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127
ABSTRACT
The racial tragedy in Batavia in 1740 generally
has a great social and economic impact in Java.
Chinese people, some of whom were the sugar
industry owners possessing the links from the
raw materials to finished products were targeted
in this terrible situation. They then ran away
from this chaotic condition bringing their sugar
industry skills and this fact led the sugar indus-
tries to spread out of Batavia around Java. Bata-
via, which was initially as the sugar industry
basis, therefore, was not surrounded by cane
plantations; meanwhile, these types of planta-
tions were spreading in the north coastline of
Java and some parts of Central Java and East
Java remote areas became sugar industry centers
and the people of each area, therefore, were devel-
oping.
Key words: Chinese Ethnic, Chaos, Batavia,
Sugar.
ABSTRAK
Kerusuhan rasial yang terjadi di Batavia pada
tahun 1740 memiliki dampak yang luar biasa
bagi perkembangan sosio-ekonomi Jawa secara
umum. Etnis Cina yang menjadi sasaran dalam
peristiwa tersebut ternyata sebagian merupa-
kan pemilik industri gula yang menguasai ja-
ringan sejak hulu hingga hilir. Ketika kemudian
mereka melarikan diri ke luar kota Batavia, mere-
ka membawa keahlian mereka dalam industri
gula dan dengan demikian industri gula menye-
bar ke seluruh Jawa. Batavia yang semula men-
jadi perintis industri gula tidak lagi dikelilingi
oleh perkebunan-perkebunan tebu sementara
daerah pantai utara Jawa dan sebagian peda-
laman Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur berkembang
menjadi pusat industri gula dengan perkem-
bangan masyarakatnya masing-masing.
Kata kunci: etnis Cina, Kerusuhan, Batavia, Gu-
la.
THE 1740 RACIAL TRAGEDY AND
LOSS OF BATAVIA SUGARCANE INDUSTRIES
Priyanto Wibowo
History Department, University of Indonesia
endah_hwl@yahoo.com
INTRODUCTION
In Indonesian historiography, the
racial chaotic situation which occurred
in Batavia in 1740, generally known as
Angke holocaust, plays a specific role.
The nuance of writing this occurrence is
a simultaneously, quickly and systema-
tically ethnic cleansing to the communi-
ty as their servants by VOC authority,
both European and local officers
(Wijayakusuma, 2005: 92). This tragedy
illustrates the politically vulnerable con-
dition of Chinese people along Indone-
sian history. On the one hand, their ex-
istence and contribution are needed par-
ticularly in VOC era. On the other hand,
they were victimized as proved by this
1740 ethnic cleansing, which actually
covered the hidden conflict of interest
among VOC elites and Chinese ethnic
became the victim of this conflict.
The tragedy with the deaths of
around 10,000 Chinese people as Batavia
citizens is considered as an important
element in the Indonesian historio-
graphy, particularly from political per-
spectives. Many foreign and Indonesian
writers believe that this is the biggest
racial tragedy which took place in the
East Indies history (Lombard, 1996: 358).
However, there has been no historian
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Hlm. 127—136
128
Paramita Vol. 23, No. 2 - Juli 2013
who studies this tragedy, especially its
impact from different perspectives. The
new conditions which appeared upon
the tragedy, particularly with the long
impacts, in the social and cultural Bata-
vianese community and its surround-
ings are rarely revealed; however, these
long impacts are more stressed on the
existence of the new life of Chinese eth-
nicity after they had located their settle-
ment in Batavia city scope Batavia
(Geuzinge, 2008: 154).
This paper reveals and explains
the change from another angle resulting
from the Angke tragedy in 1740, focus-
ing on the aspect of traditional sugar
industries which belonged to Chinese
ethnic and were initiated when the dis-
sension in Batavia occurred in 1619. The
existence of these sugar industries
played an important role in both eco-
nomic and social aspects which really
influenced this ethnic life and the loca-
tion where they lived.
BATAVIA CHINESE ETHNIC COM-
MUNITY
Batavia city was established by
VOC Governor General, Jan Pieterszoon
Coen, on 30 May 1619, on the Jayakarta
ruin he destroyed as a result of the war
between VOC and Banten Sultanate
(Ricklef, 2008: 58). When this city was
established at the first time, Coen had
owned the future plan to centralize all
VOC authorities in Asia as the biggest
Dutch Bandar (centre) in the East. Alt-
hough the city he established looked
like the fortress city in Europe in the
Middle Ages, this limited area of the city
did not hamper Coen to plan to widen
and develop the city from different an-
gels and this plan encouraged its social
dynamic life increase.
To make what he planned come
true, Coen meant to make Batavia the
busy economic centre with its orienta-
tion to VOC monopoly system. As the
supporting factor, this city has the main
supporting element, particularly from
its own population, fundamentally de-
termining the growth of a city which
leads to a dynamic interaction making
the city life busier, the determination of
the city a widening factor and finally
influencing the formation of the city
morphology shape (Raben, 2000: 94).
Before the VOC authority was estab-
lished in this city, a lodge had been es-
tablished in Batavia when this city was
still under Banten Sultanate. Due to the
conflicting fact with the British people
and with the Banten authority, VOC left
the city and sailed to Ambon. As the
highest officer, Coen, however, insisted
to make Batavia as the strategic head-
quarters for VOC trading centre. In May
1619 upon his return from Ambon with
his powerful fleet of ships, he defeated
Banten troops and destroyed Jayakarta
or Jakarta city to start establishing what
we call Batavia.
Coen, however, did not consider
all qualified to contribute their ideas to
Batavia development but he trusted a
limited number of parties to make his
plan discussed above come true. Be-
sides the ethnics the VOC brought from
its authority locations, like Ambonese
and Ternate people recruited as slaves
and native soldiers, the other local peo-
ple, such as Balinese and Manggarai
people got their opportunities to come
to Batavia and then lived there. They
were given different locations on sepa-
rated places and this was determined
according to their functions directly con-
trolled and supervised by VOC
(Lohanda, 2000: 115).
Their presence did not give the
guarantee to achieve what Coen had
hoped, while Ambonese and Ternate
ethnics were functioned to underpin
VOC power and local security. Moreo-
129
ver, The Balinese and Manggarai ethnics
became the groups of slaves assigned to
help the VOC officers’ households, the
middle group, who then played an im-
portant role in the economic life dynam-
ics and widening projects of Batavia ac-
cording to what Coen hoped which was
fulfilled yet. Moreover, the middle class
society was not yet believed by Coen for
the purposes of the city widening. To fill
in this empty fact, the only group that
Coen really trusted was Chinese ethnic
(Guns, 2011: 119).
Regarding that Coen held the
highest position at VOC which accepted
the responsibility and mandate from
Heeren Zeventien in Amsterdam, was
supported by the post trading links and
the greatest VOC trade lodge spreading
from South Africa to Deshima in Japan,
the efforts to invite Chinese immigrants
was not a difficult one. In some loca-
tions in Taiwan and east and south-east
coasts of China, VOC owned some re-
presentatives to recruit local people to
improve their economic conditions in
East Indies. Such VOC offers were well
responded by the on-land Chinese and
they then took the ships provided by
VOC or the private sectors to join the
sail to reach one destination: Batavia.
When they arrived in Batavia, they
then joined Chinese ethnic minority
who had lived prior to their coming and
actively functioned as the middlemen
for the local authority prior to the VOC
coming. As Coen predicted, the arrival
and presence of Chinese ethnic with
growing number of population took
part in developing Batavia city. This fi-
nally came true because the traders not
only activated the economic circle but
also owned professional skills, such as
craftsmanship, handicraft, financial spe-
cialization and labor as physical
strengths for their bargaining power.
Their contribution fastened the develop-
ment of Batavia city and VOC then or-
dered this city like the ones in the
Netherlands and the consequence of this
development led VOC to appoint their
officers to be responsible for controlling
foreigners’ presence and these officers
were also assigned as the middlemen
with their official levels as officers ap-
pointed as captains (Li Minghuan, 2003:
106).
Under a captain, then assisted by
lower officers, Chinese ethnic was an
integral part of Batavia settlement and
were specially positioned in the social
strata formed and controlled by VOC.
Professionally, in the XVII Century and
the beginning of the XVIII Century, the
Chinese ethnic in Batavia showed their
heterogeneity as shown by their life ac-
tivities like blue collar workers, profes-
sionals, and middlemen groups in some
economic strategies, such as pachters
beyond VOC bureaucracy structure
filled by local people (Chen, 2011: 97-
98).
The professions of the Chinese
ethnic illustrated the settlements they
formed due to the fact that the colonial
government did not provide any special
locations for them to live and this condi-
tion was different from the local people
provided by the colonial government. In
Batavia, particularly outside the wall,
there were kampong Manggarai, and
kampong Bali. Upon the second middle
age of the XVII Century kampong Bugis
and kampong Makasar were estab-
lished; whereas, kampong China was
not provided. VOC officers even let
them spread and live at any areas where
they got the opportunities to have their
locations. These Chinese people were
generally required to live inside the Ba-
tavia wall; many were not limited with
space and took their courage to live out-
side the wall due to their creativities.
The above situation led Chinese
people spread to various places accord-
ing to the life sources they found and
The 1740 Racial Tragedy ...—Priyanto Wibowo
130
Paramita Vol. 23, No. 2 - Juli 2013
they had their own freedom to make
their own living; therefore, they lived in
a semi-nomadic manner without any
clear fixed locations to live and without
fixed jobs they had. Regardless their so-
cial impacts resulting from this condi-
tion, the life of Chinese ethnic can be a
description of one aspect of Batavia City
life activities at the beginning of the
XVII Century. One of the conditions dif-
ferentiating Chinese ethnic from others
in Batavia was the greater dependence
on VOC than that of other ethnics. This
dependence was seen when in 1643
Guvernor General Anthony van Die-
men, who believed that the VOC role in
Batavia was already strong and would
not be attacked by enemies, such as
Mataram war in 1628, shifted their pri-
ority from Ambon ethnic to Chinese eth-
nic in term of security sectors. Ambo-
nese and other ethnics were limited to
have their settlements, but Chinese eth-
nic were given rights to have their own
settlements as long as they had typical
advantages for VOC themselves.
CHINESE SUGAR INDUSTRIES AND
1740 CHAOS’ IMPACT
Among the economic sectors the
Chinese people in Batavia did is sugar
making industry which actually existed
when the tea drinking tradition among
Chinese took place. Regarding the fact
that the main ingredients for sweetening
is the sugar taken from cane trees, Chi-
nese people were encouraged to deal
with the sugar making process and then
developed these activities to become
industries which gave them a lot of fi-
nancial benefits. This industry was
booming when the needs of sugar were
strongly felt not only by Chinese ethnic
but also for other groups, including na-
tive people and even foreign ones.
Prior to these industrial activities
in Batavia and its surrounding areas, the
information about the Chinese people
whose activities were related to sugar
industries in other places before Batavia
was founded to attract them to live here
was very limited. In Banten, for exam-
ple, although the Chinese traders had
lived long before VOC came to East In-
dies, the information about the sugar
making activities was rarely known, ex-
cept the limited transactions that took
place among the Chinese traders.
Was the above condition caused
by insufficient data recording these is-
sues or were Chinese not interested to
deal with such industries due to the fact
that they got great financial benefits
from trading because of middleman
traders, or did this result from the natu-
ral fact of Banten which did not support
such industries? This issue cannot be
comprehensively discussed. However,
the close relationship between sugar use
and Chinese people and their long expe-
rience regarding sugar industries did
not take place all of a sudden; it took
take.
It is true that before these people
moved to Batavia and still lived in Ban-
ten, they were known to have sugarcane
industries despite limited production. It
is considered that pepper was more pro-
spective than sugarcane, sugarcane was
not chosen as prima donna household
industries. When moved to Batavia, they
got encouragement from Coen to devel-
op these industries. There was an action
to try to do sugarcane industries,
household sugarcane industries still sur-
vived dominated in the area of Omme-
landen Batavia in the XVII Century
(Bulbeck, 1998:109)
This industry was growing when
Chinese people had some opportunities
to live in Batavia city, mainly those who
lived outside the wall despite its fame as
the city with socially critical security.
That many Chinese who were economi-
131
cally poor could not live inside the wall
of Batavia led them buy any lands
where they could do their creativities
connected to their lives; they, therefore,
could have wide lands they could man-
age (Blusse, 2004: 156-157).
These Chinese people who lived
outside social wall of Batavia city settled
with Batavia native people, and other
incoming citizens who could not live in
the social city wall. These people usually
did not have close relationship with
VOC bureaucracy and administrative
jobs, but they had to provide sufficient
needs according to their settlements,
mostly in regards with agricultural pro-
duce, like rice, corns, cassava, and cash
crops, for their own individual purpos-
es, trading commodities, or exchange
products for their daily needs, such as
salt, fish, meat, tobacco and others
(Anon, 1841: 432). Besides crops, many
wild trees that community did not grow
and develop grew very well, like cane,
bamboo, bushes and many others. Bam-
boo and rattan were then sold to VOC
and made for ropes and baskets in
which spices from Maluku were export-
ed. Both crops and wild trees were well
growing surrounding Batavia city.
Cane, however, was the most in-
teresting tree. The community was not
interested to grow this kind of trees be-
cause VOC did not need this plantation
and they fulfilled their sugar needs
through imported products; cane trees,
then, did not sell well in the markets
and its price never increased. They at
that time let cane trees grow wildly after
they had used these trees in a very lim-
ited number for their individual needs.
Such condition was used by Chinese
people who were interested in manag-
ing such trees to become sugar by buy-
ing them from the native people
through product exchange besides
growing such trees around their houses
Jacobs, 2006: 423).
The cane trees collected from their
own grown ones or they purchased
from the local people were squezzed to
get its liquid sugar which was cooked
and then made into solid. Mixed with
some spieces, the liquid cane sugar
thickened and some of this liquid was
made solid and finally considered as
pure distilled cane liquid. Crystal-like
solid matters are the purest and com-
monly called gula batu (stone sugar);
meanwhile, the rest products cannot be
made solid and this is called syrup sug-
ar (molasses).
The producers then sold the sugar
collected in the city and found the VOC
officers and rich Chinese people as buy-
ers who mixed the sugar into their
drinks, particularly tea. Tea, then, was
getting more and more famous and
reached more consumers; the producers,
therefore, intended to massively devel-
op sugar industries and changed the
functions of their houses to become sug-
ar workshops.
This led them to build two-storey
houses, commonly called loteng, and
with the first floor functioned as sugar
making industrial workshop and the
second floor as the area which func-
tioned as their house. Chinese sugarcane
pressing businessmen merely had hous-
es and distilling tools with buffalos to
move the grindstones, but they did not
have the areas on which cane was plant-
ed. The VOC encouraged the native peo-
ple who lived in the remote areas to
plant cane and submitted their produce
to these sugarcane pressing companies.
The price decided by the colonial com-
panies was 9 reals per pikul (around 133
pounds), or doubled prices than interna-
tional price; therefore, the sugarcane
pressing labourers were ready to pro-
duce themselves. The means of trans-
portation, like boats, and horse carried
carts, was provided by the buyers
(Niemyer, 2012: 119).
The 1740 Racial Tragedy ...—Priyanto Wibowo
132
Paramita Vol. 23, No. 2 - Juli 2013
The activities in the sugar indus-
trial workshops spreading from the
western part of Tangerang to the eastern
part of Bekasi and in Batavia Ommeland-
en proved them as home industries
whose centers were at local workshops
employing a lot of manpower who were
not only Chinese people with their rela-
tives, other traveler Chinese and also the
local people delivering their cane trees
and employing themselves as laborers
in these sugar cane industry workshops.
Accordingly, at Ommelanden Batavia, the
first home industry making sugar was
managed by Chinese people.
Trading activities, however, were
not only limited on sugar industries, but
these people could still use other ad-
vantages of cane trees, which were
squeezed to get their essence then mixed
with yeast and preserved in the drums
in some days as the fermentation pro-
cess occurred in the leftover liquid. The
result of these industrial processes was
arak tebu (distilled cane arrack), classi-
fied as traditional Chinese alcoholic
drinks with rice wine as the raw materi-
als or Ciu (Lorimer, 1998: 351).
Unlike sugar industries, arrack
industries did not grow that well due to
its limited raw materials and a small
number of their consumers. Initially, the
arrack consumers were middle class and
lower class of Chinese people and local
people, particularly the ones from Java
and Ambon. An interesting point is that
arrack processing activities occurred at
the same area of sugar workshops and
this led to the fact that the front part of
the workshops were used for sugar in-
dustries, while the rear part of the work-
shop was used for arrack industries.
The process of arrack cane was an
interesting phenomenon. Besides
trhough personal offers with uncertain
packaging sizes, for such a far distance,
supplied to the inside wall, arrack to-
gether with sugar, rice and other com-
modities was transported by rafts in
Ciliwung river. Compared to sugar, ar-
rack products were risky for the produc-
ers and buyers due to monopoly sale by
VOC; arrack, therefore, was considered
traditional alcoholic drinks with yeast
and the purchasing and buying process
could be sanctioned by seizing such
products and catching the producers.
By having two business industries,
both sugar and arrack products, Chinese
traders could dominate one of the eco-
nomic potentials around Batavia. These
products, benefits and incomes even
had potentials to be developed in the
informal sectors in this area. The role of
Chinese ethnic became important in this
sector by marginalizing the roles of Eu-
ropean people, both in the private and
government sectors (VOC officers them-
selves) (Knight, 1975: 131).
The increasing number of Chinese
people in Batavia at the end of the XVII
Century resulted in a new problem for
high-level VOC officers. Initially, these
Chinese immigrants were encouraged to
contribute their activities to develop Ba-
tavia as the key traders with high
productivity, but in the next century the
opposite fact took place. The VOC lead-
er’s believed that the presence of the
Chinese ethnic caused more disad-
vantages than the advantages, due to
the frequency of social problems, espe-
cially those closely connected to securi-
ty.
With such high population densi-
ty, many Chinese people did not have
jobs, were roaming in the city wall and
in Ommelanden as unemployed and were
involved in crimes in the settlements.
Those who were established with their
earnings, especially the middle and up-
per community levels, were considera-
bly considered to dominate the econom-
ic sectors of Batavia city, threatening the
roles of European people, who generally
consisted of VOC officers and retired
133
ones with business backgrounds
(Hoevell, 1840: 13).
The above condition was wors-
ened by the issues among the elite VOC
that elite Chinese were highly suspected
to prepare the conspiration to take over
the power (Hoetink, 1918). Accordingly,
before the political fact was getting
worse, they tried to find the solution to
reduce the potential power of Chinese
ethnic and to put them under VOC con-
trol. When Governor General Valckenier
was in power in 1737, he decided to
catch these Chinese people who did not
have fixed jobs and drove them away.
The official issue spreading in the com-
munity was that they were employed in
the VOC cinnamon plantation in Cey-
lon. Another rumour was that Chinese
people who were caught were drowned
in the middle of the sea and this rumour
created confusion among Chinese ethnic
(Veth, 1912: 136).
Many Chinese people refused to
be recruited and pulled themselves to
leave the city and lived outside. They
even equipped themselves with weap-
ons and continued their travel while
making some disturbance with VOC
assets and their officers as their targets.
VOC management invited Chinese offic-
ers in Batavia on 25 September 1740 to
discuss such condition and this discus-
sion led to an agreement for Valckenier
to send two reliable Chinese to Tanah
Abang considered as the chaotic points
for Chinese, while the posts of the walls
and Meester Cornelis were strengthened
on 5 October.
Due to the fact that these two of-
ficers who brought the VOC’s instruc-
tion failed to execute the assigned job to
force the Chinese people to surrender
and submit their weapons, Valckenier
made a decision to take a strong action
in the form of attacking Chinese settle-
ments at Angke and Tanah Abang on 9
October 1740. However, at night the at-
tack in the form of chaotic tragedy, and
ethnic cleansing on Chinese took place
and on the next days this tragedy was
spreading to all directions of Batavia.
Actually, the people who were
doing this chaos were the local people,
including Ambonese and other ethnics
controlled by VOC high officers them-
selves. They destroyed all Chinese sym-
bols and this tragedy was spreading to
Ommelanden area. All Chinese who lived
here suffered from the wave of this cha-
otic tragedy which destroyed hospitals,
collateral buildings, opium houses, gam-
bling houses and others.
The other objects which were also
destroyed were Chinese sugarcane des-
tilling areas and arrack manufacturing
structures. The owners of these
industries could not maintain their asset
and ran away, while their left fabrics
which were then massively looted and
destroyed. Similarly, their sugarcane
plantation were destroyed and then
burned and the same thing happened to
sugarcane storages and cane which were
ready to be distilled. These Chinese
owners ran away and then were sus-
pected to regroup with other Chinese
people who ran away from Batavia,
forming some groups in the remote are-
as in Krawang, Priangan or Central Java
to start the Pacina war period.
This war changed the political
constellation in the remote areas of Java,
particularly along the north Java coast-
lines which were the fertile lands. These
Chinese people became the wholesale
tax collectors of the markets, toll gates,
villages, and even rice stocks for VOC
needs. They became victimized by com-
munity anger, and attacks causing many
casualties. When Chinese opposition
was spreading to Central Java on 19 Oc-
tober marked by the escapees from Bata-
via to Semarang, the polarization be-
tween native Chinese became the united
group and this unity led to oppose VOC
The 1740 Racial Tragedy ...—Priyanto Wibowo
134
Paramita Vol. 23, No. 2 - Juli 2013
(Remmelink, 1994: 127).
This systematic and massive de-
struction led to make the all Chinese
sugarcane industries stop operating, and
were even destroyed. After 1741 the cha-
otic tragedy stopped and was restored
by the VOC decree to assign Chinese
people in special settlements in Batavia,
the sugarcane industries at Ommeland-
en could not grow anymore. Many sug-
arcane industry businessmen pulled
themselves from Batavia and set up
their business activities in these new lo-
cations, for example, in Karawang, Cire-
bon and Central Java many traditional
sugarcane industries were established at
the second half of the XVIII Century and
at the beginning of the XIX Century, be-
fore their existence was marginalized by
European sugarcane industries
(onderneming) at the end of the XIX Cen-
tury.
The sugarcane industries in the
north coastlines of java, from Cirebon to
Pekalongan managed by Chinese people
ended when Kultuurstelsel system offi-
cially issued the governmental economic
hegemony on agricultural economic sec-
tors were implemented. Those who had
rice milling were obliged to plant cane
and then sold it to the colonial govern-
ment with the price determined by the
government. This process made the sug-
arcane pressing companies belonging to
Chinese people taken over by European
businessmen in the 1830s, who changed
the sugarcane pressing company work-
ing systems into the contracts between
private sectors with the government. See
G.R. Knight, “Gully coolies, weed-
woman and snijvolk: the sugar industry
workers of North Java in the early twen-
tieth century” (Linblad, 1993: 69).
CONCLUSSION
The existence of sugarcane indus-
tries around Batavia and Ommelanden
for more than one century is a specific
phenomenon in the history of Batavia.
The development of such industries
proved that there was a specific eco-
nomic system which could survive and
could grow around the city as the gov-
ernment centre and economic control
with the focus of monopoly system. This
existence certainly contributed to the
local economic dynamics dominated by
VOC with their special rights given by
the Dutch government in Europe. Simi-
larly, besides the production supplied to
the storages in Batavia seaport as export
commodities and enjoyed as the local
commodities, these sugarcane industries
influence the external cooperation be-
yond monopolistic VOC bureaucracy
and were purely controlled by private or
individual capitals.
Another factor which we can con-
clude regarding these sugarcane indus-
tries is that the areas around Batavia can
be developed as the sugarcane areas for
Java Island. If the tragedy in 1740 had
not taken place in Batavia and had not
destroyed these sugarcane industries, it
can be predicted that such industries
could have grown and widened to the
remote areas of Batavia. This could have
changed not only the history of Batavia
but also of Indonesia, particularly Java.
For Batavia, if these sugarcane in-
dustries had been developed, the pri-
vate lands would not have grown, but
sugarcane plantations (suiker ondernem-
ing) in Batavia and Ommelanden would
have grown and these plantations which
would have been dominated by the sug-
arcane industries with different exploi-
tation and administration systems from
those managed by private sectors. In
addition, the farmers around these areas
would have experienced their social eco-
nomic and behavior changes from the
sugarcane farmers to become labourers
of such industries.
135
Java is historically famous as the
island which has produced sugar to ful-
fill the needs of all over Indonesia and
the development in Batavia would have
resulted in a lot of its historical changes.
The sugarcane areas like Cirebon-
Pekalongan, Vorstenlanden and East Java
would not have reached the dominant
position which took place in East Indies,
particularly Cirebon-Pekalongan direct-
ly feeling the impacts of the changes in
Batavia predicted to not have experi-
enced the development of sugarcane
areas. Regarding the development of
fabrics and sugarcane industries in re-
mote areas of Java closely connected to
the installment and widening transpor-
tation routes, especially railways, the
dominance of sugarcane industries of
Batavia would have changed the city
planning, proliferation directions and
transportation means in the local areas,
particularly in West Java. The racially
chaotic tragedy in 1740 in Batavia can be
concluded to have changed the social-
economic structure in most areas in Java
and development has Java as it is today.
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