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Self-Employment and Its Influence on the Vulnerability to Poverty of Households in Rural Vietnam-A Panel Data Analysis

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Abstract

The following paper analyses whether becoming self-employed can help to reduce the vulnerability to poverty of rural households. We use data collected during four survey waves in three rural provinces in Vietnam to calculate region-specific logistic panel regressions. The results show that becoming self-employed increases the likelihood of poor households escaping poverty, but only if they are located in a regional economic environment characterized by an advanced stage of structural change, good infrastructural conditions, and proximity to markets. In less well-developed regions, becoming self-employed is not sufficient to increase the probability of poor households escaping poverty. What matters more is that self-employment is driven by opportunity and not by necessity. However, even opportunity-driven self-employment does not guarantee a reduction of vulnerability to poverty in all regional settings and for all household types. Especially, regional overspecialization in cash-crop production and inequality in access to assets have to be taken into account. In times of declining commodity prices, self-employment entails a risk of business failure in regions that are overspecialized in cash-crop production. For households whose initial investment is high and whose endowment with social and educational assets is low, this can result in increased vulnerability to poverty.

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... The second method is the analysis of factors influencing vulnerability. Sohns et al. found that the poverty vulnerability of farm households with bank credit was 0.4% lower than the poverty vulnerability among those without bank credit after studying the correlation between credit access and poverty vulnerability [31]. Han et al. studied the impact of inclusive financial policies on farm poverty vulnerability in China and found that the spread of inclusive financial policies could significantly reduce farm poverty vulnerability [32]. ...
... On the one hand, households engaged in non-farm activities have more diversified sources of income and a richer supply of various types of livelihood capital, making such households more resilient to poverty risk shocks; on the other hand, as agricultural production is constrained by natural resources and the market for agricultural products, such households are more likely to be vulnerable to poverty [18]. On the other hand, agricultural production is subject to both natural resource constraints and agricultural markets, which makes agriculture riskier and farm income relatively more volatile [31,33]. Farmers in non-farm employment, on the other hand, are less vulnerable to poverty because they only partially bear the risks of agricultural production (or bear none at all). ...
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... Similarly, people with entrepreneurship/business skills are more likely to borrow from MFI/SHG for the investment. However, there is risk involved in the investment in small business, without having any other financial support there is more probability of indebtedness leading to poverty and vulnerability (Sohns and Diez, 2017;Bushe, 2019;Moradi et al., 2020). Thus, there is a positive 9 Treatment and control groups are balanced in each period. ...
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... Recently, some authors have identified a need for further research to unpack this relationship, especially outside the shrimp farming zones (Roy & Basu, 2020). Our findings point in the same direction as earlier work by Sohns and Revilla-Diez (2017) which shows that offfarm activities cannot be seen as a panacea to improve household's livelihoods in agriculture-dominated areas of developing countries, taking the example of Vietnam. ...
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... Numerous studies have focused on short-term, ex-post coping capacities in response to natural hazards, using the widely established vulnerability framework [23][24][25][26]. The concept was introduced in seminal work by Scoones [14] on the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF): 'Those who are unable to cope (temporary adjustments in the face of change) or adapt (longer term shifts in livelihood strategies) are inevitably vulnerable and unlikely to achieve sustainable livelihoods' (6). ...
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Adaptation to various socio-economic risks attendant to climate change represents an increasing challenge for agrarian populations across the Global South. Rural households mitigate risks through both individual and collective strategies that have proven viable for establishing long-term adaptive capacities. However, while the importance of social interactions has been acknowledged, there has been little in-depth empirical research on the influence of collective structures on vulnerable livelihoods. Based on research with smallholders in rural Vietnam, this paper explores how social capital deployed through informal collective actions compares with the effects of formal collective organisations for the overall adaptive capacity. We apply a mixed-methods approach combining a rich survey dataset from three rural provinces, and qualitative interviews with farmers in four case study villages. The results reveal the emergence of informal and semi-formalised collective actions in farming practices as synergistic supplements to existing formal structures and institutions through mechanisms of social learning.
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... Those who are self-employed in non-farm activities cannot be guaranteed a poverty decline in remote rural regions because of their relative geographical isolation, limited assets, poor health status, and low levels of education. The poverty is quite persistent (Arouri et al. 2017;Hoang et al. 2014;Sohns and Diez 2017). ...
... Opportunity-driven entrepreneurs frequently hire non-family employees and make substantial initial investments (Gottschalk, Muller, & Niefert, 2010;Guseva & Rona-Tas, 2001). Although the elimination of inefficient enterprises can be seen as a necessary process for regional economic progress (Boschma & Martin, 2010), the closure of such a micro-enterprise can have a negative impact on the well-being of the business head's family (Sohns & Revilla Diez, 2017), as well as on that of the non-family employees and, due to possible feedback effects, may also affect the regional economy in general. However, in rural Vietnam, there are also micro-enterprises that are run by necessity-driven entrepreneurs, in order to supplement household income for a certain time (Gindling & Newhouse, 2012). ...
Article
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The role of entrepreneurship in economic development is the subject of much interest to academic and policy circles alike. Entrepreneurship is often credited with many positive changes in developing countries. At the very least, it is associated with job creation, wealth creation, innovation and related welfare effects. A strong small business sector and entrepreneurship are usually linked to a strong economy (Beck et al. 2005). Across developed and developing countries, entrepreneurship has become a critical part of economic development strategies — even goals.
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This paper investigates the interaction of migration, vulnerability to poverty, and welfare of rural households in three provinces in Central Vietnam. It addresses three questions. (1) To what extent do shocks motivate rural household members to move to urban areas?, (2) Are migrants in the new urban settings better off in terms of working conditions and quality of life?, and (3) What is the effect of migration on rural household’s welfare and vulnerability to poverty? The analysis uses panel data of 2200 households from rural Vietnam covering the period 2007–2010, and a tracking survey of 299 migrants from 2010. The empirical evidence from a probit model shows that migration, especially migration for employment, is a livelihood support strategy for households exposed to agricultural and economic shocks. Migration for education is more likely observed among households with higher human capital and being financially better off. Nevertheless, the probability of migration decreases with the employment opportunity in the village. Migrants perceive themselves to be better off at the place of destination, but income losses from shocks of their rural households may reduce their employment quality. The results from difference-in-difference specifications with propensity score matching techniques suggest that migration has positive income growth effects, and that these effects are more pronounced in provinces with fewer job opportunities. These effects help not only migrant households moving out of poverty, but it also improves the poverty situation in rural areas.
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Over half of all workers in the developing world are self-employed. Although some self-employment is chosen by entrepreneurs with well-defined projects and ambitions, roughly two-thirds results from individuals having no better alternatives. The importance of self-employment in the overall distribution of jobs is determined by many factors, including social protection systems, labor market frictions, the business environment and labor market institutions. However, self-employment in the developing world tends to be low-productivity employment, and as countries move up the development path, the availability of wage employment grows and the mix of jobs changes.
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The largest gap in understanding self-employment in developing countries is knowing why so many people are self-employed. How many self-employed people came to self-employment after wage employment? Could their wage employment have continued, or were they in casual employment that ended? Are people choosing self-employment because of such nonwage benefits as being one’s own boss and enjoying greater flexibility between work and family responsibilities? What are the roles of family, personal preference, and health status? How do workers’ net earnings in self-employment compare with what they might have earned in wage employment? How do the answers to these questions differ by gender? Another major gap is the lack of social (rather than personal) cost-benefit analysis of possible policy interventions. How do the direct social benefits of any given intervention compare with the direct social costs? Because there are always policy tradeoffs (the opportunity cost of one policy precluding another), it is important to know which policy intervention produces the highest social benefits relative to its costs. In which circumstances have various policy interventions proved socially beneficial and in which have they not? Finally, more research is needed to establish how many people are self-employed by choice and how many because they have no choice. The numbers in the second category are clearly large, but greater precision is needed, especially on a country by country basis, to end the controversy over exact numbers.
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This paper summarizes the sampling procedure, survey instrument, implementation and selected results of a comprehensive survey among 4,400 rural households conducted in 2007 in six peripheral provinces of Thailand and Vietnam as an initial wave of a panel dataset. The sampling procedure applied was a three-stage cluster sampling with explicit strata for agro-ecological zones in Vietnam and implicit stratification in Thailand. We find an atypical age distribution of the rural population as a result of out-migration of the economically active population, which is more pronounced in Thailand than in Vietnam. The educational attainment of the adult population is rather low in both countries, but generally higher in Vietnam. With respect to income and poverty, the accuracy of the survey estimates is similar or better than for the national surveys in these countries and means are roughly comparable. Per capita income varies stronger in Thailand than in Vietnam and consumption varies much less than income in both countries. The provincial sub-samples differ also with respect to the main sources of income and the importance and intensity of agriculture. The experience of past shocks and the perception of future risks reveal that agricultural and demographic risks are ranked as the most important threats to household welfare. We conclude that the rich data provide a sufficiently accurate basis and a number of domains for comparison through the coverage of distinct economic and ecological conditions. Moreover, the household composition suggests that for further panel waves an inclusion of household members who left for the cities should be included to adequately consider their contribution to the welfare and risk profile of the rural households.
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There has been a great deal of the literature on the effects of shocks on a household's well-being as well as on the choice of ex-ante and ex-post strategies in the context of risk exposure. However, researchers have paid little attention to the ability of a household to recover from an adverse event. Additionally, the livelihood of those in the developing world has been increasingly affected by macroeconomic instabilities and extreme weather conditions. This study aims to investigate the forces that shape a household's recovery from misfortune. The analyses are applied to the case of Vietnam by using data collected from household surveys from years 2007 to 2010 and a discrete time proportional hazard model to find the determinants of the shock recovery. The results show that a household's characteristics do not strongly determine the shock recovery but physical assets do. Shocks covariates such as more losses and higher severity make the misfortune harder to recover from. Additionally, coping strategies sometimes help poor households recover better from the losses.
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The purpose was to present a family capital typology based on Sustainable Family Business Theory II and to document its relative contribution to short-term firm achievements and long-term sustainability using National Family Business Survey panel data. Family capital was defined as total owning-family resources composed of human, social, and financial capital. Family capital significantly contributed to firm achievements and sustainability. In the short term, all family capital types explained 13.5% of gross revenue variance and 4% of owner’s success perception variance. In the long term, all family capital types explained 26.7% of gross revenue variance and 11.6% of owner’s success perception variance.
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Vietnam experienced a dramatic drop in overall poverty during the 90s. However, the poverty reduction showed substantial variation across households, villages and regions. Using a multilevel model on panel data from the rural sample of the Vietnam Living Standard Measurement Survey we demonstrate the important role of villages in household poverty exit dynamics. We also show how an analysis of village-level random effects predictions can help targeting of policies to reduce poverty.
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This paper analyzes heterogeneity among the self-employed in 74 developing countries, representing two-thirds of the population of the developing world. After profiling how worker characteristics vary by employment status, it classifies self-employed workers outside agriculture as "successful" or "unsuccessful" entrepreneurs, based on two measures of success: whether the worker is an employer, and whether the worker resides in a non-poor household. Four main findings emerge. First, jobs exhibit a clear pecking order, with household welfare and worker education highest for employers, followed by wage and salaried employees, non-agricultural own-account workers, non-agricultural unpaid family workers, and finally agricultural workers. Second, a substantial minority of own-account workers reside in non-poor households, suggesting that their profits are often a secondary source of household income. Third, as per capita income increases, the structure of employment shifts rapidly, first out of agriculture into unsuccessful non-agricultural self-employment, and then mainly into non-agricultural wage employment. Finally, roughly one-third of the unsuccessful entrepreneurs share similar characteristics with their successful counterparts, suggesting they have the potential to be successful but face constraints to growth. The authors conclude that although interventions such as access to credit can benefit a substantial portion of the self-employed, effectively targeting the minority of self-employed with higher growth potential is important, particularly in low-income contexts. The results also highlight the potential benefits of policies that facilitate shifts in the nature of work, first from agricultural labor into non-agricultural self-employment, and then into wage and salaried jobs.
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In this paper we apply the concept of necessity and opportunity entrepreneurship to rural Vietnam. The aim is to evaluate whether opportunity entrepreneurs in rural areas in developing countries have a greater potential to stimulate endogenous non-farm growth than necessity entrepreneurs. The results show that opportunity entrepreneurs are relatively frequent. They have an agricultural background less often and are better educated and skilled. In addition, they are more successful in terms of profits, even after controlling for general business and locational characteristics. However, even rural opportunity entrepreneurs are often not oriented towards employment growth and thus have a limited capacity to generate nonâ€farm employment for other households. It becomes clear that although the necessity/opportunity concept has so far been primarily applied to developed countries, distinguishing opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship is very suitable in a rural developing context if some contextual specifics of the rural environment are taken into account.
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Future changes in climate pose significant challenges for society, not the least of which is how best to adapt to observed and potential future impacts of these changes to which the world is already committed. Adaptation is a dynamic social process: the ability of societies to adapt is determined, in part, by the ability to act collectively. This article reviews emerging perspectives on collective action and social capital and argues that insights from these areas inform the nature of adaptive capacity and normative prescriptions of policies of adaptation. Specifically, social capital is increasingly understood within economics to have public and private elements, both of which are based on trust, reputation, and reciprocal action. The public-good aspects of particular forms of social capital are pertinent elements of adaptive capacity in interacting with natural capital and in relation to the performance of institutions that cope with the risks of changes in climate. Case studies are presented of present-day collective action for coping with extremes in weather in coastal areas in Southeast Asia and of community-based coastal management in the Caribbean. These cases demonstrate the importance of social capital framing both the public and private institutions of resource management that build resilience in the face of the risks of changes in climate. These cases illustrate, by analogy, the nature of adaptation processes and collective action in adapting to future changes in climate.
Book
Both livelihoods and diversity have become popular topics in development studies. The livelihood concept offers a more complete picture of the complexities of making a living in rural areas of low income countries than terms formerly considered adequate, such as subsistence, incomes, or employment. Diversity recognizes that people manage by doing many different things rather than just one or a few things. This book sets out the rural livelihoods approach within the larger context of past and current themes in rural development. It adopts diversity as its principal theme and explores the implications of diverse rural livelihoods for ideas about poverty, agriculture, environment, gender, and macroeconomic policy. It also considers appropriate methods for gaining quick and effective knowledge about the livelihoods of the rural poor for project and policy purposes.
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Vietnam is highly prone to climatic hazards, including extreme weather events and marked seasonal changes. Climatic hazards have wide-ranging implications for human health, but in most hazard-prone countries there has been little household level research on health risks. Drawing on the results of exploratory research in low-income communities in the Central Provinces and the Mekong Delta, this paper uses a qualitative approach to examine how the social dimensions of vulnerability can come into play in the generation of health outcomes associated with hazards. It explores particularly how aspects of economic livelihood, physical location, education and protective behaviour combined to influence the exposure and susceptibility of households, as well as to shape their capability to avoid adverse health impacts. These aspects were closely linked with, but not solely determined by, income-poverty: underlining the argument that understanding of risks to health in low-income settings requires careful analysis of this complex shaping of vulnerability. It also requires recognition that health protection for the poor may be articulated more in terms of protection of wider livelihood assets than preventive health actions per se.
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The microenterprise earnings of microfinance clients in southeastern Sri Lanka are linked to their initial incomes. Poorer clients face geographic, financial and sociocultural barriers to entry to the most promising microenterprise occupations, leading them to select low-value activities with poor growth prospects. In semi-urban areas, poverty impacts could be strengthened by supplementing loans with nonfinancial interventions encouraging poor clients to select higher-value occupations. In arid rural areas, where microenterprises face severe market and infrastructure constraints, microenterprise development is unlikely to facilitate poverty exit.
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The number of people engaged in micro and small enterprises increases as a result of new enterprises being started and through an expansion of existing activities. As a partial offset to these increases, employment declines when existing businesses cease operations. This article draws on recent survey work to examine the magnitude and determinants of enterprise births, closures and expansions. It explores the ways in which these different sources of change are influenced by the state of the macroeconomy, and examines policy and project implications.
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ABSTRACT : This paper looks at how well Finland performs in high growth entrepreneurship and uses data from the Global Entrepreneurship monitor to benchmark Finland against other European countries. It is found that Finland’s prevalence rate of high growth entrepreneurial activity lags significantly behind most of its European and all of its Scandinavian peers. That this weak performance in high-growth entrepreneurship goes hand in hand with Finland being a world leader in per capita investment in R&D may be described as a paradox. The reasons underlying the underperformance of Finland remain however unclear. At this point, explanations should be sought in culture, industrial traditions and systemic experience in high growth entrepreneurship.
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The paper analyzes the relationship between the allocation of labor and land of the households, the number of crops grown and the number of income sources of the households with different types of shocks and risks. It uses the data from the first phase of the household survey in three provinces of Central of Vietnam, conducted within the scope of the DFG research project “Impact of shocks on the vulnerability to poverty: consequences for development of emerging Southeast Asian economies”. The results suggest that the households diversify their portfolio (labor and land) into different income generating activities in order to cope with shocks. Among the different types of shocks and risks, agriculture and economic shocks and risks are the main factors to explain the (ex-post) risk-coping strategies and the (ex-ante) risk management of the households. The number of crops grown and the number of income sources from the households experienced with shocks are higher than others. In addition, the high-risk expectation households diversify their labor and land more than the low risk expectation households. The access to credit and market, the number of household labor, the education of the household head, and the wealth of the household are also very important factors that impact on the diversification level of the households.
Article
This paper analyzes empirically the determinants of new born firms' initial size. As survival prospects of young firms tend to be linked to a firm's start-up size, a better understanding of the factors influencing start-up size is crucial. Most of the rare literature on initial firm size focuses on industry characteristics. We contribute to the understanding of the determinants of initial firm size by analyzing firm specific factors such as founders' human capital composition and entry strategies. We find that in addition to industry effects start-up size is considerably influenced by the human capital of firm founders. We distinguish between generic and specific human capital. Generic human capital refers to the general knowledge acquired through formal education and professional experience and usually coincides with a higher personal wealth. Specific human capital comprises competences that can be directly applied to the entrepreneurial job. For generic human capital we find that having a university degree has a positive influence on start-up size. The same applies for general working experience proxied by the founder's age. For the specific human capital components we find that successful entrepreneurial experience and managerial experience gained in dependent employment support a higher start-up size. Altogether, specific human capital tends to have a larger impact on initial size than generic human capital. Entry strategies are expected to have a crucial influence on start-up size, because objectives of market entry largely determine the resources a firm requires. We distinguish between different types of entry strategies. On the one hand, we look at entry strategies based on innovation. We measure innovation by a variable which indicates if a firm carries out continuous R&D. On the other hand, entry is classified according to the main motive of the founders for firm formation. We conclude that different motives are accompanied by diverse entry strategies. The
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In 2002 Malawi experienced a serious shortage of cereals due to adverse climatic conditions. The World Food Programme assumed that about 2.1 to 3.2 million people were threatened of starvation at that time. However, not much research has been undertaken to investigate the actual consequences of this crisis. In particular, little is known about how the crisis affected the health status of children. Obviously, quantifying the health impact of such a crisis is a serious task given the lack of data and the more general problem of relating outcomes to specific shocks and policies. In this paper a difference-in-difference estimator is used to quantify the impact of the food crisis on the health status of children. The findings suggest that at least in the short run, there was neither a significant impact on child mortality nor on malnutrition. This would suggest that the shock might have been less severe than initially assumed and that the various policy interventions undertaken at the time have been effective or at least sufficient to counteract the immediate effects of the crisis.
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Are the household characteristics that are good for transition to a more diversified market-oriented development process in Vietnam also important for reducing poverty? Or are there tradeoffs? The determinants of both poverty incidence and participation in rural off-farm activities are modeled as functions of household and community characteristics using comprehensive national household surveys for 1993 and 1998. Despite some common causative factors, such as education and region of residence, the processes determining poverty and inhibiting diversification are clearly not the same. Participation in the emerging rural nonfarm market economy will be the route out of poverty for some, but certainly not all, of Vietnam's poor.
Article
The 1990s have witnessed several financial crises, of which the East Asia and Mexico tequila crises are perhaps the most well known. What impact have these crises had on labor markets, household incomes, and poverty? Total employment fell by much less than production declines and even increased in some cases. However, these aggregates mask considerable churning in employment across sectors, employment status, and location. Economies that experienced the sharpest currency depreciations suffered the deepest cuts in real wages, though deeper cuts in real wages relative to gdp were associated with smaller rises in unemployment. To some extent, families smoothed their incomes through increased labor force participation and private transfers, though the limited evidence available suggests that wealthier families were better able to smooth consumption. The initial impact of the crises was on the urban corporate sector, but rural households were affected as well and in some instances suffered deeper losses than did urban families. School enrollment declined, especially among poorer families, as did use of health facilities, but he impact on children's nutrition levels appears to vary. Crises have typically proved short-lived, but whether households plunged into poverty during a crisis are able to recover as the economy does remains an open question. Copyright 2002, Oxford University Press.
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The accuracy of the measured income of family enterprises is a matter of importance in studies of, inter alia, human capital, income distribution, and consumption behavior. Enterprise surveys can measure this income through detailed questions. Household surveys offer a better perspective for a study of living standards and poverty: they capture more of the truly small-scale one-person enterprises; there is a wealth of relevant information about the household; and household surveys allow one to integrate family enterprises into household decisions about labor supply, risk sharing, enterprise start-up, and asset formation. This paper examines three enterprise income values that one may derive from household surveys held in the Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana. The three values vary much and do not correlate all that well. This sobering conclusion implies that relying on self-reported values of sales revenue, expenditures and enterprise earnings is risky. Greater effort should be made to measure the transactions of enterprises carefully. Using worksheets and cross-checking responses in loco should help, but since many enterprises do not use any accounting system, it may be necessary to monitor inflows and outflows either personally or with diaries.
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There is a growing consensus among natural and social scientists that sustainability depends on maintaining natural capital. However, progress to put this ecological condition to practice has been slow, not least because of the inability of making these objectives measurable. Therefore, to overcome this obstacle, assessment frameworks for natural capital are needed. This study presents a simple framework for national and global natural capital accounting. It demonstrates, using the example of Italy, an accounting framework which tracks national economies’ energy and resource throughput and translates them into biologically productive areas necessary to produce these flows. This calculation has been applied to over 52 countries. With this framework, based on the ecological footprint concept, human consumption can be compared with natural capital production at the global and national level, using existing data.