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Noir Canada. Pillage, Corruption et Criminalité en Afrique

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... Dominique Picard et Edmond Marc définissent le conflit (conflit armé) comme étant un antagonisme, une rivalité entre les acteurs en compétition pour atteindre les mêmes biens. 3 Pour le sociologue Lewis Coser, le conflit est un affrontement entre acteurs collectifs sur des valeurs, des statuts, des pouvoirs ou sur des ressources rares et dans lequel l'objectif de chaque protagoniste est de neutraliser, d'affaiblir ou d'éliminer ses rivaux 4 . Certes, ces définitions convergent par un dénominateur commun qui est la compétition pour les biens ou les ressources. ...
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"What are the reasons for the failure of the ""peace agreements"" signed by the protagonists of the ever-revolving Congolese conflict? The signing of peace agreements, the presence of foreign forces and the presence of international armed troops have not prevented the armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (since 1996) from continuing. The application of the texts of the various agreements concluded between the states of the region to put an end to the insecurity that reigns there is slow, which is why they often become inoperative because they are not applied at the appropriate time. A lasting peace in the DRC does not seem to be within reach, especially in the next few years. The deployment of peacekeepers in the country at the beginning of this new millennium seems to be planned for a long-term anchorage in the DRC. In spite of this UN mechanism, the country continues to suffer under the weight of insecurity due to this war that does not say its name. The vicious circle is thus complete: conflict calls for the presence of UN forces, which are unable to curb the insecurity. A long-term presence in the DRC in the heart of Africa seems inescapable. Keywords: accord de paix, négociation, violence, conflit, résolution, ressources naturelles "
... Following a legal suit, the Ambassador retracted. 3 Activist scholars Deneault et al. (2008) documented practices of Canadian mining firms in the African context in their book Noir Canada and were subsequently faced with a SLAPP (strategic lawsuit against public participation) suit by Barrick Gold. Among others, scholars such as North et al. (2006), Campbell (2008), Nolin and Stephens (2011), Imai (2007, 2012, Deonandan and Dougherty (2016), Gutierrez-Haces (2016), MacDonald (2016) and Weisbart (2018) have documented the practices of Canadian extractive firms, as have Gordon and Webber (2016) in their account of Canadian imperialism in Latin America. ...
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Canada's Extractive Sector Transparency Measures Act (ESTMA) is the culmination of a series of proposals and consultations with government, industry and civil society organizations to address conflict over Canadian extractive industry. Created in the context of a global call for extractive industry accountability, as well as increasing scrutiny of Canadian mining activities for alleged human rights and environmental abuses, the ESTMA aims to deter corruption via financial reporting requirements for Canadian extractive firms operating in Canada and abroad. By mandating that firms publicly disclose payments to various levels of government, however, the ESTMA is constructed atop global corruption discourse that identifies host states in the Global South as the source of social pathologies that facilitate corruption, largely excluding a critical analysis of extractive firms in the Global North. Drawing on interviews, document analysis of material related to the ESTMA and case studies of extractive firm financial reporting, this paper argues that under the ESTMA's financial reporting processes, corporate risk management trumps meaningful social regulation. While the Act does mandate disclosures useful to the advocacy community, limited oversight, a lack of standardized reporting and excluded activities under the Act mean that the ESTMA offers limited leverage to substantively address the human and ecological cost of Canada's extractive industry. As has resulted from transparency policies more broadly, however, the ESTMA provides firms a means to counter broader critique and, in complying with audit culture, promotes investment security.
... This gives states their capitalist charac- ter and their fundamental function as instruments for 'capital accumulation and class regulation' (Mann 1993: 45). In many respects, though gener- ally outside the historical-materialist framework, this links to the vision of resource wars and post-colonial states as instruments for the enrichment of the elites and their allies that end up serving the status quo within states (Deneault 2008;Renton, Seddon, and Zeilig 2007). Mann's liberal version of this approach, pluralism, is for him 'liberal democracy's (especially Ameri- can democracy's) view of itself ' (1993: 45). ...
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The Great-Lakes countries have been in conflict for more than two decades. One solution often proposed by international community actors is the strengthening of international trade as an instrument of peace. This is what emerges from Western Chancelleries’ rhetoric, as expressed by Hermann Cohen in an issue of the International Herald Tribune 2008; as well as Louis Michel, Nicolas Sarkozy, etc. Behind the so-called ‘trade’ argument lies the idea of ‘sharing’ the Congolese’s natural resources and geographical space between the Great-Lakes countries, as ‘the’ way toward peace in the region. We challenge these ideas, demonstrating that they rely on weak theoretical and empirical backgrounds, and suggest more holistic solutions taking into account the complexity of the conflict dynamic in the region.This contribution resorts to a critical analysis of the relationship between international trade and conflict reduction as addressed in the literature. After highlighting the weaknesses of the “one way solution”, we suggest more pragmatic pathways toward long-lasting solutions, including the strengthening of political and socioeconomic institutions in the different countries; addressing identity, governance and security issues; tackling resource distribution to fight poverty; considering the key role of media and the power of youth exchanges; etc.KeywordsGreat-Lakes countriesInternational tradePeaceConflicts
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Studia Europaea Academic Journal of the Faculty of European Studies - Babes-Bolyai University Cluj-Napoca
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Le propos de ce travail est d’explorer la relation entre politiques environnementales et extractivisme en Équateur et, en particulier, dans la région tropicale du sud-est. En effet, le gouvernement progressiste de Rafael Correa, malgré sa politique de redistribution sociale de la rente pétrolière qui améliore la situation sociale, entreprende également la promotion d’un nouveau secteur extractiviste, la mine à grande échelle. À l’aube de l’approbation d’une Constitution politique très innovatrice par rapport aux droits de l’environnement, ce travail se demande comment la politique environnementale se développe et est, successivement, appliqué dans les territoires affectés par les projets miniers. L’inclusion sociale dans le processus décisionnel se révèle déterminante pour la création d’un cadre réglementaire qui va au-delà de la valorisation économique comme seule valorisation territoriale. Le champ de discussion privilégié est celui de l’écologie politique.
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The variety of contributions of the present volume spans a broad range of issues linked to transnational capital interests and their impacts on the environment. They show how environmental impacts are invariably intertwined with many other dimensions. This includes global capital dynamics; colonial heritages, culture and structures; the ever larger scale of industrial and extractive processes; plundering and unequal ecological exchanges; public health, as well as the use of physical and symbolic violence; the role of national states and the power of multilateral institutions in promoting TNCs investments; the destruction of pre-capitalist or small-scale systems of production; and of course the intensity of social conflicts, the original political subjectivity and ways to struggle associated with these conflicts as well as state and corporate strategy to repress them. These dimensions linked to environmental impacts are captured by various theoretical frameworks, for example Harvey’s accumulation by dispossession, ecological economics’ “natural capital”, environmental justice and environmental racism, or sociology of the arts. It shows, in our opinion, how environmental destruction, and its ever- increasing intensity and extensiveness linked to TNCs capital accumulation, cannot be thought of in an isolated manner or through a framework that is “purely” ecological. The complexity of the interrelation between environmental and social dimensions of TNCs interests and activities evidenced here show the dialectical character of social and ecological problems and invites us to continue analyzing the destruction of the environment from both a radical and multidisciplinary approach.
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Canada’s political economy has been reshaped by extractivist forces based in the western tar sands. The objective of this article is to propose a model of these socioeconomic forces identifying the structures and dynamics that characterize the hydrocarbon extractive sector in an “age of extreme oil” through the development of a theory of the capitalist pressure to extract “unburnable carbon.” This aspect of our model has wider significance for an ecological and political economics given the emerging policy consensus around the need to transition from carbon-based economies because the capitalist pressure to extract acts as a powerful counterforce to this ecological imperative.
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