Europe as if they were one of the most mobile populations in Europe. The position of mobile Romani individuals became especially visible after the 2004 and 2007 European Union (EU) Enlargements. However, only a certain type of mobility of intra EU Romani migrants became particularly highlighted by the headlines of European Media: the one that more or less corresponded to a stereotypical image of a “Roma nomad” and depicted Roma as a potential threat to the social welfare systems of host states. This chapter argues that the reasons why Romani individuals become mobile are more complex and diverse than of those presented in the European public domain. The chapter traces life histories of Slovenian citizens who identify as Roma and have been mobile for work between Slovenia and Austria. It offers counter-narratives on how differing mobility practices of different Romani individuals are.
... The German government does not view Roma's protection claims as being worthy of recognition, as they are usually neither politically persecuted nor fleeing from war and thus fail to meet the criteria for German asylum and refugee protection. Instead, German authorities are irregularizing the Romani migrant status and classifying them as "economic" or "poverty" migrants (Sardelić, 2016;Scherr, 2015a). 3 Against this background, a clearly visible Romani protest movement, which fights for a collective right of residence that employs human rights in order to disrupt Roma's history of infringement, at least in regard to refugee law, began forming around 2008. ...
... The shared fundamental attitude is that a structural discrimination against Roma dominates in the Western Balkans and that the present asylum and refugee protection should be extended to include them. 4 This article has two main goals: Firstly, it aims to depict Roma's current migration from the Western Balkans within European policy at present, and subsequently reveal through which practices they are categorized as "bogus asylum seekers" in legal and political discourse as well as in the media (Kacarska, 2012;Lee, 2014;Sardelić, 2016). By using selected examples, I sketch which role Western Balkan governments play within the German as well as European migration regime. ...
... 6 Several works on this thematic field do admittedly exist, however, not in the presented synopsis and German context. For instance, in their insightful works, Sardelić (2016) and Çağlar and Mehling (2013) also address the question of how Romani migrants try to achieve political belonging via acts of citizenship. In contrast to their particularly normative perspective, this article does not explore the citizenship debate in such detail, but instead more deeply reveals the cultural modus operandi of appropriation and translation of universal norms (human rights). ...
The current claims for asylum and refugee protection of Roma from the so-called “Western Balkan states” are rejected by the German state. Based on this practice, Romani migrants are not recognized as genuine refugees but classified as irregular migrants and thus labeled as “bogus” asylum seekers. This article discusses the discursive process through which the legal status of Romani migrants is irregularized within the German migration regime. Furthermore, through an empirical study, the article shows how Romani organizations and migrants are struggling for a collective right to remain in Germany. In their political-legal struggles for recognition, Roma reinterpret not only their legal status as irregular migrants, but also their legal-cultural practices: by appropriating the semantics of human rights through the lenses of their cultural backgrounds. This, in turn, shifts the analytical focus to the productivity of human rights discourses. They are assumed to be an effective tool to enforce legal claims against the German migration regime. In this context, the article examines legal-cultural practices, which become visible in the struggle, by exploring six justification narratives—through these, the Roma’s political-legal belonging to the German nation-state shall be legitimized.
... There is a growing body of literature that examines how marginalized Eastern European Roma, as EU citizens, have used their newfound freedom of movement, as well as how they respond to and cope with the social stigma and exclusion that they face in their various destinations (Sardelić, 2017;Magazzini and Piemontese, 2019). At the micro level, this literature emphasizes how migration is often part of a "patchwork economy" (see, for example, Ravnbøl, 2019), which involves the amalgamation of disparate and unreliable income sources, both domestically and internationally, to effectively address financial indebtedness and provide support for their familial obligations. ...
... Especially in the aftermath of France and Italy's policies of collective expulsion of Roma living in "illegal camps" in 2010, there was a growing concern about how anti-Roma racism and discrimination undermine the right to free movement in the European Union (Ciulinaru, 2018). Sardelić (2017) describes the Roma as the European Union's semi-citizens, and Kóczé (2018) argues that subtle anti-Romani politics in contemporary Europe are legitimized by racialized discourses and neoliberal social and political forces which (re)create Roma as a racialized internal "other" (see also Vincze, 2014;2015). ...
... Far from it, the high levels of agency and reflections of Polish Roma is manifested in their vast experiences of international migration since the late 1980s, passed on to next generations in the form of localized, social praxis. Similarly to Sardelić (2016) we see these enactments of agency as the reaction to marginalization by the state and protest against the restriction of their rights as citizens. They were navigating a complex and changing web of immigration restrictions between the East and the West. ...
... They were navigating a complex and changing web of immigration restrictions between the East and the West. In many ways they have become an experts in detecting structural shifts, legal ways, administrative issues, and changing immigration law because it usually hits them the most as the underprivileged and minoritized groupidentified also as semi-citizens (Sardelić, 2016) they do not possess all the rights their citizenship should grant them. This, however, was only possible due to highly developed social networks structuring their migration patterns, stimulating specific collectivism of migration culture and becoming a major driver of social change among some groups. ...
Since the early 1990s, large numbers of Polish Roma have emigrated, mainly to Germany and Great Britain. Unlike the migration of Polish (non-Roma) citizens there was an intriguing silence regarding the migration of this ethnic group. The absence of Roma in the grand narrative of migrations from Poland, as we argue, suggests that the notion of belonging and citizenship were unequally distributed among Poland’s population. Based on our ongoing ethnographic research among Polish Roma migrants, complemented by an analysis of relevant documents, we argue that these inequalities and hierarchies are deeply rooted and there is an interesting continuity in how they were produced and reproduced prior to and after the 1989 regime change. We argue that one of the key factors in these movements, the collectiveness of the migration project – i.e. migrating as an extended family group as a component of the moral economy of Roma mobility – is mutually produced by unequal citizenship, mobility regimes and strong moral obligations stemming from kinship ties.
... The right of all EU citizens to move and reside in another EU member state than their own (following the Directive 2004/38/EC), was a highly contested even before the debate on Brexit; has started. Many politicians as well as the media often highlighted the position of EU Romani migrants (Parker, 2012;Ram, 2011;Sardelić, 2016) as the basis for challenging this unconditional right: the claim put forefront of these discourses was that when Romani 'nomadic culture' is coupled with the freedom of movement and the 'push-other socialist countries were more or less immobile, received limited scholarly attention. By using historical contextualization and socio-legal analysis (Scheppele, 2004), I focus on how these migrant statuses are diachronically interconnected and were being reshuffled due to hierarchical relationships between the (Post-)Yugoslav state(s) and certain EU Member States. ...
... During the visa liberalization process, one of the benchmarks for the Post-Yugoslav countries in question was the improvement of the citizenship status and rights for Romani minorities. It was highlighted during this process that many Romani individuals in Serbia, Macedonia and BIH, respectively, lack personal identification documents, which would be the first guarantor of their rights (Kacarska, 2012;Sardelić, 2013Sardelić, , 2016. Different legal NGOs in the region were struggling to acquire proper personal identification documents for many Romani individuals. ...
This paper traces the mobilities of Romani minorities between the ‘old’ EU Member States and the non-EU Post-Yugoslav space. It unravels how the mobilities of Romani individuals, who are Non-EU Post-Yugoslav citizens, were different from the mobilities of Roma coming from other post-socialist spaces, now EU Member States. Instead of focusing on motivations for mobility of Romani individuals as some previous work has done, this paper investigates the treatment of these mobilities by different states and the legal statuses these states ascribe to those labelled as Romani migrants. By using the combination historical and sociolegal analysis, this paper diachronically examines the precarious migrant statuses of Post-Yugoslav Romani minorities in the old EU,
such as Yugoslav labour migrants, Post-Yugoslav forced migrants and subsequently the ‘bogus’ asylum seekers. The paper points to the interconnectedness of these statuses, but also to their interminable liminality: they are constantly on the verge of being rendered ‘illegal’ and are hence subject to deportability. I claim
that while their legal statuses are being reshuffled, their liminality
and interconnectedness also contribute to circular mobilities
between the Post-Yugoslav space and the EU. I investigate how
these mobilities are not only socially produced, but are also
legally and politically conditioned by the hierarchical relationship
between the Post-Yugoslav space and the EU. As a side effect of
this relationship, Roma are positioned as a racialized minority,
treated only as temporary migrants in their ‘host country’ and
without prospects of inclusion in their ‘country of origin’ as
minority citizens.
... Due to the fact that Romani minorities live in virtually all EU Member States, as well as candidate countries, they can be considered as a 'trans-border minority' (Rövid, 2011). Additionally, because they face similar structural obstacles and discrimination in different EU Member States and candidate countries, the EC has particularly focused on their position both in the processes of EU Enlargement (Spirova & Budd, 2008;Vermeersch, 2012) and also within the context of EU integration, for example to address their right to free movement as EU citizens (Parker, 2012;Ram, 2010;Sardelić, 2016). Although they are citizens and residents of the EU, many different studies show that the individuals belonging to Romani minorities often have their basic rights (enshrined within the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights) violated (O'Nions, 2010;Sardelić, 2015). ...
... However, it was later on underscored in the frame of conditionality for EU Membership particularly in post-socialist countries with a more numerous Romani population (Spirova & Budd, 2008). The position of Romani minorities was scrutinized, not only because of the concern for human rights and the rule of law, but also due to the fear of possible mass migration towards the west (Kymlicka, 2007;Sardelić, 2016). As many different studies have shown (Grill, 2012;Pantea, 2013;Humphris, 2016), the representation of Romani migrants remains at the centre of discussions on Roma in the EU. ...
This paper analyses how different EU documents (communications, recommendations, reports and surveys, etc.) focusing on Roma frame the position of Romani children. Many studies have shown that because of their intersectional positioning, Romani children often face multiple discrimination and triple exclusion: on the basis of their ethnicity, their age and their socio-economic status. The paper comments on selected findings on Roma in the Second European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey published by the Fundamental Rights Agency in late 2016. One of the main findings of this Survey was that 80% of Roma live below the country-specific risk of poverty line in all EU Member States in which the Survey has been conducted. By specifically examining the implication this finding has for the position of Romani children, I argue that their position is, in fact, produced and reproduced with systemic, but also everyday racism. When it comes to Roma, but specifically Romani children, not even the European Union (EU), based on principles of fundamental human rights, is immune to such phenomena.
... La condición del sujeto que recibe una resolución favorable tiene, no obstante, un carácter particular, puesto que no se trata de una ciudadanía, a pesar de gozar de unos derechos respecto de los cuales el Estado adquiere un compromiso de cumplimiento. El sujeto se encuentra en una situación similar al concepto de "semi-ciudadanía", empleado por Sardelic (2016) al analizar el caso de la población romaní en Europa, donde señala las dificultades para su movilidad, así como los derechos a los que pueden acceder y otros que les pueden ser restringidos. La autora parte de la idea de que los "semi-ciudadanos" son sujetos que "no poseen todos los derechos que una ciudadanía debería otorgarles" (Sardelic, 2016, p. 4), lo que les coloca en "categorías políticas entre ciudadanos y no ciudadanos" (Cohen, 2009, p. 2). ...
Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la incidencia del procedimiento de asilo en España en el estatus de protección del sujeto desplazado, a partir de una metodología cualitativa basada en entrevistas en profundidad a personas solicitantes de asilo y a personal técnico de las ong. El trabajo de investigación desarrollado entre 2014 y finales 2019, señala como principal resultado la constricción de la figura de refugiado al resultado del procedimiento en contraposición a la autopercepción basada en el Estatuto de los Refugiados.
... The EU's "big bang" enlargement over a decade and a half ago has been considered a "security moment" (Goldstein, 2010, p. 487) regarding Roma mobility towards Western Europe. As many scholars have already argued (Balch, Balabanova and Trandafoiu, 2014;Hepworth, 2012;Sardelić, 2017), processes and practices of securitisation, "nomadisation" and criminalisation have characterised Roma westward mobility since 2004-2007 and have also legitimated contestable measures of dismantling Roma camps. ...
https://www.geonika.cz/EN/research/ENMGRClanky/10361-Volume_29_Issue_2_Paper_4.pdf_____________________________
In contrast to other countries in East Central Europe, Romania stands out because of a high number of small and segregated Roma settlements. As an ethnic minority, the Roma are overrepresented in marginalised and impoverished settlements and, given the basic recommendations to contain the pandemic – wash hands, keep the distance and work from home, their situation was disproportionately exacerbated by the imposition of lockdown measures. We use secondary data to interpret the deprivation features that puts them at greater epidemic risk.
In addition, the Covid-19 crisis led to a sudden return of the Romanian Roma living in Western Europe. The slums and ghettos were more strictly quarantined than regular areas, suggesting a form of negative quarantine.
Quarantine was – next to its medical purpose – used as a rhetoric and disciplinary device. Roma were portrayed as infection spreaders, and racism was channelled mainly through the media. While the spread of the disease placed them at risk, the lockdown itself induced major survival challenges. By using media and social media analysis, we show how the discourse of negative quarantine unfolded. The latter was diluted in the general relaxation of containment measures, but its legacy as a practice raises questions for the future governance of areas inhabited by the Roma.
... La mobilité a pourtant été promue comme un élément crucial de l'intégration européenne (Aradau, Huysmans, et Squire 2010), permettant de favoriser l'identité européenne 19 . Bien qu'il existe un idéal de cette citoyenneté européenne justifiant un traitement similaire dans l'ensemble des États membre et un droit à la libre circulation, les gouvernements créent de nouvelles frontières par l'introduction de procédures d'exclusion des « indésirables », y compris au sein de la communauté européenne (Sardelić 2017 Ainsi, cette directive limite explicitement les droits à la mobilité et introduit la notionrelativement ouverte à l'interprétation -de « charge déraisonnable pour le système d'assistance sociale » de l'État membre hôte des migrant·es. Certains États membres vont s'appuyer sur ce principe pour créer ou renforcer une situation d'irrégularité chez des personnes dont la nationalité devrait en théorie ouvrir le droit à une circulation libre au sein de l'Union Européenne : c'est notamment le cas de la France. ...
Cette thèse porte sur les expériences genrées de la mobilité précaire chez des femmes roms qui migrent de la Roumanie vers la France. Ce travail s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique menée pendant neuf mois dans deux bidonvilles de la Seine-Saint-Denis, ainsi que sur des enquêtes au sein de deux associations (accompagnement social et programme de service civique pour les jeunes habitant·es de bidonvilles et squats). Des entretiens formels et informels, notamment avec des militant·es roms et pro-Roms en France et en Roumanie, viennent compléter ces enquêtes, de même qu’un ensemble d’observations d’événements militants et associatifs auxquels les Roms vivant en Ile-de-France sont convié·es. L’enquête le montre, dans un contexte de stigmatisation et de précarité, les femmes roms endossent de nouveaux rôles ; la division sexuée des tâches est bousculée par la migration, qui remet en question l’organisation au sein des familles et des couples. Paradoxalement, la catégorie de vulnérabilité qui peut leur être appliquée dans les politiques publiques de « tri » renforce leur capacité d’agir et contribue à leur subjectivation politique. Tout en proposant une analyse des politiques de (non)-accueil qui conduisent à des expulsions, et produisent une vulnérabilité qui est inégalement distribuée et reconnue, cette thèse conteste ainsi l’incompatibilité présumée entre politique et vulnérabilité, en s’appuyant sur les combats du quotidien dans les bidonvilles et les espaces de représentation où prennent place les femmes. La thèse contribue à une meilleure compréhension de « ce que cela fait d’être un problème » (W.E.B Du Bois, 1903), à partir du point de vue de celles dont la parole reste encore peu audible, et qui pourtant cherchent à ouvrir la voix.
... Many government policies and practices have cast Roma as helpless and inferior beings who are unable to integrate successfully into the social fabric (Chang, 2018;Matache, 2017), resulting in the exclusion of Roma from the labor market and other aspects of society. As a response to these injustices, Roma people have created alternative economies and have built a cohesive group identity (Sardeli c, 2017). ...
The pervasive failure of policies aimed at overcoming health inequities suffered by European Roma reflects the oppressive and impoverished living conditions of many ethnic minorities in the Western world. The multiple social inequities that Roma experience and the cumulative effect on their health prove that the failure of health policies that impact Roma must be attributed to their ameliorative nature. These policies legitimize the mechanisms of oppression that sustain inequities, fueling fatalistic attitudes toward minorities, while these minorities internalize the stigma and attempt to survive on the margins of society. This paper presents the RoAd4Health project, a community initiative in which academic researchers partnered with Roma communities to overcome health inequities. We present the multiple methods utilized for building meaningful advocacy, such as photovoice and asset mapping led by Roma agents of change. These methods provided the capacity to develop a local narrative of disparities, build alliances to gain capacity to respond to injustices, and take actions to promote social change. The results of effectively involving all significant stakeholders (i.e., community agents of change, residents, health and social care providers, Roma community grassroots organizations, and institutional actors) are discussed along with lessons learned.
... implementation (Travis, 2016) that the UK is not as welcoming and desirable a destination as may have been portrayed in online discourse or family migration narratives (Boehmova, 2016;Travis, 2016;Parutis, 2014;Grill, 2011;Dekker et.al., 2016). In this way, our research enhances the understanding of the consequences of welfare governance of EU Roma migrants in Britain, contributing to the wider literature on migrants' agency in dealing with administrative removals and deportations from the UK (Sardelić, 2017;Schweitzer, 2017) and on the growing body of work that explores EU minority rights and the social justice dimension of the European Union citizenship (Kochenov and Agarin, 2017;O'Brien, 2017). ...
This paper presents the findings from a small-scale pilot study which explores the experiences of accessing welfare benefits by the migrant Roma European Union (EU) citizens in the UK. It compares administrative barriers and individuals' knowledge of welfare entitlement both prior and after the implementation of changes to the welfare regime in 2014, when a tranche of 'policy hardening' legal enactments came into force. For the migrants who participated in this study, precarious, low paid post-migration work has brought several hazards, including a non-eligibility for certain social protections and an inability to demonstrate documentation which enable access to 'passported' welfare benefits. The combination of problems in accessing welfare benefits and the resulting state interventions, including expulsion from the UK in some cases, suggest that EU Roma citizens experience disproportionate negative impacts of welfare hardening, adding to the much vaunted 'hostile environment' to EU migrants in the wake of the Brexit vote. As such, we find the practice of 'bordering' migrant EU Roma citizens to the UK is taking place through covert state enforcement action against families and households, discouraging effective and genuine use of their free movement rights guaranteed under European Union law. © 2018, Intersections. East European Journal of Society and Politics.
... Recent scholarship has started to recognize the need to overcome such "splendid isolation" (Willems, 1997, pp. 305-306), acknowledging that the framing of the Roma as a minority "in need of integration" is relevant not only for minority protection but also for issues revolving around European citizenship, the surge in populist xenophobic parties and the so-called "migrant crisis" 2 (Kostka, 2015;Sardeli c, 2016;Sigona & Treheran, 2009;Vermeersch, 2013;Yıldız & Genova, 2017). ...
This article analyses how Roma are represented in official policy narratives in Italy and Spain by comparing the four cycles of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in the two countries. By tracing the representations that the Italian and Spanish governments hold (and make) about the Roma, I sketch out the different categories that EU‐ropean countries recur to as organizing principles to “other” underprivileged minorities. Based on the tailored‐approaches in which both Italy and Spain engage in framing Roma as either a “national” minority or not, I suggest that constructing or “producing” a minority in our imagined communities as characterized by national, cultural, social or migrant characteristics relies more on political expediency than on objective analytical categories.
... Julija Sardelić's account of Roma migration in the European Union is instructive in highlighting the significance of an analytics of the everyday. By focusing on regular practices that create ruptures in a statist regime of control, Sardelić (2017) shows how Romani migrants refuse to be swayed by disincentives that are placed on decisions about where it is possible to migrate and what actions they are able to participate within. Whilst this shows a degree ...
The politics of migration has become increasingly prominent as a site of struggle. However, the active subjecthood of people on the move in precarious situations is often overlooked. Irregular migration struggles raise questions about how to understand the agency of people who are marginalised. What does it mean to engage people produced as ‘irregular’ as active subjects of trans-border politics? And what new research strategies can we employ to this end? The articles presented in this Special Issue of Politics each differently explore how actions by or on behalf of irregular/ised migrants involve processes of subjectivity formation that imply a form of agency. Collectively we explore how irregular migration struggles feature as a site marked by active subjects of trans-border politics. We propose a research agenda based on tracing those processes – both regulatory, activist, and everyday – that negotiate and contest how an individual is positioned as an ‘irregular migrant’. The ethos behind such research is to explore how the most marginalised individuals reclaim or reconfigure subjecthood in ambiguous terms.
This article theorizes “omission,” which I define as the condition of being left out of administrative apparatuses, such as civil registers, censuses, and identity management systems. According to this theory, omission is not necessarily accidental but can constitute a political strategy. When even excluded statuses can be powerful grounds for claiming rights, resources, or membership, state actors can subvert such claims-making potential by depriving unwanted populations of the practical, material capacity to establish their legal personhood through documents and records. To situate omission, I develop a typology of documentary strategies additionally comprising “recognition,” “claims-making,” and “evasion.” Although my theorizing is informed by ethnographic research with unregistered families in Malaysia, scholars can apply this typology to multiperspectival, relational analyses of other empirical cases of documentary politics. Studying omissions has scholarly and ethical imperatives, not least to record the lives of populations denied, at times with existential consequences, the right to recognition.
Since 2007, Scandinavia has emerged as a new destination for Romanian Roma engaging in circular migration for begging and street work. Using policy documents from parliamentary debates in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, survey data on Romanian migrants in Stockholm, Oslo, and Copenhagen, and qualitative fieldwork in Scandinavia and Romania, this article explores the dynamic relationship between Scandinavian policy responses and migrant selection and adaptations. First, we demonstrate how the Scandinavian countries differ in their approach to migration for begging as a policy problem, resulting in different contexts of reception. Second, we show that these different contexts of reception have given rise to differences in the selection and adaptations of migrant beggars and street workers in each of the three capital cities. Third, we hypothesize that the relationship between policy responses and migrant adaptations should be conceptualized as a process of cumulative causation, where pre-existing policy differences are reinforced through positive feedback.
By combining securitization literature and literature from the field of border criminologies, this article reflects upon the ongoing securitization of intra-EU East–West mobility. The European Union is built on the inherent tension between the (economic) benefits and risks of one of its core principles: the principle of free movement. The two enlargements of the EU that led to the inclusion of several countries located in Central and Eastern Europe further increased this tension and led countries in Western Europe to officially reconstruct intra-Schengen borders. By looking into recent practices of (border) policing in the Netherlands, this article illustrates how CEE nationals are subjected not only to a securitized discourse around their mobility but also to securitized policing practices that aim to create a division between ‘core’ and ‘non-core’ Europeans while at the same time distinguishing between possible ‘crimmigrant’ others and bona fide travellers.
In diesem Kapitel werden die Ergebnisse der explorativen Recherche zur transnationalen Dimension der Unterstützungsangebote für mobile EU-Bürger*innen mit Stand Juli 2022 vorgestellt. Dabei wird zunächst der europäische Gesamtrahmen vorgestellt, die sozialpolitischen Initiativen auf europäischer Ebene beleuchtet, die Implikationen der Transnationalität für die Soziale Arbeit dargestellt und als theoretischer Referenzrahmen der Ansatz der sozialen Verankerung eingeführt (2). Sodann werden die aktuell bestehenden Ansätze transnationaler Angebote sozialer Unterstützung mobiler EU-Bürger*innen für die europäische Ebenen, dem Zielland Deutschland und den Herkunftsländern Bulgarien, Rumänien und Polen vorgestellt (3). Es folgt eine Darstellung der Befunde aus Interviews mit Expert*innen aus Deutschland, Bulgarien, Polen und Rumänien, die über Wissen zu bestehenden transnationalen Unterstützungsangeboten in diesen vier Ländern verfügen. (4). Der anschließende Abschnitt bietet auf der Grundlage der von Expert*innen erhobenen Informationen eine konzeptionell strukturierte Weiterführung zur Gestaltung von transnationalen Unterstützungsangeboten (5). Das Kapitel schließt mit Schlussfolgerungen und Empfehlungen für weitere Forschung, politische Initiativen und Projektentwicklung (6).
Dieses Kapitel stellt die Ergebnisse der dritten Teiluntersuchung mit Stand November 2021 vor. Das Ziel der
Untersuchung bestand darin, Informationen über Unterstützungsbedarfe von in Hamburg lebenden
mobilen EU-Bürger*innen aus den drei Mitgliedsstaaten Polen, Bulgarien und Rumänien zu erhalten und im
Kontext von Mobilitätsverläufen zu betrachten. In diesem Kapitel geht es darum, die mit der Studie
gewonnen Erkenntnisse über die Ursachen und Hintergründe der Entstehung und Dynamiken von
Unterstützungsbedarfen bei mobilen EU-Staatsangehörigen in Hamburg darzustellen. Der Unterstützungsbedarf,
dies verdeutlicht die Untersuchung, entsteht und verschärft sich im Zusammenhang mit prekären
Lebensumständen in Hamburg. Die für die Studie Befragten sind mehrheitlich im Niedriglohnsektor
beschäftigt, oft zu prekären und ausbeuterischen Bedingungen. Prekär und ausbeuterisch sind auch die
Wohnmöglichkeiten. Die Auswertung der mit dieser Studie gesammelten Erzählungen verdeutlicht, dass die
Arbeitskraft von EU-Bürger*innen für viele Wirtschaftsbereiche mit Niedriglohnsegmenten unverzichtbar
ist. Zugleich wird deutlich, dass der rechtliche Schutz der Beschäftigten vor Ausbeutung und die soziale
Absicherung sozialer Notlagen unzureichend sind.
Zum zweiten geht es darum zu ermitteln, welche Kenntnisse, Erfahrungen und Einschätzungen die
Zielgruppe bezüglich bestehender Unterstützungsangebote haben. Zum dritten sollen Anregungen für die
Reform bestehender und Entwicklung neuer Unterstützungsangebote formuliert werden.
Das Kapitel eröffnet mit einem knappen Überblick zum Stand der Forschung über die Situation und
Unterstützungsbedarfe von EU-Bürger*innen. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf empirischen Untersuchungen,
die Lebensumstände oder Erfahrungen und Sichten der Migrant*innen behandeln. Eingeführt
werden auch die zentralen Konzepte der Bewältigungsstrategie und der sozialen Unterstützung (3.2).
Danach wird die methodische Vorgehensweise dargestellt, darunter die Kriterien für die Auswahl der
Interviewpartner*innen und das methodische Vorgehen bei der Durchführung der Befragung von 30 EUBürger*
innen aus Bulgarien, Rumänien und Polen in Hamburg (3.3). Darauffolgend werden wichtige
Merkmale des Samples und die Ergebnisse der Interviewauswertung vorgestellt. Dabei werden zunächst die
Antworten auf geschlossene, skalierte Fragen vorgestellt und diskutiert (3.4). Es folgt die Auswertung der
Interviews zu ausgewählten Aspekten von Unterstützungsbedarfen im Mobilitätskontext (3.5).
Anschließend werden die Befunde der Interviewanalyse im Zusammenhang betrachtet und Schlussfolgerungen
gezogen (3.6). Das letzte Kapitel bietet eine knappe Einschätzung und einen Ausblick auf
weitere Forschungsbedarfe (3.7).
Addressing health disparities and promoting health equity for Roma has been a challenge. The Roma are the largest disadvantaged ethnic minority population in Europe and have been the victims of deep social and economic injustices, institutional discrimination, and structural antigypsyism over many centuries. This has resulted in a much worse health status than their non-Roma counterparts. Current strategies based on ameliorative and top-down approaches to service delivery have resulted in paradoxical effects that solidify health disparities, since they do not effectively address the problems of vulnerable Roma groups. Following a health justice approach, we present a community-based participatory action research case study generated by a community and university partnership intended to address power imbalances and build collaboration among local stakeholders. This case study involved a group of health providers, Roma residents, researchers, Roma community organizations, and other stakeholders in the Poligono Sur, a neighborhood of Seville, Spain. The case study comprises four phases: (1) identifying Roma health assets, (2) empowering Roma community through sociopolitical awareness, (3) promoting alliances between Roma and community resources/institutions, and (4) building a common agenda for promoting Roma health justice. We highlighted best practices for developing processes to influence Roma health equity in local health policy agendas.
This article explores parallels between the ‘shunning’ and ‘seeking’ of membership of the EU in the context of Brexit and stalled enlargement in south-east Europe, via a focus on the partial, fragmentary and contested governance of citizenship. The case studies place Union citizenship into a wider political and socio-economic context, demonstrating its central importance as an enabler of personal freedom. At the same time, they highlight how the denial or removal of Union citizenship can engender individual strategies to recover lost or denied benefits. From the analysis, parallels emerge between Union citizenship and national citizenship; both offer a promise of equality, but a reality of differentiation and inequality. At the same time, by delving deep into the case studies, it proves possible to illuminate the complex and often ‘messy’ constitutional edifice of the European Union, involving sometimes contradictory processes of Europeanisation and de-Europeanisation affecting citizenship regimes at all levels.
This chapter explores the centrality of money and property in the regulation and practices of citizenship since ancient times. It explains how possessions have historically drawn boundaries between different groups of people within and across communities, and highlights examples in which this practice was not possible. The chapter starts with a discussion of the relationship between property and statuses during Greek ad Roman times, hinting at the roots of the practice of wealth-based admission. It then looks at the evolution of the link between citizenship and money in feudal times, during various stages of capitalism, and in socialist societies. The final section of the chapter looks at how globalization since the late twentieth century has created an entirely new environment for a market in citizenship.
This paper examines how territorial rescaling and ensuing citizenship realignment in Europe affect marginalised minorities. It focuses on the case of Roma and calls for a new perspective on this minority: instead of viewing Roma as an exceptional non-territorial minority and migrants, it investigates their position primarily from a citizenship perspective. While examining different examples of the citizenship position of Roma, the paper argues that their positions represent the margins, which become central in defining what citizenship entails at different levels. The margins are usually not directly visible, yet they define the ‘boundaries’ of citizenship salient during episodes of territorial rescaling.
What does it mean to be a European citizen? The rapidly changing politics of citizenship in the face of migration, diversity, heightened concerns about security and financial and economic crises, has left European citizenship as one of the major political and social challenges to European integration. Enacting European Citizenship develops a distinctive perspective on European citizenship and its impact on European integration by focusing on 'acts' of European citizenship. The authors examine a broad range of cases - including those of the Roma, Sinti, Kurds, sex workers, youth and other 'minorities' or marginalised peoples - to illuminate the ways in which the institutions and practices of European citizenship can hinder as well as enable claims for justice, rights and equality. This book draws the key themes together to explore what the limitations and possibilities of European citizenship might be.
Populist right-wing politics is moving centre-stage, with some parties reaching the very top of the electoral ladder: but do we know why, and why now?
In this book Ruth Wodak traces the trajectories of such parties from the margins of the political landscape to its centre, to understand and explain how they are transforming from fringe voices to persuasive political actors who set the agenda and frame media debates. Laying bare the normalization of nationalistic, xenophobic, racist and antisemitic rhetoric, she builds a new framework for this ‘politics of fear’ that is entrenching new social divides of nation, gender and body.
The result reveals the micro-politics of right-wing populism: how discourses, genres, images and texts are performed and manipulated in both formal and also everyday contexts with profound consequences. This book is a must-read for scholars and students of linguistics, media and politics wishing to understand these dynamics that are re-shaping our political space.
This paper discusses the position of Romani minorities in the light of the state dissolution and further citizenship regime transformations after the disintegration of the former Socialist Yugoslavia. While observing closely the repositioning of the Romani minorities in the post-Yugoslav space, it explicates that in the case of state dissolution, the unevenness of citizenship does not only manifest in the rights dimension, but also in uneven access to citizenship with regard to new polities.
This article explores how EU enlargement and the concomitant migration of some Roma to Western Europe influenced non-governmental organization (NGO) activity and the representation of Roma interests. It contributes to our understanding of whether European integration advances or reduces opportunities for representation and participation of marginalized groups. Based in part on interviews with NGOs advocating for Roma migrants in France, the author finds that the freedom of movement that came with EU membership gave rise to new and expanded representation of Roma interests through NGOs, with the EU playing an important role in this advocacy. For the most part, however, it has not led to greater Roma participation or to policy responses aimed at improving their situation.
The article focuses on the recent large-scale immigration of Romanian Roma to Italy and its impact on the city of Rome. This influx provoked widespread alarm, triggering xenophobic incidents by some Romans and repressive policies by the authorities. It also provoked a small ‘earthquake’ within the Romani world, since the newcomers started to occupy similar social, cultural and economic spaces to the other Roma groups already present in Rome; the result was a drastic alteration of the already delicate balance between Roma and the city of Rome. The article presents an analysis of the relations between a group of Bosnian Xoraxané Romá living in the Magliana district and the newly arrived Romanian Roma. These relations appear quite complex and ambiguous, oscillating between the unifying principle of being Roma and being categorized as Gypsies (Zingari)/Roma/nomads by Italian society, on the one hand, and the claim of specificity and differentiation between Roma groups on the other.
Since the accession of the A8 post-communist countries to the European Union, various EU institutions have regularly expressed deep concern about the precarious political, social and economic position of the Roma. This article examines the recent political reinterpretations that accompany the EU's framing of the Roma as a group in need of special attention. It argues that EU institutions will have to find ways to deal with the ambivalence inherent in their ‘European’ appeals for tackling the problems at hand. These calls may indeed—as, for example, the European Commission insists—enhance cooperation between different levels of government and persuade member-states to adopt new policies that will benefit Romani citizens. But, somewhat paradoxically, they also provide new discursive material for nationalist politicians with an anti-Romani agenda who try to minimise or evade their countries’ domestic responsibility by highlighting the role and responsibility of the EU. They also latch onto the alleged ‘Europeanness’ of the Roma in order to exclude them symbolically from their own national space and frame them not only as ‘Europeans’ but also as ‘outsiders’ and ‘cultural deviants’.
This research examines how the internal social dynamics of Roma communities at home shape their propensity to migrate. It is theoretically grounded in the literature on social capital and focuses on two core concepts: ‘migration-rich’ and ‘migration-poor’ communities. The research is based on in-depth interviews and informal discussions with Roma from six (mainly rural) communities of Transylvania (Romania) and includes qualitative data gathered from migrants as well as from people who did not migrate. The findings challenge existing conceptualizations of Roma migration as either explained by poverty alone or by cultural arguments (such as nomadism). This paper indicates that even in the context of severe poverty, social networks are actually decisive for migration. It demonstrates that the patterns of migration tend to be community-specific and shaped by a locally shared culture (ethos) on migration. The research suggests policy choices according to the community profile and its internal dynamics.
The collapse of communism and the process of state building that ensued in the 1990s have highlighted the existence of significant minorities in many European states, particularly in Central Europe. In this context, the growing plight of Europe’s biggest minority, the Roma (Gypsies), has been particularly salient. Traditionally dispersed, possessing few resources and devoid of a common “kin state” to protect their interests, the Roma have often suffered from widespread exclusion and institutionalized discrimination. Politically underrepresented and lacking popular support amongst the wider populations of their host countries, the Roma have consequently become one of Europe’s greatest “losers” in the transition towards democracy. Against this background, the author examines the recent attempts of the Roma in Central Europe and their supporters to form a political movement and to influence domestic and international politics. On the basis of first-hand observation and interviews with activists and politicians in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia, he analyzes connections between the evolving state policies towards the Roma and the recent history of Romani mobilization. In order to reach a better understanding of the movement’s dynamics at work, the author explores a number of theories commonly applied to the study of social movements and collective action.
The book critically engages with theoretical developments in international relations and security studies to develop a fresh conceptual framework for studying security.Contents 1. Politics of insecurity, technology and the political2. Security framing: the question of the meaning of security3. Displacing the spectre of the state in security studies: From referent objects to techniques of government4. Securitizing migration: Freedom from existential threats and the constitution of insecure communities5. European integration and societal insecurity6. Freedom and security in the EU: A Foucaultian view on spill-over7. Migration, securitization and the question of political community in the EU8. De-securitizing migration: Security knowledge and concepts of the political9. Conclusion: the politics of framing insecurity
Introduction. Throughout this book we distinguish citizenship of the European Union (EU) from a broader conception of European citizenship. Especially as regards the five themes that guided our research (discussed in Chapter 1), this distinction results from conceiving Europe as an assemblage of multiple and overlapping organisations, institutions, movements, interests, agreements and actors and the European Union as one, significant if not hegemonic, entity among others. Similarly, European citizenship is enacted through not only legal but also cultural, social, economic and symbolic rights, responsibilities and identifications that are irreducible to citizenship of the European Union. As all chapters in the book illustrate, the EU certainly plays a significant role in the constitution of the European citizen. There is no doubt that the European integration project and specifically the European Union are inventive enterprises that have ushered Europe into a new, arguably post-national or supranational, era (Guild 2004). As an inventive political entity it both attracts and encourages critical engagements, as the ubiquitous term ‘Eurosceptics’ evinces. Arguably, even the most ardent and self-described Eurosceptics engage with the European project in significant ways. Thus, while it is important to insist, as we do, that the EU does not exhaust European citizenship and that the broader ‘European project’ is an important reminder of the limitations and possibilities of the ways in which the European Union has come to define and frame European citizenship, it is equally important to insist, as we also do, that without the inventiveness and the boldness through which the European Union has come to define and institute supranational legal and political norms over the past five decades, it would have been impossible to engage in the struggles over European citizenship that are such vital aspects of European society and politics today.
On 8 June 2008, groups of Roma and Sinti people took to the streets of Rome alongside their supporters and other activists in an attempt to challenge the ‘security package’ passed by the Berlusconi government and those laws and regulations that were increasingly perceived as discriminatory. ‘The Roma people come out of the camps!’ proclaimed the headline of one of Italy’s main daily newspapers, La Repubblica. ‘I campi nomadi’ or ‘camps for nomads’ have been a semantic and spatial fixture of Italian political life since the 1960s, when they were set up in response to the presumed nomadism of Roma populations, particularly those coming from Yugoslavia (Piasere 2006). More recently, Roma camps have come to the attention of European institutions, with the dismantling of the so-called ‘unauthorised’ camps inhabited by the Roma, coupled with evictions and the relocation of some Roma groups to a smaller number of official camps located outside of urban centres. The demonstration, alongside the debates about the ‘campi nomadi’ in Italy, have brought into the limelight the problem of mobility as it pertains to the Roma. A range of different mobilities play out in this site of the 8 June demonstration: the supposedly excessive mobility of the Roma as ‘nomads’; their mobility as European and/or Italian citizens under free movement regulations; their mobility both across national borders and across urban, less visible, boundaries; the immobility enforced by the camps; the forced mobility between camps entailed by continuous evictions and camp closures; and the purported ‘voluntary’ mobility of deportation practices. Questions of physical mobility and immobility appear intertwined with questions of social and political (im)mobility, even as they are often kept separate in debates about European citizenship and freedom of movement.
Introduction. In the summer of 2010, the expulsion from France of hundreds of Roma European Union (EU) citizens, mainly of Bulgarian and Romanian nationality, to their countries of origin triggered protests and actions throughout the EU. On 6 September 2010, the European Network Against Racism showed solidarity with demonstrations by French anti-racist non-governmental organisations (NGOs), organising similar marches throughout Europe protesting against French policies. In the days that followed, human rights and anti-racism groups in more than eleven member states organised protests in front of French embassies, while in more than 130 cities in France, NGOs, citizens’ associations, trade unions, politicians and Roma marched side by side to denounce the discriminatory treatment and stigmatisation of the Roma by the French government. Throughout the EU, thousands of individuals responded to the call by EU NGOs to show their opposition to policies that they considered breached the right to equality contained within EU citizenship. Within a few days, the European Parliament called upon the Commission to intervene to suspend all expulsions of the Roma and to take the necessary measures in cases of non-application of EU law, notably by bringing infringement proceedings. This procedure allows the European Commission (EC) to challenge inadequate application of EU law by member states and to ultimately refer the case to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). The resolution also asked the Commission to fully analyse the compliance of French Roma policies with EU law, in particular on the basis of the ‘information provided by NGOs and Roma representatives’ (European Parliament 2010: par. 12).
What does it mean to be a European citizen? The rapidly changing politics of citizenship in the face of migration, diversity, heightened concerns about security and financial and economic crises, has left European citizenship as one of the major political and social challenges to European integration. Enacting European Citizenship develops a distinctive perspective on European citizenship and its impact on European integration by focusing on 'acts' of European citizenship. The authors examine a broad range of cases - including those of the Roma, Sinti, Kurds, sex workers, youth and other 'minorities' or marginalised peoples - to illuminate the ways in which the institutions and practices of European citizenship can hinder as well as enable claims for justice, rights and equality. This book draws the key themes together to explore what the limitations and possibilities of European citizenship might be.
Rethinking questions of identity, social agency and national affiliation, Bhabha provides a working, if controversial, theory of cultural hybridity - one that goes far beyond previous attempts by others. In The Location of Culture, he uses concepts such as mimicry, interstice, hybridity, and liminality to argue that cultural production is always most productive where it is most ambivalent. Speaking in a voice that combines intellectual ease with the belief that theory itself can contribute to practical political change, Bhabha has become one of the leading post-colonial theorists of this era.
The paper argues that the right to return should be upheld as one of the political principles for mitigation of the boundary problem in post-conflict societies. Restoration of citizenship pursued through justified politics of return contributes to democratic reconstitution of post-conflict societies. In post-Yugoslav space, however, the politics of return of refugees, internally displaced persons, diaspora and deportspora can be charged with promoting some forms of citizenship inequality, preferring some citizens over others and impeding or effectively blocking the return of those who are not desirable.
This paper looks at the case of citizenship in Kosovo and argues that the mismatch between the idea of a ‘liberal’ state and the practice of group differentiation, on the one hand, and the socio-political reality that emerged in the post-war period, on the other, has resulted in a citizenship regime that is hierarchical. It aims to demonstrate how despite the legally enshrined promise of equality, differentiated citizenship, together with a political context defined by an ethnic divide and past structural inequalities, as well as uneven external citizenship opportunities, contributed to the emergence of hierarchical citizenship, in which some groups (communities), or ‘rights-and-duty-bearing units’, are more equal than the others.
This article engages with current debates on the sociology of camps and camp-like institutions in contemporary society. Drawing on ethnographic material collected in Italy in ‘nomad camps’ where forcibly displaced Roma from former Yugoslavia were sheltered in the 1990s and 2000s, it argues that Agamben's conceptualisation of the camp as a space of exception, by constructing the camp as other to an idealised notion of citizenship and the rule of law, offers limited purchase for a sociological investigation of the complexity and ambivalence of social relations in and around camps as well as residents' everyday practices and experiences of political membership. Focusing on the resources, entitlements and ‘rights’ of camp residents and their interactions with state, regional and local authorities and non-governmental actors, this article invites to de-exceptionalise the camp and the experiences of its residents, and proposes the concept of ‘campzenship’ to capture the specific and situated form of political membership produced in and by the camp. Getting closer to the camp and its inhabitants through the adoption of an ethnographic gaze reveals the camp space as paradigmatic of the stratification and diversification of political membership in contemporary society, a social and political terrain where rights, entitlements and obligations are reshaped, bended, adjusted, neglected and activated by and through everyday interactions.
Prior studies on Roma migration put much emphasis on either structural factors or networks that become key elements for explaining the growing migration flows of a population lacking economic resources and characterized by poor education. Although very relevant for explaining the perpetuation of migration, these studies posit the limit of downplaying migrants' agency and the role of identity markers mediating the influence of structural conditions in both destination and origin countries. Drawing on quantitative data from the Roma Inclusion Barometer (2006) as well as on in-depth interviews with Roma migrants from Eastern Romania, the paper provides a more comprehensive account of contemporary Romanian Roma migration towards Western European countries. The paper challenges the portrayal of the Roma migrant population, as conveyed by many scholars, as a rather passive one and argues that gender, religion and subgroup identities constitute key elements in explaining Roma migrants' agency.
With the emergence of European Union citizenship as a formal legal category, many scholars from a variety of perspectives have considered its political and normative significance. This article seeks to demonstrate that the enactment of European citizenship through the movement across national borders of EU citizens exposes an inherent but frequently hidden tension within the category of citizenship: namely, in the relationship between mobility and integration. It is, we argue, the exposure of this tension and the concomitant re-politicisation of citizenship via this enactment which is of most ethico-political value in a European citizenship. We make this argument with reference to the politics of a multi-level European citizenship and, in particular, with reference to interactions between a particular nation—France—and the EU on the issue of “Roma” mobility. We argue that while French discourses have tended to interpret mobility and integration as in tension, EU discourses archetypically emphasise the ways in which mobility facilitates integration. That said, EU and national discourses are not easily separable. We demonstrate that each has impacted upon the other and highlight the ways in which this interaction exposes the tension in the mobility–integration relationship and in so doing problematises the meaning and limits of citizenship.
This article addresses the way in which the Roma were framed as an important ‘security issue’ on the French public policy agenda during the Sarkozy presidency. By pointing out continuities and discontinuities in the association between ‘immigation’ and ‘insecurity’ in official discourse, it analyses the somehow unexpected and sudden scapegoating of the Roma as responding to immediate political imperatives, but also as an expression of a mounting trend of nationalism. The fact that, in France, public space is officially ethnicity-blind contributed, paradoxically, to the rapid stigmatisation of the Roma as a group.
After Slovakia joined the European Union in 2004, some of the East Slovakian Roma were among the first migrants to choose the labour migration path to the UK. This article explores connections between the various forms of mobility of these Slovakian Roma. It focuses on their attempts to engage in existential mobility—which condition their physical movement to the place of destination—and on their hopes for upward socio-economic mobility. The paper shows how the successful returning migrants have established new hierarchies and contributed to the crystallising of an imaginary of ‘England as a great splendour’. It examines the idiom of ‘going up’, and argues for seeing the Roma's recent migration as a potential means by which to carve out a sense of a viable life and of autonomy amidst the oppressive circumstances and the asymmetrical relations they have with non-Roma dominant groups and non-related Roma. The article also explores the unequally distributed possibilities and inequalities that migrants encounter on their journeys towards realising their hopes and dreams in migration. Finally, consideration is given to the embeddedness of recent migration in the Roma's daily modes of interaction, sociability of constant movement and reciprocal relations within kin and friendship networks.
This paper maintains that although the citizenship regime of Montenegro was generated amidst domestic political competition, it has also been significantly affected by regional and international political forces. Applying Bellamy's (Bellamy, R., 2004.4.
Bellamy , R. 2004. “Introduction: the making of modern citizenship”. In Lineages of European citizenship: rights, belonging and participation in eleven nation-states, Edited by:
Bellamy , R. ,
Castiglione , D. and
Santoro , E. 1–21. London: Palgrave. [CrossRef]View all references Introduction: the making of modern citizenship. In: R. Bellamy, D. Castiglione and E. Santoro, eds. Lineages of European citizenship: rights, belonging and participation in eleven nation-states. London: Palgrave, 1–21) concept of the lineages of citizenship to the case of Montenegro, this study explains how citizenship polices were used to manage the fragile political milieu within this weak and unconsolidated post-Yugoslav state. Further explanations for the restrictiveness of Montenegro's citizenship regime are based on the legacies of the different Yugoslav ‘citizenship constellations’. Yet as a consequence of the country's aspirations to join the European Union, the rigid citizenship regime of Montenegro remains permeable to international norms and influence. However, this ostensible normative elasticity does not make Montenegrin citizenship more liberal, as barriers for naturalisation remain high.
This article strives to meet two challenges. As a review, it provides a critical discussion of the scholarship concerning undocumented migration, with a special emphasis on ethnographically informed works that foreground significant aspects of the everyday life of undocumented migrants. But another key concern here is to formulate more precisely the theoretical status of migrant "illegality" and deportability in order that further research related to undocumented migration may be conceptualized more rigorously. This review considers the study of migrant "illegality" as an epistemological, methodological, and political problem, in order to then formulate it as a theoretical problem. The article argues that it is insufficient to examine the "illegality" of undocumented migration only in terms of its consequences and that it is necessary also to produce historically informed accounts of the sociopolitical processes of "illegalization" themselves, which can be characterized as the legal production of migrant "illegality.".
The Roma have been referred to as a ‘European Minority,’ reflecting both their nature as a truly transnational minority and their importance for the process of European integration in Eastern Europe. Research generally argues that the European accession process, which has greatly influenced the development of politics in the region, has had a very direct effect on the states' policies towards this disadvantaged minority. This paper proposes to investigate the link between European Union (EU) accession and minority policy by comparing the situation of the Roma in Hungary, the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, and Romania. The paper uses survey data to compare the differences that exist between the situation of the Roma and members of the majority groups along several socio-economic indicators in these four countries. Our findings add to a body of literature that finds limited support for the role of EU accession in influencing Roma policy in Eastern Europe. The EU accession process seems to have narrowed the gap between Roma and the majority in several areas, while not achieving the expected result in a few others.
Ethnic categories in Kosovo as well as in Italy have been shaped and reshaped according to public politics and local power relations. Focusing on the treatment of the Roma minority, this article examines the complexity of the relationship between labelling and policy in two different contexts: Kosovo and Italy. It highlights the impact that bureaucratic and institutional actors have on the process of iden- tity building of the Roma/Gypsies community. Labels not only contribute actively to the definition of collective identities, but, as instruments of a political system, they express and summarize its structure. The article concludes by emphasizing that labels and policies not only play a role and, in some ways, create the objec- tive of their action, but once they define a group of people as a community, through the allocation of resources, they actually create a community: from 'nomads' to nomads.
This article discusses some of the salient features of the post-2001 Macedonian citizenship model, understood not only as a legal formula, but also as a social and cultural fact (Brubaker, R., 1994. Citizenship and nationhood in France and Germany. Cambridge/London: Harvard University Press). By using the analytical lens of two competing conceptions of nationhood and citizenship (political vs. ethno-cultural), the article analyses the phenomenon of ‘fractured citizenship’, as reflected in the apparent tension between an official, elite-driven discourse of the Macedonian model of multi-ethnic democracy on the one hand, and diverging ethno-culturally coded initiatives, ideologies and perceptions, on the other. The article concludes that in the future the fractures will either ‘heal’ through a weakening of the ethnic dimension, or progress towards a new form of fragmented citizenship.
This article reflects on the politics of European Union citizenship – and the ethical possibilities and limitations of a cosmopolitan or ‘normative power’ EU – via an analysis of the situation of the Roma in France, which was widely mediatized in summer 2010. It argues in a first step that during this period the French government ‘securitized’ the Roma, ‘extra‐ordinarily’ casting them as collective threat and thereby justifying their deportation. The European Commission's outspoken response demanded that the French authorities refrain from discriminating against EU citizens on grounds of ethnicity; in so doing, the EU seemed to act as protector of minorities in accordance with its raison d'être as liberal peace project. However, in a second step, the article draws attention to the deportations perpetrated before these high‐profile events, highlighting that conditionality within the law pertaining to EU citizenship allowed for the securitization of Roma. Thus, in a third step, it is argued that the invocation of citizenship may be a useful but limited strategy of political resistance by and with excluded groups such as Europe's Roma. Rather, it is the inherently ambiguous nature of a multi‐level EU liberal or cosmopolitan government – and concomitant EU citizenship – which opens an important space for resistance.
This article discusses the forced migration of Kosovo Roma in the context of the recent armed conflicts in the province. The fate of Roma in Kosovo has remained largely out of the public eye despite massive international media attention given to the conflict in general. The paper analyses the reception and treatment of Romani refugees in both neighbouring countries, such as Macedonia and Albania, and further afield, including instances of racially motivated violence perpetuated against Roma by ethnic Albanians. The article discusses the reasons why the return of Roma to Kosovo, or to other areas of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, remains, for the time being, impossible, and outlines the failure of international governmental and nongovernmental aid to reach the Kosovo Roma.
In every democratic polity there exist individuals and groups who hold some but not all of the essential elements of citizenship. Scholars who study citizenship routinely reach for shared concepts and language to identify forms of political membership held by migrants, children, the disabled, and other groups of individuals who, for various reasons, are neither full citizens nor non-citizens.This book introduces the concept of semi-citizenship as a means of dramatically advancing debates about individuals who hold some, but not all, elements of full democratic citizenship. By analytically classifying the rights of citizenship and their various combinations, scholars can typologize semi-citizens and produce comparisons of different kinds of semi-citizenships and of semi-citizenships in different states. The book uses theoretical analysis, historical examples, and contemporary cases of semi-citizenship to illustrate how normative and governmental doctrines of citizenship converge and conflict, making semi-citizenship an enduring and inevitable part of democratic politics.
Abstract The purpose of this article is to review the main challenges to the principle of free movement of persons in theory and practice in an enlarged European Union. The right to move freely represents one of the fundamental freedoms of the internal market as well as an essential political element of the package of rights linked to the very status of EU citizenship. The scope ratione personae and the current state of the principle of free movement of persons is assessed by looking at the most recent case law of the Court of Justice and the recently adopted Directive on the rights of citizens of the Union and their family members to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States. But what are the hidden and visible obstacles to free movement of persons in Europe? How can these barriers be overcome to make free movement and residence rights more inclusive? This article addresses these issues along with the following questions: Who are the beneficiaries of the free movement of persons in an enlarged Europe? What is the impact of the recent legal developments in the freedom of movement dimension, such as the European Court of Justice case law and the new Directive? And to what extent are pro-security policies such as the Schengen Information System II and an enhanced interoperability between European databases fully compatible with the freedom of movement paradigm?
It is often assumed that states within the same regime-type pursue similar policies towards minorities. An imperial state, for instance, which has already consolidated its rule over its territory and subject peoples (such as the Hapsburg Empire in the nineteenth century or the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century) tends to pursue restrained policies towards marginal groups. Ordinarily, one could expect such states not to enforce cultural or religious homogeneity, for instance, given the costs associated with communication, transportation, the maintenance of public order and other factors. This article argues that although the Hapsburg and Ottoman states belong to the same regime-type (that is, they were both empires), their specific policies and general approach to ethnic and other minorities diverged significantly. This argument is illustrated through the two empires' policies towards their Gypsy/Romani populations.
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