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Out of pocket expenditure to deliver at public health facilities in India: A cross sectional analysis

Authors:
  • World Health Organization - New Delhi
  • George Institute for Global Health New Delhi

Abstract and Figures

Background To expand access to safe deliveries, some developing countries have initiated demand-side financing schemes promoting institutional delivery. In the context of conditional cash incentive scheme and free maternity care in public health facilities in India, studies have highlighted high out of pocket expenditure (OOPE) of Indian families for delivery and maternity care. In this context the study assesses the components of OOPE that women incurred while accessing maternity care in public health facilities in Uttar Pradesh, India. It also assesses the determinants of OOPE and the level of maternal satisfaction while accessing care from these facilities. Method It is a cross-sectional analysis of 558 recently delivered women who have delivered at four public health facilities in Uttar Pradesh, India. All OOPE related information was collected through interviews using structured pre-tested questionnaires. Frequencies, Mann-Whitney test and categorical regression were used for data reduction. ResultsThe analysis showed that the median OOPE was INR 700 (US$ 11.48) which varied between INR 680 (US$ 11.15) for normal delivery and INR 970 (US$ 15.9) for complicated cases. Tips for getting services (consisting of gifts and tips for services) with a median value of INR 320 (US$ 5.25) contributed to the major share in OOPE. Women from households with income more than INR 4000 (US$ 65.57) per month, general castes, primi-gravida, complicated delivery and those not accompanied by community health workers incurred higher OOPE. The significant predictors for high OOPE were caste (General Vs. OBC, SC/ST), type of delivery (Complicated Vs. Normal), and presence of ASHA (No Vs. Yes). OOPE while accessing care for delivery was one among the least satisfactory items and 76 % women expressed their dissatisfaction. Conclusion Even though services at the public health facilities in India are supposed to be provided free of cost, it is actually not free, and the women in this study paid almost half of their mandated cash incentives to obtain delivery care.
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R E S E A R C H Open Access
Out of pocket expenditure to deliver at
public health facilities in India: a cross
sectional analysis
Anns Issac, Susmita Chatterjee, Aradhana Srivastava and Sanghita Bhattacharyya
*
Abstract
Background: To expand access to safe deliveries, some developing countries have initiated demand-side financing
schemes promoting institutional delivery. In the context of conditional cash incentive scheme and free maternity
care in public health facilities in India, studies have highlighted high out of pocket expenditure (OOPE) of Indian
families for delivery and maternity care. In this context the study assesses the components of OOPE that women
incurred while accessing maternity care in public health facilities in Uttar Pradesh, India. It also assesses the
determinants of OOPE and the level of maternal satisfaction while accessing care from these facilities.
Method: It is a cross-sectional analysis of 558 recently delivered women who have delivered at four public health
facilities in Uttar Pradesh, India. All OOPE related information was collected through interviews using structured
pre-tested questionnaires. Frequencies, Mann-Whitney test and categorical regression were used for data reduction.
Results: The analysis showed that the median OOPE was INR 700 (US$ 11.48) which varied between INR 680 (US$
11.15) for normal delivery and INR 970 (US$ 15.9) for complicated cases. Tips for getting services (consisting of gifts
and tips for services) with a median value of INR 320 (US$ 5.25) contributed to the major share in OOPE. Women
from households with income more than INR 4000 (US$ 65.57) per month, general castes, primi-gravida, complicated
delivery and those not accompanied by community health workers incurred higher OOPE. The significant predictors
for high OOPE were caste (General Vs. OBC, SC/ST), type of delivery (Complicated Vs. Normal), and presence of ASHA
(No Vs. Yes). OOPE while accessing care for delivery was one among the least satisfactory items and 76 % women
expressed their dissatisfaction.
Conclusion: Even though services at the public health facilities in India are supposed to be provided free of cost,
it is actually not free, and the women in this study paid almost half of their mandated cash incentives to obtain
delivery care.
Keywords: Out of pocket expenditure, Tips for getting services, Delivery care, Public health facilities, India
Abbreviations: ASHA, Accredited social health activist; JSSK, Janani Shishu Suraksha Karyakram; JSY, Janani Suraksha
Yojana; OBC, Other backward caste; OOPE, Out of pocket expenditure; SC/ST, Scheduled caste/scheduled tribe
* Correspondence: sanghita@phfi.org
Public Health Foundation of India, Plot no. 47, Sector 44 Institutional Area,
Gurgaon 122002, Haryana, India
© 2016 The Author(s). Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0
International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and
reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to
the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver
(http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated.
Issac et al. Reproductive Health (2016) 13:99
DOI 10.1186/s12978-016-0221-1
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.
Plain English summary
Some developing countries have introduced promo-
tional schemes for institutional delivery so that they
could improve womens access to safe delivery care. In
India, there is a scheme, titled Janani Shishu Suraksha
Karyakram, which entitles women to free delivery care
at public health facilities. However, a few studies sug-
gested that the women had to pay for obtaining services
even at the public health facilities. To understand the
different components of cost of care, the present study
conducted a survey of 558 women who had delivered at
public health facilities in two districts of Uttar Pradesh.
The majority (97 %) of the women paid from their
pocket for services, and the median cost was INR 700
(US$ 11.48); this was half the cash incentive provided by
the government scheme. This amount varied between
INR 680 (US$ 11.15) for normal delivery and INR 970
(US$ 15.9) for complicated cases. The major component
was tips for getting services (consisting of gifts and tips
for services) with a median value of INR 320 (US$ 5.25).
Women from higher income households (more than INR
4000 (US$ 65.57)/ month), general castes, those who were
the first-time mothers, complicated delivery and those not
accompanied by community health workers paid more.
The study concludes that the care from the public
health facility is in fact not free, and this can discourage
women opting for institutional delivery.
Background
Developing countries suffer from unacceptably high
rates of maternal and infant mortality, accounting for
99% of global maternal deaths [1]. One of the primary
reasons for this is the lack of access to safe deliveries,
especially among the poor, where healthcare access often
imposes a considerable financial burden on families [2].
To expand access to safe deliveries and reduce the risk
of maternal and newborn emergencies, some developing
countries have initiated demand-side financing schemes
to promote institutional delivery. Among the South
Asian countries, Nepal has the cash incentive scheme
and Bangladesh and Pakistan have voucher schemes [3].
Several studies from low and middle-income countries
have shown that the cost of care is a major determinant
of maternal care utilization and satisfaction with institu-
tional delivery care [4, 5]. Significant associations of cost
or affordability of care with maternal satisfaction and the
utilization of care in institutional births were found in
studies in Nigeria, Zambia, Kenya, Egypt, India, Gambia
and Ghana [613].
With a high maternal mortality ratio of 178, saving
maternal and newborn lives is a key concern in India [14].
The Government of India launched the conditional cash
transfer scheme of Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY) in 2005
to promote institutional deliveries, offering a monetary in-
centive of INR 1400 (US$ 22.95)
1
to women delivering in
public or accredited private facilities. The program is
supported by the Accredited Social Health Activist
(ASHA), a community health worker who motivates
women to deliver at public facilities and also accom-
panies them to the facilities [15]. The delivery services,
including medicines, tests and food are provided free of
cost to encourage women to opt for institutional deliv-
ery and offset their related expenditure burden [16].
Later, JSY was modified to Janani Shishu Suraksha
Karyakram (JSSK), which included additional services
such as support for travel to and from the facility and
medical treatment for sick newborn [17, 18].
As a consequence of JSY and JSSK, institutional de-
liveries in India have increased from 40.7% in 2005-06
to 72.9% in 2009-10 [19, 20]. However, several studies
show a persistent and unaccounted high level of out-
of-pocket expenditure (OOPE) on maternal care (ante-
natal, delivery and postnatal), similar to expenditure
on other public hospital based services [2123]. The
high OOPE is especially catastrophic for poor house-
holds, who are often pushed into further poverty and
indebtedness on account of this [2428]. Though some
studies have highlighted OOPE for delivery care, there
is less attention to explore the components of OOPE
during delivery care at public health facilities.
Our objective was to assess the OOPE incurred by
rural Indian women while accessing institutional delivery
services at public health facilities and to examine com-
ponents of OOPE. We also assessed the determinants of
OOPE and the level of maternal satisfaction with the
OOPE on delivery care. For this study, OOPE refers to
all the direct expenditure for delivery care including
transportation and services availed from private pharma-
cies and laboratories due to lack of provision at the pub-
lic health facility.
Methods
The present analysis is part of a larger study on
womens experience of care and their levels of satisfac-
tion with maternal services from secondary health care
facilities in India. The study followed a mixed-method
design with a literature review and qualitative phase
preceding the quantitative phase. The literature review
aided in exploring the determinants and themes of care
from developing countries [4]. This informed the quali-
tative phase in which perspectives from both the
women and healthcare providers were sought. The
quantitative phase consisted of a community survey
and focused entirely on womens perspective of delivery
care at health facilities. The data presented in this paper
is part of the cross-sectional survey.
Issac et al. Reproductive Health (2016) 13:99 Page 2 of 9
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Study area
The community survey was conducted during July -
August 2014 in two poor performing districts in Uttar
Pradesh, one of the high-focus states in India with poor
health indicators. The state has high infant mortality
rate (50 per 1000 live births) [29], maternal mortality
ratio (292 per 100000 live births) and a low percentage
of institutional deliveries (45.6 %) [30]. The selected
districts had a maternal mortality ratio of 330. The
infantmortalityratewas80and82forthetwodistricts
whereas the percent of institutional delivery was 35.2
and 42.4 respectively [30]. The survey was aimed at
capturing the experience of women with maternal care
from secondary level health facilities. Secondary level
health facilities are designated to manage complications
with childbirth and have provisions for surgical care,
blood transfusion and newborn care. These facilities
function as the first referral unit for primary level facil-
ities. There were four functional secondary level health
facilities in the two study districts.
Study instrument
The survey instrument comprised of two parts: the first
part was a structured interview schedule capturing
womens experience of accessing care from the facility
including OOPE on reaching the facility till discharge,
and the second part comprised of a scale to assess their
satisfaction with care. Based on the literature review and
the qualitative study that preceded the survey, items in
the instrument were derived from the determinants of
structure, process and outcome of care. Among structural
determinants, physical environment, cleanliness, availabil-
ity of human resources, medicines and supplies were
included. Determinants of the process of care included
interpersonal behavior, privacy, promptness, cognitive
care, perceived provider competency and emotional
support. Outcome related determinants were the health
status of the mother and newborn.
A set of queries focused exclusively on the expend-
iture across nine categories viz. transportation (hiring
vehicle to and from the facility), medicines and supplies
(prescribed from the facility), laboratory and diagnostic
services, blood transfusion (expenditure for arranging
blood), newborn care (in case of neonatal complication,
while the mother was still admitted in the facility),
expenses on food during her stay in the facility, tips for
getting services (in cash or kind: gifts and sweets to
facility staff, tips to ambulance driver and facility staff
for their services), and other category includes all the
expenditure that the women could not classify under
the specific categories.
The instrument also included information on socio-
economic status and reproductive history of women. In
terms of social profile in India, general caste means the
non-vulnerable groups and the vulnerable category in-
cludes the backward, scheduled and caste and tribe. The
maternal satisfaction scale is a 5- point Likert scale with
ratings ranging from fully satisfied, somewhat satisfied,
neither satisfied nor dissatisfied, somewhat dissatisfied
and fully dissatisfied. The scale used had 14 items for
understanding satisfaction and included items pertaining
to structural, technical and interpersonal aspects of care.
The study instrument, prepared originally in English, was
translated into the local language (Hindi) of the study
area. Translation and back translation was carried out to
ensure the exactness of meaning of items in the survey
instrument and it was pretested among 20 women in a
setting similar to that of the study area.
Sampling and data collection
The study included women who had delivered at the
secondary level health facilities and discharged seven to
42 days prior to the interview. Only women with live
births were included in the study. A list of the women
with their home address who fulfilled the inclusion cri-
teria was collected from the delivery records of the four
secondary facilities in the two study districts. The list
contained 2130 women, who had given birth between
20
th
June and 20
th
July, 2014. The sample size calculated
for the study was 550 with 80% power and 95% confi-
dence interval. The participants were chosen randomly
and the randomization sequence was generated using
Excel. A sample of 600 women was selected for survey;
oversampling was to address dropouts. There were 10
refusals and 32 women could not be traced due to incor-
rect address. The dropout rate was seven percent. Total
558 women participated in the study. This included both
normal and complicated delivery, and there was no
stratification on type of delivery during the sampling.
The survey was conducted at womens residences by
female researchers who had knowledge of the research
topic and local dialect.
Data analysis
The study refers to OOPE as all the direct expenditure
incurred by the women in availing delivery care at the
health facility including transportation, all of which are
provisioned to be free. This excludes mandatory pay-
ments, but includes payment for services from private
providers (for transportation, laboratories and pharmacies,
etc.) due to shortage or non-functioning of respective
services at the public health facility. The costs incurred by
relatives or those who accompanied the women were
not considered during analysis. Since the women were
not aware of all the OOPE related to their deliveries,
interviewers sought the help of family members present
duringthesurveytocompletetheinformation.Data
were collected to calculate direct expenditure only. The
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total expenditure was calculated by adding all the
category-wise expenditure mentioned by the respon-
dents. In order to verify the information, cross ques-
tions such as did you pay from your own pocket for
medicineetc. were included in the instrument. Any
discrepancy in the data was noted at the site and clari-
fied from the respondents. Since the respondents were
unable to distinguish between mandatory fee and
others, information on stipulated fees for services was
collected from the respective health facilities.
Survey data were analyzed using IBM SPSS version 19.
Data analysis included frequencies, Mann-Whitney test
(for comparing the difference between the median ex-
penditure of two groups) and categorical regression (to
identify the predictors of OOPE where the dependent
variable is on numeric scale while independent variables
are on nominal & numeric scales). As the average
monthly income and OOPE data were highly skewed,
log transformation was done to make the distribution
normal.
Results
All the women paid a registration cost of one rupee at
the health facility and this was not included for analysis
as it was a mandatory payment specified by the govern-
ment. Among the 558 women surveyed for the study,
total 540 women paid for one or the other type of ser-
vices from the public health facilities. Hence the present
analysis is confined to the sample size of 540.
Profile of the respondents
The characteristics of the respondents are given in Table 1.
The mean age of the women was 25 years. Majority of the
women were housewives (98.1 %) and belonged to lower
socio-economic strata. For the majority, their husbands
were daily wage laborers (43.9 %). Majority women in the
sample had a normal vaginal delivery (93.0 %) and were
multi-gravida (64.8 %). A significant proportion of them
had to travel more than five kilometers to access the
health facility (79.8 %). On an average, the women stayed
at the facility for two days after delivery.
Out of pocket expenditure (OOPE)
The median OOPE incurred for delivery at the public
health facility was INR 700 (US$ 11.48) (Table 2). There
was wide variation in the amount paid and it ranged
from INR 15 (US$ 0.25) to INR 14400 (US$ 236.07).
The women were entitled to receive free transportation
to and from the facility; however, in majority of the
cases, they had to arrange own transport due to non-
responsiveness of government ambulance service. Even
among those who availed the service, it was restricted
toonesidetravel.Hencethetotalexpenditurefor
transportation varied from INR 20 (US$ 0.33) to INR
1634 (US$ 26.79) with a median expenditure of INR
142.5 (US$ 2.34). Expenditure for newborn care, if he/
she was referred to a private facility, ranged from INR
100 2000 (US$ 1.64 32.79) depending on the nature
of complication. More than half of the women spent on
medicines, cotton pads, syringes and saline, which they
bought from private pharmacies. The laboratory facility
was not functional round the clock, leading to users
relying on private laboratories in the vicinity of the hos-
pital. Tips for getting services, which 86% of women
had to incur, included tips to avail government ambu-
lance,andbribeseitherincashorkind(forexample,
distributing sweets) to facility staff for their services.
Overcrowding in the facility led to women paying the
Table 1 Socio-demographic and reproductive profile of
respondents (N = 540)
Characteristics Respondents,
n (%)
Age (years) Mean (SD) 24.9 (4.01)
Education of woman Illiterate 259 (48.0)
Literate 281 (52.0)
Mean years of schooling (SD) 8.4 (3.44)
Religion Hindu 479 (88.7)
Muslim 59 (10.9)
Sikh 2 (0.4)
Caste General 109 (20.2)
Other backward caste 232 (43.0)
Scheduled caste/scheduled
tribe
199 (36.9)
Type of household Nuclear 220 (40.7)
Joint 320 (59.3)
Occupation of woman Homemaker 530 (98.1)
Other work 10 (1.9)
Occupation of husband Cultivator 149 (27.6)
Casual labourer 237 (43.9)
Salaried workers 59 (10.9)
Self-employed in petty trade/
small scale industry
91 (16.9)
Unemployed 4 (0.7)
Average monthly
household income (INR)
a
4000 299 (55.4)
>4000 241 (44.6)
Gravidity 1 190 (35.2)
2 or more 350 (64.8)
Delivery Normal vaginal 502 (93.0)
C-section & breech 38 (7.0)
Duration of stay (days) Mean (SD) 2.1 (1.7)
Distance to health facility Upto 5 km 109 (20.2)
More than 5 km 431 (79.8)
a
Median income is INR 4000
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staff for obtaining a bed in the antenatal and postnatal
care wards.
The classification of normalrefers to normal vaginal
delivery, and complicatedindicates all the caesarian and
breech deliveries along with maternal complications
post-delivery. There was a noticeable difference in the
expenditure incurred for normal and complicated cases.
Complicated cases had higher OOPE for most of the
items compared to normal cases. The difference was
striking for laboratory investigations with median INR
450 (US$ 7.38) for complicated cases and only INR 20
(US$ 0.33) for normal cases.
Determinants of OOPE
Table 3 presents the total OOPE against selected socio-
economic and reproductive variables. The significant
variables were caste, income, gravidity, type of delivery,
and presence of Accredited Social Health Activist
(ASHA). The OOPE for other castes was higher than
the vulnerable groups of other backward caste, sched-
uled caste/tribetaken together. Similarly, those in the
higher income group (above INR 4000 per month) paid
more compared to lower income group. The OOPE for
multi-gravida was less compared to primi-gravida. The
complications associated with delivery (such as C-section
and breech cases as well as health complications of
mother soon after delivery) incurred higher OOPE than
normal delivery. Presence of ASHA during delivery led to
less OOPE as the median expenditure was INR 680
compared to INR 980 for the women when ASHA was
not present.
Regression analysis for OOPE provided three signifi-
cant predictors for OOPE viz. caste, type of delivery and
presence of ASHA during delivery (Table 4).
Level of maternal satisfaction with OOPE
Level of satisfaction with delivery care at the secondary
level public health facilities was assessed using the
Maternal Satisfaction Scale (Table 5). Out of pocket
expenditure was one of the least satisfied items marked
by the women. Only three percent women were fully
satisfied with it. Similarly, the dissatisfaction score was
strikingly high with 18.7% which was the second high-
est among the enquired items.
Discussion
The study estimated the OOPE incurred by rural Indian
women while accessing institutional delivery services at
secondary level public health facilities and also examined
Table 2 Item-wise expenditure for delivery care (N = 540)
Items (n) Median expenditure in INR (min-max)
Normal (n = 461) Complicated (n = 79) Total (N = 540)
Transportation (n= 458) 130 (20-1500) 150 (20- 1634) 142.5 (20 1634)
Medicines and supplies (n= 298) 100 (15-1200) 110 (35-8000) 100 (15 8000)
Laboratory investigations (n= 13) 20 (10-200) 450 (100 1700) 100 (10 1700)
Blood transfusion (n= 2) - 500 (500 500) 500 (500 500)
Newborn care in private facility (n=3)
aa
200 (100 2000)
Tips for getting services (n= 466) 300 (10-2000) 400 (20-7000) 320 (10 7000)
Food (from the facility) (n= 15) 200 (20-500) 225 (30-500) 200 (20 500)
Any other (n= 265) 300 (20-3000) 400 (20-6000) 300 (20 6000)
Total expenditure (n= 540) 680 (15-5200) 970 (20-14400) 700 (15 14400)
a
Number of cases are not enough to calculate median as they are divided between normal (1) and complicated (2) categories
US$ 1 = 61 INR
Table 3 Total expenditure for care across selected variables
(N=540)
Variable Median expenditure in INR (IQR)
Age (Years) <25 680 (520)
25 740 (665)
Education of woman Illiterate 670 (510)
Literate 730 (600)
Religion Hindu 700 (550)
Non-Hindu 600 (540)
Caste*** General 850 (780)
OBC, SC/ST 670 (535)
Income (INR)** 4000 620 (520)
>4000 750 (550)
Gravida** Primi 785 (678)
Multi 660 (495)
Sex of baby Female 655 (493)
Male 720 (569)
Type of delivery*** Normal 680 (510)
Complicated 970 (1050)
Presence of ASHA*** Yes 680 (510)
No 980 (1675)
**p< 0.01, ***p<0.001
Significance level is determined using Mann- Whitney test
US$ 1 = 61 INR
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its item-wise composition. The study revealed that the ser-
vices from the government health facility were not free for
the women. The OOPE varied from INR 680 to 970 (US$
11.15 - 15.90) depending on delivery complications. The
major component of OOPE was tips for getting services,
which comprised of tips for services and gifts in cash or
kind. Women from higher income group, general caste,
primi-gravida and those without ASHAs paid more com-
pared to their counterparts.
Similar findings have been highlighted in several other
studies in which they discussed the high OOPE for insti-
tutional delivery in India [28, 3134]. Recent national
level statistics in India revealed that rural population
spent on an average INR1587 (US$ 26.0) and urban
population INR 2117 (US$ 34.7) to deliver at public fa-
cilities [35]. Similar observations were made from other
developing countries also. For instance, a study from
Bangladesh reported the expenditure for services at
government health facilities to be US$ 31.9 for a normal
delivery and US$ 117.5 for a caesarean delivery [36]. The
median OOPE calculated in the present study was INR
700 (US$ 11.48) with wide variation between normal
(INR 680 US$ 11.15) and complicated cases (INR 970
(US$ 15.90). Based on the data from district level house-
hold survey, the estimated mean OOPE for delivery in
public health facilities in India is US$ 39 [32]. They
found that the OOPE for C-section delivery is six times
higher than that for normal vaginal delivery. With the
same data, another study showed that median OOPE in
public health facilities is INR 1000 (US$ 16.39) and
INR 4045 (US$ 66.31) for normal and caesarian deliver-
ies respectively [28]. A study in Uttar Pradesh also
found that families pay between INR 500 and 700 (US$
8.20 11.48) to hospital staff at the time of admission
or when they have a newborn [22]. The OOPE became
Table 4 Categorical regression for OOPE
Variable Standardized Beta Standard error
Age (Years) <25 0.035
25 0.016
Education Illiterate 0.025
Literate 0.011
Religion Hindu 0.052 0.034
Non-Hindu
Caste* General 0.098 0.041
OBC, SC/ST
Income (INR)
a
0.025 0.043
Gravida Primi 0.047
Multi 0.065
Sex of baby Female 0.024
Male 0.002
Type of delivery*** Normal 0.060
Complicated 0.199
Presence of ASHA* Yes 0.049
No 0.103
*p< 0.05, ***p< 0.001
a
Natural log of income has taken
Table 5 Maternal satisfaction with delivery care (N= 540)
Item Level of satisfaction (%)
Fully satisfied Somewhat satisfied Neither satisfied nor dissatisfied Somewhat dissatisfied Fully dissatisfied
Lack of physical abuse 23.0 1.0 1.3 0.4 1.0
Privacy inside labour room 15.9 10.6 4.3 1.0 0.4
Cleanliness of labour room 13.3 12.9 5.1 1.5 1.0
Comfort of bedding 8.9 13.2 8.7 3.7 1.7
Information on progression of labour 8.7 12.1 6.4 5.1 3.8
Waiting time 6.5 7.7 12.6 5.2 4.0
Timely availability of medicine 6.2 9.6 7.6 11.8 2.9
Care and sympathy in labour room 4.2 10.1 14.9 6.2 2.4
Pain relief 3.4 7.4 13.5 9.8 4.0
Out of pocket expenditure 3.0 2.4 2.6 9.0 18.7
a
11.9 5.0 7.2 19.1 56.9
Advise on breastfeeding 2.6 4.3 3.8 14.1 13.2
Health advice on cord care 2.0 2.0 2.8 11.3 18.5
Health check-up soon after delivery 1.6 2.4 3.3 10.2 19.1
Opportunity to clarify health concern 0.8 4.2 13.3 10.6 9.2
Total 100 100 100 100 100
a
Row-wise per cent
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catastrophic to families as it surpasses the JSY incentive
(INR 1400) in several instances. A study from Orissa
highlighted that the JSY incentive accounted to only
25.5% of total maternal expense in rural and 14.3% in
urban areas [31].
However, large data sets do not generally allow any de-
tailing to understand the areas where women are paying
more. Therefore, the detailed analysis requires in-depth
studies utilizing the strengths of mixed methods, like the
present study. The major component in OOPE was tips
for getting services which include buying gifts to facility
staff and tips for services. The median of tips for getting
services was INR 320 (US$ 5.25) with a wide range of
INR 10 7000 (US$ 0.16 114.75). The OOPE for
complicated cases was higher due to the need for
specialized services. In such cases women had to pay for
medicines and supplies, laboratory and diagnostic ser-
vices, blood transfusion and newborn care in private
facilities as these services were not fully functional at the
public health facilities. A few other studies also reported
similar findings and they highlighted how the hospital
staff sent family members to nearby private medical
shops to buy intramuscular injections of oxytocin and
epidosin to speed delivery and also to private diagnostic
clinics to conduct ultrasound test [37, 38].
ThereisdifferenceinOOPEbasedonsocio-
demographic characteristics. Those from the general
caste and higher income group paid more compared to
backward castes and lower income group. In addition
to this, the OOPE for primi-gravida was higher than
that of multi-gravida. A study from Bulgaria on informal
payment in health facilities also found that wealthier,
better educated, younger respondents tend to pay more
for obtaining better-quality treatment [39]. Studies from
India also reported that mean OOPE on delivery was
found to be higher among women with higher education
and those belonging to a higher wealth quintile, as they
have the ability to pay for better quality of service [2832].
One of the key aspects of promoting institutional deliv-
ery, is the role of community health worker- ASHA, in
not only motivating the woman to deliver at a health facil-
ity but also to accompany her and stay during the entire
delivery process [15]. Being familiar with the health sys-
tem, she is an important link between the community and
the health services. The main reason for her to accompany
the woman is to inform the woman about the services
she is entitled for and also provide emotional support
in an unfamiliar environment. In spite of her presence,
the study showed that women had incurred OOPE,
thoughitwaslesswhentheASHAwaspresentduring
delivery care. In some of our qualitative interviews, the
ASHAs in fact negotiated with the facility staff in aiding
women to avail timely services [40]. There are studies
that have highlighted how ASHAs are used by hospital
staff to facilitate tips for getting services, and being
lower in the health system hierarchy, how they are
compelled to negotiate such transaction [22].
The OOPE was among the items rated the least satis-
factory on the maternal satisfaction scale. Among the
respondents, 76% were dissatisfied (both somewhat dis-
satisfied and fully dissatisfied) with the payments they
made while accessing care at the facility. The remaining
24% included those who were satisfied (both somewhat
satisfied and fully satisfied) and also who did not have
any particular opinion about the expenditure. The low
level of satisfaction with expenditure while accessing
healthcare is reported in other studies also [41]. Some
studies have reported that attitude to tips for getting ser-
vices varies from strongly negative to tolerant depending
on whether the payment is solicited by the facility staff
or offered by the users themselves [39]. Evidence from
large-scale population-based surveys in India highlighted
the issue of non-utilization of maternal health services
due to the cost [42]. As women can evaluate and express
their satisfaction with regard to expenditure related to
their care, it has implications on utilization of public
health facilities for delivery in the future.
Limitations
The major limitation with the study was the recall bias
in reporting the exact expenditure for delivery care at
the health facility. In most instances, the male member
or the older women who accompanied the pregnant
women handled the monetary aspects. Hence, responses
from other family members were also recorded. Another
difficulty was the inability of some respondents to distin-
guish between official and unofficial payments. This was
clarified with the help of information collected from the
respective health facilities on official fees.
Conclusions
The study highlighted that the services from the public
health facilities for delivery care, which were supposed
to be free as per safe delivery program of the govern-
ment, were in fact not free. The women had to incur
high OOPE, which varied according to complications
associated with the delivery. The item-wise analysis re-
vealed that the major component of OOPE was tips for
getting services, followed by expenditure for purchasing
medicine, supplies and diagnostic care, which were
otherwisemandatedtobeprovidedbythehealthfacil-
ities. The findings emphasize the need for a mechanism
to curtail tips for services and to improve the availabil-
ity of medicine and supplies, laboratory and diagnostic
services and provision of food from the facility. Though
the presence of ASHA helped in reducing the OOPE,
they could not eliminate it. There is limited evidence
on the areas where women have to incur OOPE within
Issac et al. Reproductive Health (2016) 13:99 Page 7 of 9
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.
health facilities, which calls for further studies in differ-
ent geographic locations, to understand the nature and
prevalence of OOPE. The very purpose of conditional
cash transfer scheme will be lost if a woman has to pay
almost half of the monetary incentive in accessing
services that are supposed to be free of cost. OOPE on
accessing care at public health facilities is one of the
key determinants of service utilization, and if not
addressed by the health system, can deter women from
delivering in public health facilities in future in spite of
the cash incentive scheme.
Endnotes
1
One US$ = 61 INR (during the time of field work -2014)
Acknowledgements
We acknowledge the technical guidance and input provided by Dr. Bilal
Avan of London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine in conceptualizing
the study, instrument development and analysis. Dr. Arpita Ghosh of Public
Health Foundation of India provided inputs during data analysis.
Funding
The study was supported by the Wellcome Trust Capacity Strengthening
Strategic Award to the Public Health Foundation of India and a consortium
of United Kingdom universities.
Availability of data and materials
The data are available from the authors upon request.
Authorscontributions
AI carried out data collection, analyzed the data and drafted the manuscript.
SC contributed towards study design, analysis and revision of the
manuscript. AS reviewed the literature and contributed in drafting and
reviewing the manuscript. SB conceptualized and designed the study,
provided overall guidance and reviewed the manuscript. All authors have
read and approved the final manuscript.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no competing interests.
Consent for publication
Not applicable.
Ethics approval and consent to participate
Ethical approval for this study was granted by the Institutional Ethics
Committee of the Public Health Foundation of India (TRC-IEC-187/13). A
written permission from district Chief Medical Officer was obtained and the
cooperation from head of respective secondary level health facilities was
sought. The purpose of the study was explained and verbal consent was
sought from women. Anonymity of identity and confidentiality of
information was assured to all the participants during analysis.
Received: 4 March 2016 Accepted: 18 August 2016
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... Particularly in maternal healthcare, it is even more significant (Srivastava et al., 2009). Many studies in India (Goli et al., 2018;Tellis et al., 2018;Mohanty & Srivastava, 2013;Govil et al., 2016;Issac et al., 2016) showed that OOPE of women availing maternal health carefrom the public sector has increased over a period of time. Mirabedini et al. (2017), through their systematic review in Iran, showed the predominance of OOPE and informal payments in the health system. ...
... Few studies conducted in India showed that informal payments for getting delivery care services consisting of gifts and tips for services to form a major share of indirect expenditures. (Issac et al., 2016;Gopalan and Durairaj, 2012;Mohanty & Srivastava, 2013). One such study shows that tips for getting services, which 86% of women had to incur, included tips to avail government ambulance and bribes either in cash or kind (distributing sweets) to facility staff for their services (Issac et al. 2016). ...
... (Issac et al., 2016;Gopalan and Durairaj, 2012;Mohanty & Srivastava, 2013). One such study shows that tips for getting services, which 86% of women had to incur, included tips to avail government ambulance and bribes either in cash or kind (distributing sweets) to facility staff for their services (Issac et al. 2016). ...
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Pakistan witnessed a significant improvement in maternal health outcomes during the past two decades. However, persistent urban-rural and socio-economic inequalities exist in access to maternal healthcare services across the country. The objective of this study was to estimate out-of-pocket expenditure (OOPE) on delivery care by women in the public and private health sectors in RajanPur district. This was a cross-sectional study conducted, among 368 randomly selected mothers who had childbirths from 1st October to 31st December 2020. The study applied multi-stage random sampling technique to select the study participants. The results showed that about two-thirds of mothers preferred public hospitals for most recent delivery. The percentage of cesarean deliveries conducted in private hospitals (43.8%) was 4.7 times higher than in public hospitals (9.3%). About 99% of mothers incurred OOPE during delivery care, and the mean OOPE incurred during delivery care was PKR 2840 (US$ 17.75) in public hospitals and PKR 25596 (US$159.9) in private hospitals. OOPE on cesarean delivery in private hospitals (PKR 39654.7, US$247.8) was 2.5 times higher than the public hospitals (PKR16111.9, US$100.69), whereas OOPE incurred on normal delivery care in private hospitals (PKR14339, US$89.62) was 9.5 times higher than OOPE in public hospitals(PKR 1501.4, US$9.38).To conclude, the findings and recommendations drawn from the research would provide some insights to health policymakers and planners in developing an integrated and viable maternal healthcare program in Pakistan.
... These factors include: lack of social security, including universal health coverage, availability of advanced medical services requiring out-of-pocket payment, and pre-existing poverty or inability to pay [28,29]. Pakistan's health care system provides a perfect mix of these factors [30,31], explaining the high rates of CHE and IHE we identified in our cohort. For example, medicines, supplies, and laboratory tests are often not available at public sector hospitals and need to be paid for by the patient's family as an outof-pocket expenditure [30]. ...
... Pakistan's health care system provides a perfect mix of these factors [30,31], explaining the high rates of CHE and IHE we identified in our cohort. For example, medicines, supplies, and laboratory tests are often not available at public sector hospitals and need to be paid for by the patient's family as an outof-pocket expenditure [30]. The unavailability of consumables and services in the public sector is not unique to Pakistan: inefficient supply chain processes and poor healthcare governance is well documented in many low-and-middle-income countries [23]. ...
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... However, studies from a range of public facilities in countries like Pakistan, India, Madagascar, Tanzania, Burkina Faso have documented significant OOP spending for obstetrical care in public facilities ostensibly providing free care, particularly related to spending on medications, laboratory and imaging studies, and consumable supplies either not provided, stocked-out, or illegally charged by facilities. Other documented costs include those related to transportation and informal payments to providers or facilities [20][21][22][23][24][25][26]. In many occasions these OOP expenditures rise to the level of catastrophic health expenditures [24,27,28]. ...
... These data contribute to ongoing discussions within Guatemala on right to health, corruption, and healthcare financing, where OOP spending now represents more than 50% of national healthcare spending [18]. They also provide a Latin American perspective on OOP costs for public obstetrical services, which has been better documented in Africa and Asia [20][21][22][23][24][25][26]. ...
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Background: Rural Indigenous Maya communities in Guatemala have some of the worst obstetrical health outcomes in Latin America, due to widespread discrimination in healthcare and an underfunded public sector. Multiple systems-level efforts to improve facility birth outcomes have been implemented, primarily focusing on early community-based detection of obstetrical complications and on reducing discrimination and improving the quality of facility-level care. However, another important feature of public facility-level care are the out-of-pocket payments that patients are often required to make for care. Objective: To estimate the burden of out-of-pocket costs for public obstetrical care in Indigenous Maya communities in Guatemala. Methods: We conducted a retrospective review of electronic medical record data on obstetrical referrals collected as part of an obstetrical care navigation intervention, which included documentation of out-of-pocket costs by care navigators accompanying patients within public facilities. We compared the median costs for both emergency and routine obstetrical facility care. Findings: Cost data on 709 obstetric referrals from 479 patients were analyzed (65% emergency and 35% routine referrals). The median OOP costs were Q100 (IQR 75-150) [$13 USD] and Q50 (IQR 16-120) [$6.50 USD] for emergency and routine referrals. Costs for transport were most common (95% and 55%, respectively). Costs for medication, supply, laboratory, and imaging costs occurred less frequently. Food and lodging costs were minimal. Conclusion: Out-of-pocket payments for theoretically free public care are a common and important barrier to care for this rural Guatemalan setting. These data add to the literature in Latin American on the barriers to obstetrical care faced by Indigenous and rural women.
... ASHAs (Accredited Social Health Activists) reduce OOPE but do not eliminate it fully. Women availing monetary incentives from government safe motherhood programmes, such as JSY, are reportedly spending up to half of that in the form of "tips" and bribes to access services that are supposed to be free of cost [75]. ...
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Reducing catastrophic out-of-pocket expenditure (OOPE) and increasing the rates of institutional deliveries are part of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). India has made significant progress on the maternal and child health front in recent years. India’s National Health Mission (NHM) has been able to increase rates of institutional deliveries. In the present study, we aim to ascertain district-level patterns of percentage of health insurance coverage in the National Family Health Surveys NFHS 4 and NFHS 5. We also aim to ascertain district-level patterns of out-of-pocket expenditure on C-section deliveries in public health facilities in NFHS 4 and NFHS 5. The present study explores district-level data associated with health insurance coverage (%) and out-of-pocket expenditure in a public health facility (in INR) observed across NFHS 4 and NFHS 5. A spatial analysis was carried out using QGIS 3.26 (Mac version) and GeoDA 1.20.0.8. A visual assessment of the maps across NFHS 4 and NFHS 5 shows improvement in insurance coverage at the district level across the two surveys. Despite an increase in insurance coverage, North East India has experienced an increase in OOPE for C-section deliveries. Rajasthan and various parts of South India have experienced a decrease in OOPE for C-section deliveries. Kerala has experienced a rise in insurance coverage and OOPE for C-section deliveries. Univariate LISA cluster and significance maps revealed that Kerala and Tamil Nadu, the eastern coast of India and parts of Mizoram are hot spots, whereas Jammu and Kashmir and parts of Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat are cold spots. Both these findings are significant. Rajasthan emerges as a significant hot spot along with parts of Assam and a few districts on the eastern coast of India in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakh, parts of Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Karnataka have emerged as significant cold spots. The South Indian states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu are no longer hot spots indicating geospatial variations across time. An increase in the number of hot spots across NFHS 4 and NFHS 5 indicates rising out-of-pocket expenditure for C-sections despite growth in health insurance coverage. The present study does not offer any evidence to suggest that health insurance coverage decreases OOPE on C-section deliveries at government facilities. With RSBY having been launched in 2008 and Ayushman Bharat in 2018, high levels of OOPE on C-section deliveries at government facilities raise serious concerns about the efficacy of PFHIs in reducing OOPE. The government would need to plug the well-documented weaknesses of PFHIs, such as fraud, double charging, poor enrolment, and lack of awareness in addition to the unfortunate phenomena of “tips” and “tie ups” mentioned earlier that plague the public healthcare system, if we are to see any reduction in OOPE in the foreseeable future.
... 11 Several other studies have shown significant OOP expenditures in district hospitals, of which a major share is constituted by the drugs and diagnostic services, with travel cost being the other major entity. 12,13 In 2018, the Government of India launched a taxfinanced health insurance scheme-Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Aarogya Yojana (PMJAY) to provide cashless hospitalisation care for secondary and tertiary health services of up to INR 500,000 per year to 50 million of India's poor population. 14 The scheme is financed by the centre and state governments in the ratio of 60:40 except for north-eastern and three himalayan states where the ratio is 90:10 respectively. ...
Article
Full-text available
Background Districts hospitals in India play a pivotal role in delivering health care services in the public sector and are empanelled under India's national health insurance scheme i.e. Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Aarogya Yojana (PMJAY). In this paper, we evaluate the extent to which the PMJAY impacts the district hospitals from a financing perspective. Methods We used cost data from India's nationally representative costing study—‘Costing of Health Services in India’ (CHSI) to determine the incremental cost of treating PMJAY patients, after adjusting for resources that are paid through supply-side government financing route. Second, we used data on number and claim value paid to public district and sub-district hospitals during 2019, to determine the additional revenue generated through PMJAY. The annual net financial gain per district hospital was estimated as the difference between payments under PMJAY, and the incremental cost of delivering the services. Findings At current levels of utilisation, the district hospitals in India gain a net annual financial benefit of $ 26.1 (₹ 1839.3) million, which can potentially increase up to $ 41.8 (₹ 2942.9) million with an increase in the share of patient volume. For an average district hospital, we estimate net annual financial gain of $ 169,607 (₹ 11.9 million), increasing up to $ 271,372 (₹ 19.1 million) per hospital with increased utilisation. Interpretation Demand-side financing mechanisms can be used to strengthen the public sector. Increasing utilisation of district hospitals, by either gatekeeping or improving availability of services will enhance financial gains for district hospitals and strengthen public sector. Funding Department of Health Research, Ministry of Health & Family Welfare, Government of India.
... Primary data for the study were collected using a locally translated structured interview schedule, which was initially developed in English. The interview schedule was prepared based on the validated study instruments used by earlier studies on maternal healthcare utilization in Pakistan [23] and similar studies in other countries [30], [50], [51]. ...
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During the past two decades, Pakistan witnessed a significant progress in maternal health outcomes. However, there exist persistent urban-rural and socio-economic inequalities in access and utilization of maternal healthcare services across the country. The overall objective of this research was to identify the significant socio-economic factors determining the choice of healthcare institutions for delivery care. This was a cross-sectional study conducted in Rajan Pur, a predominantly rural district in Punjab province. Using a multi-stage random sampling technique, 368 mothers who had childbirths from 1st October to 31st December 2020 in different healthcare institutions were interviewed. Data for the study was collected through a validated study instrument used by earlier studies on maternal healthcare utilization. The results of logistic regression analysis showed that use of public healthcare facilities for delivery care increases with increasing maternal education, monthly household income, and distance to healthcare facilities. The findings and recommendations drawn from the research would provide some insights to health policymakers and planners in developing an integrated and viable maternal healthcare program in Pakistan.
... Recent efforts have collected such data, mostly in HICs on a multitude of diseases such as cancer care in Germany and Italy 9,10 and congenital heart disease in the United States 11 . Research efforts have also extended to LMICs, determining OOP costs for essential obstetric 12,13,14 and surgical care 15,16,17 . However, although essential and emergency neurosurgical care in LMICs has been shown to be relatively inexpensive, costing as much as an appendectomy for some procedures, 18 there is little data on OOP costs to patients for these procedures. ...
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Introduction 33 million people worldwide face catastrophic health expenditures each year from surgery and anesthesia. This study aims to collate the current literature on out-of-pocket (OOP) costs of Bellwether neurosurgical procedures in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) to provide a basis for calculations of financial burdens, determine deficits in the literature, and guide further research efforts. Method MEDLINE/PubMed, Embase, Cochrane Library, Google Scholar and Relief Web were searched for articles containing data on OOP costs for neurosurgical Bellwether procedures in LMICs. Of 415 relevant publications that were identified, 4 met inclusion criteria. Results One study from Uganda found median direct medical and non-medical costs to be USD 118.06 and USD 84.33, respectively. A study from Vietnam found the total medical care and surgery for head injury OOP cost to be USD 287.30 and USD 63, respectively. A multi-country study found the cost of neuroimaging to vary by country income level and public/private institutions with a range of USD 14 to USD 286. Discussion There is great variability in OOP expenses for neurosurgical Bellwether procedures, but the average cost to the patient did not exceed USD 300. When assessing patient expenditures, attention should be given to average country income, as the cost of a medical expense may be lower in an LMIC but the impact on the patient greater due to lower income. More studies on OOP costs for neurosurgical interventions in LMICs are needed to provide evidence for policy changes geared towards financial risk protection.
... However, this is a vital issue since Sri Lanka exerts free government health services to all citizens [39,43] and, primarily, the government-financed healthcare in Sri Lanka [58]. Therefore, the avoidable OOPE (direct medical cost) should be zero or at a minimal level in a setting with a free healthcare policy [10,15,24,[59][60][61]. However, available literature of different regions in the world also confirmed that the existence of OOPE with practicing public free health care policy and national-level free health programs in Nepal [1,[62][63][64], Bangladesh [1,62,65], and India [29,35]. ...
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Background This study aimed to determine the magnitude of and factors associated with out-of-pocket expenditure (OOPE) during the first prenatal clinic visit among pregnant women in Anuradhapura district, Sri Lanka, which provides free maternal healthcare. Methods The study design was a cross-sectional study, and the study setting was 22 Medical Officers of Health (MOOH) areas in Anuradhapura District, Sri Lanka. Data of 1389 pregnant women were analyzed using descriptive statistics and non-parametric tests. Results The mean OOPE of the first prenatal clinic visit was USD 8.12, which accounted for 2.9 and 4.5% of the household income and expenditure, respectively. Pregnant women who used only government-free health services (which are free of charge at the point of service delivery) had an OOPE of USD 3.49. A significant correlation was recorded between household expenditure (r s = 0.095, p = 0.002) and the number of pregnancies (r s = − 0.155, p < 0.001) with OOPE. Education level less than primary education is positively contributed to OOPE ( p < 0.05), and utilizing government-free maternal health services lead to a decrease in the OOPE for the first prenatal clinic visit (p < 0.05). Conclusion Despite having free maternal services, the OOPE of the first prenatal clinic visit is high in rural Sri Lanka. One-fifth of pregnant women utilize private health services, and pregnant women who used only government-free maternal health services also spend a direct medical cost for medicines/micronutrient supplements.
... However, this is a vital issue since Sri Lanka exerts free government health services to all citizens (28, 32) and, primarily, the government-nanced healthcare in Sri Lanka (45). Therefore, the avoidable OOPE (direct medical cost) should be zero or at a minimal level in a setting with a free healthcare policy (5,8,17,(46)(47)(48). However, available literature of different regions in the world also con rmed that the existence of OOPE with practicing public free health care policy and national-level free health programs in Nepal (1,(49)(50)(51), Bangladesh (1,49,52), and India (22,24). ...
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Background: This study aimed to determine the magnitude of and factors associated with out-of-pocket expenditure (OOPE) during the first prenatal clinic visit among pregnant women in Anuradhapura district, Sri Lanka, which provides free maternal healthcare. Methods: The study design was a cross-sectional study, and the study setting was 22 Medical Officers of Health areas in Anuradhapura District, Sri Lanka. Data of 1,389 pregnant women were analyzed using descriptive statistics and non-parametric tests. Results: The mean OOPE of the first prenatal clinic visit was USD 8.12, which accounted for 2.9% and 4.5% of the household income and expenditure, respectively. Pregnant women who used only government-free health services had an OOPE of USD 3.49. A significant correlation was recorded between household expenditure (rs=0.095, p=0.002) and the number of pregnancies (rs=-0.155, p<0.001) with OOPE. Conclusion: Despite having free maternal services, the OOPE of the first prenatal clinic visit is high in rural Sri Lanka. One-fifth of pregnant women utilize private health services, and pregnant women who used only government-free maternal health services also spend a direct medical cost.
... In Bangladesh, the wealthiest households financed care through income and savings, while the poorest households resorted to borrowing from high-interest local lenders, thereby becoming vulnerable to financial difficulties [42]. In India, the median cost of care ranged from US $11.15 for normal deliveries to US $15.90 for complicated cases [43]. Almost 15% of households spent more than 40% of their monthly income. ...
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Background The aim of this study was to explore and measure the social and economic consequences of the costs of obstetric and neonatal care in Lubumbashi, the Democratic Republic of Congo. Methods We conducted a mixed qualitative and quantitative study in the maternity departments of health facilities in Lubumbashi. The qualitative results were based on a case study conducted in 2018 that included 14 respondents (8 mothers of newborns, 2 accompanying family members and 4 health care providers). A quantitative cross-sectional analytical study was carried out in 2019 with 411 women who gave birth at 10 referral hospitals. Data were collected for one month at each hospital, and selected mothers of newborns were included in the study only if they paid out-of-pocket and at the point of care for costs related to obstetric and neonatal care. Results Costs for obstetric and neonatal care averaged US $77, US $207 and US $338 for simple, complicated vaginal and caesarean deliveries, respectively. These health expenditures were greater than or equal to 40% of the ability to pay for 58.4% of households. At the time of delivery, 14.1% of women giving birth did not have enough money to pay for care. Of those who did, 76.5% spent their savings. When households did not pay for care, mothers and their babies were held for a long time at the place of care. This resulted in the prolonged absence of the mother from the household, reduced household income, family conflicts, and the abandonment of the home by the spouse. At the health facility level, the increase in length of stay did not generate any additional financial benefits. Mothers no longer had confidence in nurses; they were sometimes separated from their babies, and they could not access certain prescribed medications or treatments. Conclusion The government of the DRC should implement a mechanism for subsidizing care and associate it with a cost-sharing system. This would place the country on the path to achieving universal health coverage in improving the physical, mental and social health of mothers, their babies and their households.
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Intrapartum use of oxytocin should entail controlled dosages administered through infusion, continual monitoring of mother and fetus and surgical back-up, since several adverse outcomes have been reported. However, in Uttar Pradesh, north India, small-scale ethnographic studies as well as a large-scale retrospective survey have established that unmonitored intramuscular oxytocin injections are commonly given to birthing mothers to augment labour by unregistered local male practitioners and auxiliary nurse-midwives employed by government during home deliveries. India’s reproductive and child health policy needs to address the inappropriate use of oxytocin. Under a new 2007 policy, female government health workers at peripheral institutions are to be supplied with oxytocin to inject during the third stage of labour to prevent post-partum haemorrhage. The practice of injecting oxytocin intrapartum could readily be reinforced by this policy shift. There is an urgent need to ensure that home births are safer for mothers and babies alike, since India’s current policy goals of raising the numbers of institutional deliveries, ensuring skilled attendance at birth and improving referrals for emergency obstetric care cannot be met in the foreseeable future. In a context of enduringly high infant and maternal mortality, especially in Uttar Pradesh and other large northern states, the question of whether or not inappropriate use of oxytocin is contributing to maternal and newborn morbidity and mortality deserves further research. Résumé Pendant l’accouchement, l’ocytocine doit être administrée à doses contrôlées et par perfusion, avec une surveillance permanente de la mère et du fłtus et une assistance chirurgicale, puisque des effets indésirables graves ont été notifiés. Néanmoins, dans l’Uttar Pradesh, en Inde septentrionale, des études ethnographiques à petite échelle et des enquêtes rétrospectives de grande envergure ont montré que des injections intramusculaires non surveillées d’ocytocine sont fréquemment administrées aux femmes pour accélérer le travail par du personnel masculin local non diplômé et des infirmières-sages-femmes auxiliaires employées par l’État pendant les accouchements à domicile. La politique indienne de santé génésique et infantile doit se pencher sur l’administration impropre d’ocytocine. En vertu d’une nouvelle politique de 2007, le personnel de santé féminin employé par l’État dans des institutions périphériques doit recevoir de l’ocytocine à injecter pendant le troisième stade de l’accouchement, pour éviter les hémorragies post-partum. Cette modification pourrait renforcer la pratique de l’injection d’ocytocine pendant l’accouchement. De plus, il est urgent de veiller à ce que les naissances à domicile deviennent plus sûres pour les mères et les bébés, puisque les objectifs actuels de l’Inde qui consistent à relever le nombre de naissances en milieu hospitalier, garantir une assistance qualifiée pendant l’accouchement et améliorer le transfert des urgences obstétricales ne seront pas atteints à brève échéance. Alors que la mortalité maternelle et infantile demeure élevée, particulièrement dans l’Uttar Pradesh et d’autres grands États du nord, la question de savoir si l’utilisation impropre de l’ocytocine contribue ou non à la morbidité et la mortalité de la mère et du nouveau-né mérite davantage de recherches. Resumen El uso de oxitocina intraparto debe implicar dosis controladas administradas por infusión, monitoreo continuo de la madre y el feto, y respaldo quirúrgico, dado que se han informado varios resultados adversos. Sin embargo, en Uttar Pradesh, en la India septentrional, los estudios etnográficos de pequeña escala, así como una encuesta retrospectiva de gran escala, han establecido que las inyecciones intramusculares de oxitocina sin monitoreo comúnmente son administradas por prestadores de servicios de sexo masculino no titulados y enfermeras-parteras auxiliares empleadas por el gobierno, durante el parto domiciliario a fin de aumentarlo. La política de la India en cuanto a la salud reproductiva y la salud infantil debe tratar el uso indebido de oxitocina. En conformidad con una nueva política de 2007, las trabajadoras de salud gubernamentales en instituciones secundarias deben ser suministradas con oxitocina para inyectarla durante la tercera etapa del parto a fin de evitar la hemorragia posparto. La práctica de inyectar oxitocina intraparto fácilmente podría ser reforzada por ese cambio en política. Existe una necesidad urgente de garantizar que el parto domiciliario sea seguro tanto para la madre como para el bebé, dado que en el futuro inmediato no es posible lograr los objetivos de la política actual de la India de incrementar el índice de partos institucionales, garantizar asistencia calificada durante el parto y mejorar las referencias para cuidados obstétricos de emergencia. En un contexto de mortalidad materna e infantil perdurablemente altas, especialmente en Uttar Pradesh y otros estados septentrionales importantes, la interrogante en cuanto a si el uso indebido de oxitocina contribuye o no a la morbimortalidad de madres y recién nacidos amerita ser investigada más a fondo.
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Developing countries account for 99 percent of maternal deaths annually. While increasing service availability and maintaining acceptable quality standards, it is important to assess maternal satisfaction with care in order to make it more responsive and culturally acceptable, ultimately leading to enhanced utilization and improved outcomes. At a time when global efforts to reduce maternal mortality have been stepped up, maternal satisfaction and its determinants also need to be addressed by developing country governments. This review seeks to identify determinants of women’s satisfaction with maternity care in developing countries. The review followed the methodology of systematic reviews. Public health and social science databases were searched. English articles covering antenatal, intrapartum or postpartum care, for either home or institutional deliveries, reporting maternal satisfaction from developing countries (World Bank list) were included, with no year limit. Out of 154 shortlisted abstracts, 54 were included and 100 excluded. Studies were extracted onto structured formats and analyzed using the narrative synthesis approach. Determinants of maternal satisfaction covered all dimensions of care across structure, process and outcome. Structural elements included good physical environment, cleanliness, and availability of adequate human resources, medicines and supplies. Process determinants included interpersonal behavior, privacy, promptness, cognitive care, perceived provider competency and emotional support. Outcome related determinants were health status of the mother and newborn. Access, cost, socio-economic status and reproductive history also influenced perceived maternal satisfaction. Process of care dominated the determinants of maternal satisfaction in developing countries. Interpersonal behavior was the most widely reported determinant, with the largest body of evidence generated around provider behavior in terms of courtesy and non-abuse. Other aspects of interpersonal behavior included therapeutic communication, staff confidence and competence and encouragement to laboring women. Quality improvement efforts in developing countries could focus on strengthening the process of care. Special attention is needed to improve interpersonal behavior, as evidence from the review points to the importance women attach to being treated respectfully, irrespective of socio-cultural or economic context. Further research on maternal satisfaction is required on home deliveries and relative strength of various determinants in influencing maternal satisfaction.
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ABSTRACT Prenatal ultrasound has in the past one decade gained acceptance as a standard tool for obstetric management in North-Central Nigeria but it is however faced with barriers hindering its utilization in prenatal care. The objective of this study was to assess the perception of pregnant women about the barriers to utilization of prenatal ultrasound in prenatal care in North-Central Nigeria. A hospital-based cross-sectional prospective survey was conducted at the antenatal clinic of Federal Medical Centre, Makurdi, Benue State in North-Central Nigeria between December 2008 and June 2009. The survey targeted pregnant women who were attending antenatal clinic in the hospital. A convenience sample of 596 patients who have had at least one previous prenatal ultrasound were included in the study. Results showed all the barriers were rated high with necessity of scan (attitude) and satisfaction with prenatal ultrasound service rating higher than the rest; being 2.91 ± 1.12 and 3.00 ± 0.63 respectively on a 4-point scale. Socio-demographic variables correlated significantly to the identified barriers (p < 0.05) while one-way ANOVA showed that all the socio-demographic variables were significant contributors to their ratings of various barriers (p < 0.05). In conclusion, negative attitude, long distances to service providers, considerably heavy financial cost, long waiting periods and unsatisfactory previous scan experience are major barriers to prenatal ultrasound. Socio-demographic variables have significant influence on these barriers and improvement on these variables can help overcome the barriers. KEY WORDS: Prenatal ultrasound - Prenatal care - Barriers - Utilization. LA PERCEPTION DES FEMMES ENCEINTES SUR LES OBSTACLES A UTILISATION DE L’ECHOGRAPHIE PRENATALE DANS LES SOINS PRENATAUX DANS LE NORD DU NIGERIA. RESUME L’échographie prénatale a dans le passé une décennie gagné l’acceptation comme un outil standard pour la gestion obstétrique dans le centre-nord du Nigéria, mais il est cependant confronté à des barrières faisant obstacle à son utilisation dans les soins prénataux. L’objectif de cette étude était d’évaluer la perception des femmes enceintes sur les obstacles à l’utilisation de l’échographie prénatale en matière de soins prénataux dans le centre-nord du Nigeria. Une enquête prospective transversale hospitalière a été menée à la clinique de soins prénataux du Centre Medical Federal de Makurdi, Etat de Benue dans le nord du Nigeria entre Décembre 2008 et Juin 2009. L’enquête a ciblé les femmes enceintes qui fréquentaient les consultations prénatales à l’hôpital. Un échantillon de 596 patients ayant eu au moins une échographie prénatale précédente ont été inclus dans l’étude. Les résultats ont montré que toutes les barrières ont été jugées élevées avec la nécessité de scan (attitude) et la satisfaction avec qualification de service d’échographie prénatale plus élevés que les autres, étant 2,91 ± 1,12 et 3,00 ± 0,63, respectivement, sur une échelle de 4 points. Les variables sociodémographiques corrélaient de manière significative aux obstacles identifiés (p <0,05) tandis que d’autre part ANOVA a montré que toutes les variables sociodémographiques ont été des contributeurs importants à la cotation de divers obstacles (p <0,05). En conclusion, l’attitude négative, l’éloignement des fournisseurs de services, le coût financier considérablement lourd, les longues périodes d’attente et de l’expérience insatisfaisante de l’étude précédente constituent des obstacles majeurs à l’échographie prénatale. Les variables sociodémographiques ont une influence significative sur ces obstacles et l’amélioration de ces variables peuvent aider à surmonter les obstacles. MOTS CLES: Echographie prénatale - Soins prénatals - Barrières - Utilisation.
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Objective: To assess the impact of Janani Shishu Suraksha Karayakaram (JSSK) on out-of-pocket expenditure during perinatal period in an urban slum area of Chandigarh, India. Methods: Data on out-of-pocket expenditure were collected retrospectively from 425 women who gave birth during June 2010 to June 2012. Results: Out-of-pocket expenditure for delivery decreased from Rs. 5342 to Rs. 3565 between pre and post-intervention period. There was no significant difference in catastrophic health expenditures between pre-JSSK (21.2%) and post-JSSK (15.6%) periods (P=0.15). Conclusions: Strengthening of implementation of JSSK is required to ensure universal access for natal care.
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This is a cross-sectional descriptive study aimed at assessing antenatal care service attendees' perception of quality of maternal healthcare (MHC) services in Anambra State, southeast Nigeria. A total of 310 pregnant women utilising antenatal care (ANC) services in three purposively selected primary health centres (PHCs) in rural communities in Anambra State were studied. Reponses were elicited from the participants selected consecutively over a 4-month period, using a pre-tested, semi-structured interviewer-administered questionnaire on socio-demographic characteristics, utilisation and perception of MHC services. Data collected were analysed using SPSS version 17. Findings showed that utilisation of facility for both antenatal (97.0%; 95% CI, 94.4-98.4%) and natal services (92.7%; 95% CI 89.2-95.2%) were quite high. Generally, most of the women were satisfied with MHC services (89.7%). Most of them were satisfied with the staff attitude (85.1%), waiting time (84.1%) and cost of services (79.5%). Being ≥30 years (X (2) = 4.61, P = 0.032), married (X (2) = 9.70, P = 0.008) and multiparous (X (2) = 9.14, P = 0.028), as well as utilisation of formal health facility for antenatal (X (2) = 26.94, P = 0.000) and natal (X (2) = 33.42, P = 0.000) services were associated with satisfaction with maternal health services. The study showed high level of satisfaction with quality of maternal health services among antenatal attendees and highlights the need to strengthen interventions that increase uptake of formal MHC services.
Article
In Nepal, India, Bangladesh and Pakistan, policy focused on improving access to maternity services has led to measures to reduce cost barriers impeding women's access to care. Specifically, these include cash transfer or voucher schemes designed to stimulate demand for services, including antenatal, delivery and post-partum care. In spite of their popularity, however, little is known about the impact or effectiveness of these schemes. This paper provides an overview of five major interventions: the Aama (Mothers') Programme (cash transfer element) in Nepal; the Janani Suraksha Yojana (Safe Motherhood Scheme) in India; the Chiranjeevi Yojana (Scheme for Long Life) in India; the Maternal Health Voucher Scheme in Bangladesh and the Sehat (Health) Voucher Scheme in Pakistan. It reviews the aims, rationale, implementation challenges, known outcomes, potential and limitations of each scheme based on current available data. Increased use of maternal health services has been reported since the schemes began, though evidence of improvements in maternal health outcomes has not been established due to a lack of controlled studies. Areas for improvement in these schemes, identified in this review, include the need for more efficient operational management, clear guidelines, financial transparency, plans for sustainability, evidence of equity and, above all, proven impact on quality of care and maternal mortality and morbidity. Résumé Au Népal, en Inde, au Bangladesh et au Pakistan, la politique centrée sur l'élargissement de l'accès aux services de maternité a débouché sur des mesures de réduction des obstacles financiers qui empêchent les femmes d'avoir accès aux soins, plus précisément des transferts de fonds ou des chèques conçus pour stimuler la demande, notamment de soins prénatals, obstétricaux et du post-partum. Pourtant, en dépit de leur popularité, on sait peu de choses de l'impact de ces programmes. L'article décrit cinq interventions majeures : le programme Aama (des mères) (élément de transfert de fonds) au Népal, le Janani Suraksha Yojana (plan de maternité sans risque) en Inde, le Chiranjeevi Yojana (plan pour une longue vie) en Inde, le projet de chèques de santé maternelle au Bangladesh et le système de chèques Sehat (santé) au Pakistan. Il examine les objectifs, les justificatifs, les obstacles à l'application, les résultats connus, le potentiel et les limites de chaque projet, avec les données disponibles. Un recours accru aux services de santé maternelle a été enregistré depuis le début des projets, mais sans qu'il soit possible de déterminer les améliorations de la santé maternelle, faute d'études contrôlées. L'étude recense les domaines d'amélioration des projets qui ont besoin d'une gestion opérationnelle plus efficace, de directives claires, de transparence financière, de plans de viabilité, de preuves d'équité et, surtout, de confirmer leur impact sur la qualité des soins, et la mortalité et morbidité maternelles. Resumen En Nepal, India, Bangladesh y Pakistán, debido a políticas centradas en mejorar el acceso a los servicios de maternidad, se ha intentado reducir las barreras de costo que impiden el acceso de las mujeres a los servicios: específicamente, transferencias de dinero o programas de cupones diseñados para estimular la demanda de los servicios, incluida la atención antes, durante y después del parto. Pese a su popularidad, no se sabe mucho acerca de su impacto o eficacia. En este artículo se resumen cinco intervenciones importantes: el Programa de Madres (transferencias de dinero) en Nepal; el Plan por una Maternidad sin Riesgos y el Plan por una Vida Larga, ambos en India; el Programa de Cupones para Servicios de Salud Materna en Bangladesh; y el Programa de Cupones para servicios de salud, en Pakistán. Se analizan los objetivos, la justificación y los retos de la implementación, los resultados, el potencial y las limitaciones de cada plan según los datos. Desde el inicio de estos planes, ha aumentado el uso de los servicios de salud materna, aunque por falta de estudios controlados no hay evidencia de mejoras en los resultados. Entre las áreas a mejorar figuran: la eficiencia de la administración operativa, directrices claras, transparencia financiera, planes de sostenibilidad, evidencia de equidad y, sobre todo, un impacto comprobado en la calidad de la atención y en las tasas de mortalidad y morbilidad maternas.
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The Janani Suraksha Yojana, India's "safe motherhood program," is a conditional cash transfer to encourage women to give birth in health facilities. Despite the program's apparent success in increasing facility-based births, quantitative evaluations have not found corresponding improvements in health outcomes. This study analyses original qualitative data collected between January, 2012 and November, 2013 in a rural district in Uttar Pradesh to address the question of why the program has not improved health outcomes. It finds that health service providers are focused on capturing economic rents associated with the program, and provide an extremely poor quality care. Further, the program does not ultimately provide beneficiaries a large net monetary transfer at the time of birth. Based on a detailed accounting of the monetary costs of hospital and home deliveries, this study finds that the value of the transfer to beneficiaries is small due to costs associated with hospital births. Finally, this study also documents important emotional and psychological costs to women of delivering in the hospital. These findings suggest the need for a substantial rethinking of the program, paying careful attention to incentivizing health outcomes.
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An exit survey conducted in private hospitals in Andhra Pradesh on the quality of reproductive care yielded valuable insights on women's perceptions of quality of care. The information so generated is a useful input in any attempt to institute standardisation of practices in medicare institutions.