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L'interazione del bambino con i pari: l'influenza del comportamento genitoriale
Abstract
Introduzione
Lo sviluppo della competenza sociale – ossia la capacità di raggiungere i propri obiettivi nelle
interazioni sociali mantenendo buone relazioni con gli altri e acquisire norme, simboli e strumenti
propri della cultura e della società di appartenenza – è associato all’insieme dei comportamenti
genitoriali di cura e sostegno verso i propri figli (parenting). L’obiettivo è evidenziare come il
parenting influenzi la competenza sociale del bambino nell’interazione coi pari – con eventuali
differenze di genere e di età –, e verificare la relazione tra status socioeconomico (SES), parenting e
competenza sociale.
Metodo
A 496 bambini (259 F) dai 3 ai 15 anni (M=7.86; DS=2.97) sono stati somministrati strumenti
differenti adeguati alla loro età: 1) Pictorial Scale of Perceived Competence and Acceptance for
Young Children; 2) Security Scale; 3) Children’s Report of Parental Behavior Inventory; 4) Early
Adolescent Temperament Questionnaire; 5) Youth Self Report. A entrambi i genitori: 1) Parenting
Practices Questionnaire; 2) Parental Style Questionnaire. Agli insegnanti: Child Behavior Scale.
Il campione è stato diviso in 4 gruppi sulla base dell’età del bambino (3-6; 6-8; 8-10; 11-15).
Sono state effettuate ANCOVA, analisi correlazionali e regressioni.
Risultati
L’ANCOVA (SES covariata) non evidenzia differenze nello stile parentale sulla base dell’età del
bambino. Entrambi i genitori si valutano più autorevoli che autoritari o permissivi. La madre si
valuta più autorevole di quanto si valuti il padre.
L’analisi della regressione semplice evidenzia che un SES alto favorisce uno stile parentale
autorevole e una diminuzione di quello autoritario, nonché un aumento dei comportamenti
prosociali e di regolazione del proprio comportamento nel bambino, con una diminuzione dei
comportamenti aggressivi e iperattivi.
L’analisi della regressione multipla evidenzia che l’accettazione genitoriale diminuisce con uno
stile parentale autoritario; quest’ultimo determina nel bambino – il cui comportamento è valutato
dall’insegnante – una difficoltà di regolare il proprio comportamento, un aumento dell’aggressività
nei maschi e dell’iperattività nelle femmine. L’accettazione dei pari aumenta con uno stile paterno
autorevole e diminuisce con uno permissivo.
L’ansia nelle bambine (8~10) è correlata al comportamento paterno: aumenta con l’autoritarismo e
il permissivismo e diminuisce con l’autorevolezza. Nell’adolescenza il permissivismo materno
correla positivamente con frustrazione ed emozionalità negativa nelle femmine e con la depressione
nei maschi.
Conclusioni
Gli stili di parenting sembrano influenzare il comportamento del bambino coi pari – valutato dagli
insegnanti nel naturale contesto interattivo qual è la scuola – determinando effetti differenti in
relazione al genere e all’età del bambino. Tale influenza decresce nella prima adolescenza.
L’autoritarismo sembra determinare un aumento dell’aggressività nei maschi e dell’iperattività nelle
femmine, mentre il permissivismo sembra determinare un aumento della frustrazione e
dell’emozionalità negativa nelle femmine e della depressione nei maschi. Tali effetti sono specifici
nei differenti range d’età. È confermato come lo stile autorevole sia quello maggiormente
promotore dello sviluppo di competenze sociali adeguate nel bambino.
In ultimo, un livello socioeconomico alto sembra favorire la messa in atto di uno stile parentale
adeguato ai bisogni fisici e psicologici del bambino.
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Experiences with peers constitute an important developmental context for children wherein they acquire a wide range of behaviors, skills, and attitudes that influence their adaptation during the life span. In this chapter, we review current research on children’s peer experiences while distinguishing between processes and effects at different levels of analysis -- namely individual characteristics, social interactions, dyadic relationships, and group membership and composition. Our thesis is that interactions, relationships, and groups reflect social participation at different interwoven orders of complexity. Our goal, in introducing these levels of analysis, is to establish a framework for further discussion of the origins, development, and significance of children’s peer experiences. Moreover, discussion of the interaction, relationships, and group levels of social complexity allows subsequent commentary on conceptual issues that pertain to individual differences in children’s behavioral tendencies and peer relationships.
Objective. The authors investigated the effects of preschool patterns of parental authority on adolescent competence and emotional health and differentiated between confrontive and coercive power-assertive practices which accounted partially for differential long-term effects of the preschool patterns. Design. Participants were 87 families initially studied when children were preschool students, with outcomes assessed during early adolescence. Families were drawn from Baumrind's Family Socialization and Developmental Competence longitudinal program of research. The authors used comprehensive observational and interview data to test hypotheses relating preschool power-assertive practices and patterns of parental authority to the children's attributes as adolescents. Person-centered analyses contrasted adolescent attributes associated with 7 preschool patterns of parental authority. The authors used variable-centered analyses to investigate the differential effects of 5 coercive power-assertive practices that they hypothesized were authoritarian-distinctive and detrimental and 2 confrontive practices (behavioral control and normative spanking) that they hypothesized were neither authoritarian-distinctive nor detrimental. Results. Adolescents whose parents were classified as directive, democratic, or authoritative (grouped as balanced-committed) when these adolescents were preschool students were competent and well-adjusted relative to adolescents whose parents were classified as authoritarian, permissive, or disengaged (grouped as imbalanced-uncommitted). Adolescents from authoritarian families were notably incompetent and maladjusted. Variable-centered analyses indicated verbal hostility and psychological control were the most detrimental of the authoritarian-distinctive coercive power-assertive practices. Severe physical punishment and arbitrary discipline were also authoritarian-distinctive and detrimental. Normative physical punishment and confrontive discipline were neither. Confrontive discipline and maturity demands contributed to authoritative parenting's effectiveness, whereas normative physical punishment was neutral in its effects. Conclusions. The findings extend the consistently negative outcomes of authoritarian parenting and positive outcomes of authoritative and authoritative-like parenting to 10-year outcomes that control for initial child differences. Differential outcomes can be partially attributed to the coercive practices of authoritarian parents versus the confrontive practices of authoritative parents.
Attempted (a) to replicate or modify parent-child relationships found in 2 previous studies by D. Baumrind (see record
1967-05780-001) and D. Baumrind and A. E. Black (see record
1967-10271-001); and (b) to differentiate further among patterns of parental authority and measure their effects upon the behavior of preschool children. Data were based upon observational procedures, and were analyzed for boys and girls separately. Ss were 146 white preschool children and their families. Results include the following: (a) authoritative parental behavior was clearly associated with independent, purposive behavior for girls but only associated with such behavior for boys when the parents were nonconforming; (b) authoritative parental control was clearly associated with all indexes of social responsibility in boys compared to authoritarian and permissive parental control, and with high achievement in girls, but not with friendly, cooperative behavior; and (c) contrary to expectations, parental nonconformity was not associated with lack of social responsibility in either boys or girls. (45 ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Developed an empirical test for assessing global typologies consistent with D. Baumrind's (1971) authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive typologies for parents of preadolescent children, and identified specific parenting practices occurring within the context of the typologies. 1,251 parents (aged 20–63 yrs) of preschool- and school-age children were administered 133 test items consisting of 80 items from J. H. Block's report (1965), and 53 new items based on conceptualizations of the 3 typologies drawn from current literature. Three global parenting dimensions emerged consistent with Baumrind's parenting practices. A 62-item instrument was retained and the global parenting dimensions were analyzed, and specific factors identified. These factors were useful in predicting differential developmental outcomes. This test can be used with both mothers and fathers of preadolescents. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Recent research consistently reports that persistent poverty has more detrimental effects on IQ, school achievement, and socioemotional functioning than transitory poverty, with children experiencing both types of poverty generally doing less well than never-poor children. Higher rates of perinatal complications, reduced access to resources that buffer the negative effects of perinatal complications, increased exposure to lead, and less home-based cognitive stimulation partly account for diminished cognitive functioning in poor children. These factors, along with lower teacher expectancies and poorer academic-readiness skills, also appear to contribute to lower levels of school achievement among poor children. The link between socioeconomic disadvantage and children's socioemotional functioning appears to be mediated partly by harsh, inconsistent parenting and elevated exposure to acute and chronic stressors. The implications of research findings for practice and policy are considered.
Socioeconomic status (SES) is one of the most widely studied constructs in the social sciences. Several ways of measuring SES have been proposed, but most include some quantification of family income, parental education, and occupational status. Research shows that SES is associated with a wide array of health, cognitive, and socioemotional outcomes in children, with effects beginning prior to birth and continuing into adulthood. A variety of mechanisms linking SES to child well-being have been proposed, with most involving differences in access to material and social resources or reactions to stress-inducing conditions by both the children themselves and their parents. For children, SES impacts well-being at multiple levels, including both family and neighborhood. Its effects are moderated by children's own characteristics, family characteristics, and external support systems.
Offers a detailed exploration of linkages among SES, parenting, and child functioning during infancy. The author focus on 6 parenting processes as potential mediators of relations between SES and 5 aspects of infant behavior. Specifically, in a series of structural equation models, the authors look at relations between 2 major SES composite indices--the Hollingshead Four-Factor Index of Social Status and the Duncan Socioeconomic Index of Occupations--in relation to 6 parenting processes and 5 infant behavior outcomes. They then analyze the role of these 2 SES composites and also decompose each composite into its constituents (education, occupation, and income). The authors find that maternal education largely accounts for SES effects on child behavioral outcomes during infancy and that it does so through several parenting channels. They further delineate relations between SES and child behavior by including in their models several maternal factors with known relations to child outcomes: maternal age, intelligence, personality, and employment. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Using large longitudinal survey data from the UK Millennium Cohort Study, this article estimates the relationship between maternal time inputs and early child development. We find that maternal time is a quantitatively important determinant of skill formation and that its effect declines with child age. There is evidence of long-term effects of early maternal time inputs on later outcomes, especially in the case of cognitive skill development. In the case of non-cognitive development, the evidence of this long-term impact disappears when we account for skill persistence.
The major food assistance programs in the United States—the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the National School Lunch Program, the School Breakfast Program, and the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children—all share the fundamental goal of helping needy and vulnerable people obtain access to nutritious foods that they might not otherwise be able to afford, but the programs may also affect households’ well-being in other ways. In this study, we examine how the receipt of public and private food assistance is associated with regular family routines, using longitudinal data on low-income families with children from the Three City Study. Estimates from fixed-effects regression models indicate that WIC participation is positively associated with homework routines and consistent bed times. However, receipt of other assistance is not strongly associated with family routines.
The poor often behave in less capable ways, which can further perpetuate poverty. We hypothesize that poverty directly impedes
cognitive function and present two studies that test this hypothesis. First, we experimentally induced thoughts about finances
and found that this reduces cognitive performance among poor but not in well-off participants. Second, we examined the cognitive
function of farmers over the planting cycle. We found that the same farmer shows diminished cognitive performance before harvest,
when poor, as compared with after harvest, when rich. This cannot be explained by differences in time available, nutrition,
or work effort. Nor can it be explained with stress: Although farmers do show more stress before harvest, that does not account
for diminished cognitive performance. Instead, it appears that poverty itself reduces cognitive capacity. We suggest that
this is because poverty-related concerns consume mental resources, leaving less for other tasks. These data provide a previously
unexamined perspective and help explain a spectrum of behaviors among the poor. We discuss some implications for poverty policy.
Poor Choices
Two categories of reasons for why poor people make economically unsound choices, such as obtaining a payday loan at an extraordinarily high rate of interest, reflect, first, the environment: Poor people are more likely to be living in poor neighborhoods with higher rates of crime and lower rates of social services. Second, they reflect the individual: People are poor in part because of their own psychological dispositions toward impatience and impulsiveness. For both cases, obtaining causal evidence in controlled experiments has been challenging. Shah et al. (p. 682 ; see the Perpective by Zwane ) propose a third category of reasons whereby being poor exerts a bias on cognitive processes and provide evidence for it in laboratory experiments performed in scenarios of scarcity.
discuss the effects on children of parental "demandingness" and parental "responsiveness" and of patterns of parental behavior representing the intersection of the two dimensions
constructs in the demandingness realm: direct confrontation, monitors, intrusive-directiveness, and a pattern of firm, consistent discipline with high maturity demands
constructs in the responsiveness realm: affective warmth, cognitive responsiveness, attachment and bonding, unconditional acceptance, or noncontingent positive reinforcement, sensitive attunement, involvement, and reciprocity
my emphasis will be on middle childhood (Time 2, or age nine)
provide a context by summarizing findings from my longitudinal program of research when the children were of pre-school age . . . as well as when they were nine years of age
authoritarian parents / permissive parents (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This article reviews the literature on the relationship among parenting practices, parenting styles, and adolescent school achievement. The review of the empirical research indicates that parental involvement and monitoring are robust predictors of adolescent achievement. Several studies, however, indicate that parental involvement declines in adolescence, prompting the call for future research on the reasons for and associated consequences of this decline. Furthermore, the review indicates that authoritative parenting styles are often associated with higher levels of student achievement, although these findings are not consistent across culture, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. Darling and Steinbergs contextual model of parenting provides a promising model to help resolve these discrepancies, however, further research is needed to examine the major linkages of the model. It is also argued that the contextual model should expand its notion of context towards the larger cultural and economic context in which families reside.
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Scarcity: Why Having so Little Means so Much
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