Article

Sport as a tool for development and peace: tackling insecurity and violence in the urban settlement Cazucá, Soacha, Colombia

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Abstract

The concept of ‘Sport for Development and Peace’ has gained new momentum. New challenges and questions have arisen, emphasising the need for more systematic ways to assess and measure the impact that sport and physical activities have had on addressing social exclusion, violence and poverty around the world. Therefore, this study aims to uncover the role of sport in the process of social inclusion and peacebuilding in the post-conflict context of Colombia. The country has recently experienced a historical moment as regards its future: the fourth peace process. From this perspective our research is set in the turbulent reality of the selected urban settlement of Soacha, a municipality spatially and economically connected to the country’s capital, Bogotá. Within Soacha the settlement of Cazucá is mostly inhabited by internally displaced people and victims of the conflict, and is most associated with high rates of violence, crime and insecurity. Accordingly, the local NGO Tiempo de Juego develops its sport programmes in this area, to provide local youth and children with an alternative to the cycle of violence and exclusion. This article provides an insight into how these programmes contribute to changing the daily reality of their beneficiaries, and their perceptions of violence and security in the main places where sporting activities are held. It presents a small-scale pilot research study, using the tool of participatory mapping on a selected group of local youths who volunteer for the NGO to operate as peer leaders of different sport and art activities.

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... How these approached have contributed to body of knowledge on sport and trauma? 2011; Sobotova, Safarikova, & Gonzalez Martinex, 2016;Spaaij, 2015;Thorpe, 2016;Whitley, Coble, & Jewell, 2016); and four studies were specific to youth who had disruptions in caregiving as evidence by their placement in the criminal justice systems (Andrews & Andrews, 2003;Parker et al., 2014;Van Hout & Phelan, 2014). Overall, differences in theoretical and methodological approaches emerged across (and to a smaller degree within) these groupings and are discussed in further detail below. ...
... With a less explicit connection between philosophical and theoretical positioning of the research, and a more pronounced disciplinary focus, the work of others both explicitly (Ley et al., 2018) and implicitly (Dyck, 2011;Ratcliff et al., 2002;Sobotova et al., 2016;Spaaij, 2015;Thorpe, 2015Thorpe, , 2016Thorpe & Ahmad, 2015) had influences of social constructionism and interpretivism. For example, both Dyck (2011) and Sobotova et al. (2016) emphasized the importance of understanding locally based practices and knowledge. ...
... With a less explicit connection between philosophical and theoretical positioning of the research, and a more pronounced disciplinary focus, the work of others both explicitly (Ley et al., 2018) and implicitly (Dyck, 2011;Ratcliff et al., 2002;Sobotova et al., 2016;Spaaij, 2015;Thorpe, 2015Thorpe, , 2016Thorpe & Ahmad, 2015) had influences of social constructionism and interpretivism. For example, both Dyck (2011) and Sobotova et al. (2016) emphasized the importance of understanding locally based practices and knowledge. For Dyck, this resulted in utilizing Galtung's distinction between structural and direct violence, and examining disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration theories from a disciplinary perspective (i.e., political science). ...
Article
The purpose of this study was to critically examine the qualitative research on childhood trauma survivors’ experiences of sporting activities. A comprehensive search of health and social science databases, manual journal searches, and contact with experts yielded 7,395 records. Full-text screening resulted in a final sample of 16 studies. Meta-study methodology was used as a diagnostic tool to rigorously analyze the theory, methods, and findings of the included studies. Studies with explicit connections between philosophy, theory, and methodology resulted in a more robust and critical contribution to the literature. There was much diversity in terms of methodological approaches and qualitative methods which was important in revealing the multifaceted nature of experiences in sporting activities following trauma. Findings from the reviewed studies indicated that a sense of belonging, psychological escape, embodied experience, and the physical and social environmental are important considerations in the study of sporting activities for trauma survivors.
... Cárdenas ha documentado los mecanismos de utilización del deporte para la paz (Cárdenas, 2013(Cárdenas, , 2014 y ha propuesto varios trabajos que comparan los programas de deporte para la paz en Colombia con Irlanda del Norte o Filipinas (Cárdenas, 2012(Cárdenas, , 2016. Otros autores también han propuesto análisis sobre cómo puede utilizarse el deporte como herramienta para la paz (Sobotová et al., 2016). ...
... En los tres programas se ha utilizado el deporte (etapas 1 y 2 especialmente) para promover la construcción de la paz, pero también para conectar a los pueblos o comunidades que se han visto afectados por el conflicto (Cárdenas, 2013). En nuestra opinión, este estudio revela nuevos mecanismos para el uso del deporte para la paz (Cárdenas, 2013(Cárdenas, , 2014Sobotová et al., 2016) a través de un objetivo de rendimiento deportivo. Este proceso del programa DDP permitió atraer (Hook), desviar (Diversion), entretener e integrar (Integration) a los jóvenes a través de la marcha olímpica. ...
Article
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Este estudio contribuye al avance del campo de la investigación sobre el deporte para el desarrollo y la paz (DDP) en América Latina y Caribe (ALC). Todavía existen pocos estudios sobre los programas de DDP en esta región y es importante documentar y comprender los impactos de estos programas en los participantes. El presente estudio es el resultado de una investigación colaborativa que tiene como objetivo describir las experiencias y percepciones (1. Describir cómo funciona el programa DDP y 2. Entender y documentar los efectos percibidos del programa DDP) de jóvenes colombianos que participaron en un programa de DDP que los llevo de un club deportivo local hasta los Juegos Olímpicos. Se realizaron 7 entrevistas semiestructuradas a actores clave (administradores, entrenadores y deportistas) que participaron en un programa de formación triple y transversal (local, distrital y nacional) de marcha olímpica desde una comunidad de Bogotá hasta los Juegos Olímpicos. Los resultados permitieron comprender mejor la coordinación, organización e implicación de la comunidad local de Ciudad Bolívar, el Instituto Distrital de Recreación y Deporte y Coldeportes. Las entrevistas mostraron los efectos percibidos por los actores a corto y largo plazo del proceso en su desarrollo, educación, salud y carrera profesional. Se formulan recomendaciones para las organizaciones oficiales de DDP en ALC. Futuros estudios deberían continuar investigando la iniciativa de DDP en ALC para entender cómo el deporte puede ayudar al desarrollo y a la construcción de la paz en esta región.
... Within the "youth" category, five publications gave an age range for at least one SDP project's target demographic: 4-18 year olds [62], 5-17 year olds [51], [9][10][11][12][13] year olds [63], under-10s plus 10-12year olds [64], and 12-15 year olds [65]. Two referred to teenagers or adolescents [53,66]. ...
... There was a strong focus on the experience of the authors of the studies (as researchers, and/or volunteers) (9), including the autoethnographic study and the PSIR study, as well as some narrative work based on personal experiences. Only a few publications directly engaged with the beneficiaries of programmes, the former child-soldiers of Sierra Leone [60], Liberia [43], or under-privileged, internally displaced youth of the Soacha municipality in Colombia [62]. The self-awareness of authors and wariness of potential for neo-colonial/patronising intervention fits with the discussions around involvement/engagement of local community actors (cf. ...
Article
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The term peacebuilding has gained traction in academic works since introduction in the 1960s. In recent decades, sport for development and peace (SDP) has also captured the interest of the academic community, with a growing field of work. This scoping review identifies and considers the academic literature on SDP projects deployed as peacebuilding tools in post-conflict communities, to gain a greater understanding of those projects and draw inferences from them collectively. Using strict inclusion criteria, results of database searches were narrowed down to 30 publications, which the review explored through comparing the publications and their findings, to reveal the range of disciplines this research is emerging from, the countries projects are operating in, the demographics targeted, and other key data. The resulting conclusion is that there is scope for more targeted studies to clarify specific demographics to include, whether there is an ideal age to engage with youth, or an optimal timeframe for involvement. Many of the publications reference the importance of being part of broader initiatives, but the best context in which to utilise sport, and how much of an impact is being made on the wider communities, is yet to be determined.
... 495). Others have reported that spaces in which sport is available provide for higher levels of security and be- longing for youth enduring war and conflict (Sobotová;Šafaříková, & Martínez, 2016). As can be seen in Fig. 2, increased capacity can be created within these spaces, particularly when youth are able to en- hance their social capital . ...
... 495). Others have reported that spaces in which sport is available provide for higher levels of security and be- longing for youth enduring war and conflict (Sobotová;Šafaříková, & Martínez, 2016). As can be seen in Fig. 2, increased capacity can be created within these spaces, particularly when youth are able to en- hance their social capital . ...
... These include unhealthy practices that can be normalized and tolerated (Alexander et al., 2011;Papaefstathiou, Rhind and Brackenridge, 2013;Stirling and Kerr, 2009), a high tolerance of random incidents of violence, and the presence of reward structures for overly aggressive behaviour, which are especially prevalent in competitive sports (Vertommen et al., 2016). Furthermore, sport can also be linked with negative impacts such as hooliganism, doping and drugs or alcohol ( Sobotová et al., 2016) and can contribute to the escalation of conflicts (Schulenkorf, 2010;Sugden, 2008), particularly through the promotion of narratives of masculine resilience (Smith, 2013), although this may vary by type of sport practised (Mutz, 2012). ...
Book
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... Especialmente en los últimos 15 años tanto la comunidad internacional, como diferentes entes deportivos nacionales e internacionales, gobiernos y organizaciones no gubernamentales, universidades y escuelas han reconocido y aprovechado cada vez más el poder del deporte como medio para promover el desarrollo y la paz (Beutler, 2008;Kidd, 2008). Se ha demostrado que el uso sistemático y coherente del deporte puede hacer una contribución importante a la salud pública, la educación universal, la igualdad de género, la reducción de pobreza, la prevención del VIH y SIDA y otras enfermedades, la sostenibilidad ambiental, así como la consolidación de la paz y la resolución de conflictos (Beutler, 2008;Sobotová, Šafaříková, & González, 2016). ...
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The academic field of international development is characterized by often intense debates between competing perspectives which influence debate and therefore strategy and policy in the international development policy-making field (Hettne, 1995).2 For example, Rostow (1960) was both a leading modernization theorist and senior administrator in post 1945 US administrations. Likewise, neo-liberal theorists and strategists significantly influence the work of major development agencies such as the World Bank and governments in some high income countries. This is an important point to note for those operating in, or assessing, sport-in-development because they occasionally need to engage with these debates in order to better understand how sport-in-development might be perceived, especially in highlighting its potential weaknesses and limitations.
Chapter
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Chapter
This chapter is based on extensive fieldwork in Africa and India to develop a user-friendly monitoring and evaluation manual for UK Sport and UNICEF (Coalter, 2006).1 The chapter explores issues relating to the intersection of two recent policy developments. Firstly, the dramatically increased growth in interest in the role of sport in international development (see section 1.2) and the often rhetorical and grandiose claims made for sport’s contribution — ranging from individual self-esteem via the strengthening of communities to creating the conditions for conflict resolution and peace. For example, at the World Sport’s Forum in March 2000 Louise Fréchette, the UN Deputy Secretary General, stated that: The power of sports is far more than symbolic. You are engines of economic growth. You are a force for gender equality. You can bring youth and others in from the margins, strengthening the social fabric. You can promote communication and help heal the divisions between peoples, communities and entire nations. You can set an example of fair play. Last but not least, you can advocate a strong and effective United Nations (United Nations, 2000: 4).
Chapter
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Chapter
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Chapter
Young people in all countries are both a major human resource for development and key agents for social change, economic development and technological innovation. Their imagination, ideals, considerable energies and vision are essential for the continuing development of societies in which they live. The problems that young people face as well as their vision and aspiration are essential components of the challenges and prospects of today’s societies and future generations.2
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The multiple forms of violence associated with protracted conflict disproportionately affect young people. Literature on conflict-affected children often focuses on the need to provide stability and security through institutions such as schools but rarely considers how young people themselves see these sites as part of their everyday lives. The enduring, pervasive, and complex nature of Colombia’s conflict means many young Colombians face the challenges of poverty, persistent social exclusion, and violence. Such conditions are exacerbated in ‘informal’ barrio communities such as los Altos de Cazucá, just south of the capital Bogotá. Drawing on field research in this community, particularly through interviews conducted with young people aged 10 to 17 this article explores how young people themselves understand the roles of the local school and ngo in their personal conceptualisations of the violence in their everyday lives. The evidence indicates that children use spaces available to them opportunistically and that these actions can and should be read as contributing to local, everyday forms of peacebuilding. The ways in which institutional spaces are understood and used by young people as ‘sites of opportunity’ challenges the assumed illegitimacy of young people’s voices and experiences in these environments.
Article
This article explores how mental mapping can be used as a critical methodology for feminist migration studies. In a case study of female marriage migrants who settle in rural areas in South Korea from other Asian countries, I attempt to develop mental mapping to supplement verbal interviews. Mental maps of hometowns and current neighborhoods drawn by my interviewees represent their geographical imaginations and complex identity negotiations that mirror the change in their social locations. In order to understand multilayered meanings embedded in the images and the way in which power relations existent between the researcher and the researched affect the map production, I suggest a critical reading of the maps. The article shows how a reflexive and intertextual reading makes a difference to the interpretation of the maps. It argues that the maps are not mere reflections of the women's cognition, but rather socially constructed texts through which their desires, emotions, feelings and internal contradictions are expressed and negotiated. My research suggests that mental mapping, if ethically performed and critically evaluated, has potential as a means to convey the unheard voices of the marginalized to diverse audiences.
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This is the second in a series of three articles that considers the relationship between sport and furthering international development assistance. The first highlighted a significant growth in this relationship, yet evaluation of sport-for-development was criticized for being insufficient. This article therefore details the current level of evaluation of sport-for-development and highlights the approaches used whilst contextualizing it against the evaluation debate in development studies. The picture that emerges is that considerable evaluation is being conducted, particularly of programmes that have won plaudits. They tend to employ a positivist logical framework either by itself or as part of a blended methodology with some instances of participatory methods also. Concerns expressed about these approaches in the general development literature are traced in sport-for-development evaluation.
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This article analyzes young Canadian volunteer interns’ encounters with sociocultural difference within the Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) movement. Using Foucauldian bio-power, Third Wave, or transnational feminism and Hardt and Negri’s Empire, it examines how interns interpreted difference as markers of underdevelopment which secured the focus of the SDP movement on the underdevelopment of others. Following the Empire framework, this bio-political regulation centered on the corporeal and the somatic, key elements of the sporting experience, and drew on social interpretations of race and its intersections with gender and class. While interns offered some critical perspectives, the results corroborate recent analyses of international development in which neoliberal logic sustains the focus of development on the “conduct of conduct” and largely at the expense of attending to broader issues of inequality.
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The authors conducted a preliminary empirical test of the claim—dismissed by most scholars—that midnight basketball programs lower city-level crime rates. Results show cities that were early adopters of officially sanctioned midnight basketball leagues experienced sharper decreases in property crime rates than other American cities during a period in which there was broad support for midnight basketball programs. Although likely associated with a variety of confounding factors, these rather-surprising results suggest the need to reevaluate the deterrent effects of popular sports- and recreation-based prevention programs with a new emphasis on more diffuse, indirect mechanisms such as positive publicity and community trust. Further substantiation and refinement of these ideas could significantly reshape how these popular and wellestablished initiatives are implemented and evaluated.
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The use of sport in pursuit of international development goals is broadening, with widespread policy support for sports-based programmes that promote social, educational and health goals. Academic assessment has however been more critical, posing searching questions about the paucity of evidence that justifies the use of sport in these roles. Recent growth in evaluation studies has increased the evidence-base but carries some risks of privileging positivist forms of knowledge and fails to engage with issues surrounding decolonization of research.1 This essay suggests that reflexive qualitative studies that capture authentic local knowledge can help address both of these issues, illustrating this through an exploratory study conducted with young women and adult sport workers involved in a ‘successful’ community-based sports programme in Delhi, India (n = 38). It is argued that the form of data obtained can enhance academic understanding and assist in the process of decolonization of sport-in-development research.
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Football for Peace (F4P) is a joint University of Brighton and British Council initiative that aims to use values‐based football coaching to build bridges between neighbouring Jewish and Arab towns and villages in Israel, and in doing so make a modest contribution to the Peace Process in this most troubled of regions. The work of F4P seeks to make pragmatic and incremental grass‐roots interventions into the sport culture of Israel, helping to build bridges between otherwise divided communities and at the same time make a contribution to political/policy debates around sport in the region. Specifically its fourfold aims are to: provide opportunities for social contact across community boundaries; promote mutual understanding; engender in participants a desire for, and commitment to, peaceful coexistence; and enhance soccer skills and technical knowledge. The following essay overviews the history and development of the project before focussing on the 2005 initiative and the aborted 2006 project.
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Most people will accept the contention that sport has an ideological site. Indeed sport might be considered as the broadest cultural denomination in many nations, capable of creating and sustaining a sense of identity and belonging crucial to national integration. Expressions around sport and, in this instance, specifically Association Football (soccer) appeal to individuals supportive of a variety of ideological perspectives. Thus, the pursuit of any understanding of the game has to be sought with reference to culturally specific power relations. The role that football can play in both the construction of national identity and the rehabilitation of the former militia in a war-damaged society is the focus of this ethnographic inquiry. The location is Liberia, West Africa, beginning in 1998, a year after the election that marked the end of almost a decade of civil conflict.
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Crime and violence in Latin America and the Caribbean have been growing rapidly and have enormous social costs. This paper discusses the implications for growth and development. An assessment is made of the current incidence of crime and violence in the region, then some of the key relationships between crime, violence and development are discussed and an attempt is made to focus on a number of policy areas which demand greater attention if the adverse effects of crime and violence on development are to be lessened. It is concluded that they could be reduced or prevented by improving data, reducing urban poverty, targeting programmes on vulnerable groups, building social capital, strengthening local government capacity to fight crime and by reforming the criminal justice system and professionalizing the forces of public order. Formidable challenges stand in the way of improvement, but without bold action crime and violence threaten to become the main obstacles to the realization of the region's aspirations for sustainable economic and social growth.
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Reconciliation is about bringing disparate communities together and creating the communication necessary to reduce intergroup barriers, generate understanding, and connect with others to achieve a peaceful togetherness. This article investigates the role of sport events in contributing to reconciliation and inclusive social change between disparate communities in ethnically divided Sri Lanka. Following an interpretive mode of enquiry, findings suggest that if strategically designed, sport events allow the establishment of interpersonal friendships and the creation of inclusive social identities along national lines, organizational lines, common interests and imagined factors. Events can create ‘momenta of togetherness’ for members of disparate ethnic groups and as such may contribute to positive social change and a sense of imagiNation. While sport events provide a starting point, booster and catalyst for positive social change and development on a community level, they need to be integrated into a larger agenda of socio-political support to make a significant contribution to reconciliation and peace in divided societies.
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This article explores the almost evangelical policy rhetoric of the sports-for-development ‘movement’ and the wide diversity of programmes and organizations included under this vague and weakly theorized banner. It is suggested that, although the rhetoric of sport as a human right has provided some rhetorical and symbolic legitimation for sport-for-development initiatives, the recent dramatic increase in interest reflects broader changes in the aid paradigm, reflecting perceived failures of top-down economic aid and an increased concern with issues of human and social capital, as well as the strengthening of civil society organizations. In this context the presumed ability of sport to offer an economy of solutions to a wide range of development problems led the United Nations, with the encouragement of a vociferous sport-for-development lobby, to turn to the world of sport in an effort to achieve its Millennium Development Goals. While there is a certain theoretical logic to some of the policy assertions about the contribution of sport to aspects of development, it is argued that the new approaches contain a number of dangers: confusing potential micro-level individual outcomes with community and broader macro-level impacts; ignoring wider socio-political contexts within which sport-for-development organizations have to operate; seeking to solve broad gauge problems via limited focus interventions; and encouraging mission drift by sport-for-development organizations wholly dependent on aid from a variety of aid agencies, with often overly ambitious non-sporting agendas. It is argued that if sport-for-development is to make a contribution to wider processes of development there is a need to ‘de-reify’ the rhetoric of sport-for-development and its implicit view of sport, and to view research and evaluation in terms of local programme development rather than the legitimation of international organizations and lobbies.
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The literature on the adaptation of international migrant populations to host societies has consistently relied on comparative studies among natives, voluntary migrants and/or forced migrants. Although this approach has been widely used due to the availability of comparative data in countries of destination, it has been rarely used in the study of internally displaced populations and their adaptation to predominantly urban host communities. This article provides a comparative analysis of the labour adaptation of internally displaced persons into formal and informal labour markets. It uses data from an experimental census collected in a municipality with high prevalence of internally displaced persons located in the metropolitan area of Bogota, Colombia. Results from the analysis indicate that internally displaced persons are more likely to be unemployed and more likely to be employed in the informal sector of the economy relative to non-migrants and voluntary migrants. In addition, the probability of employment in the formal sector for the internally displaced decreases over time. The analysis also incorporates gender differences in household composition and household headship across groups with diverse migration experiences. The findings indicate the need for public policies that improve the employment opportunities of the internally displaced populations and other vulnerable populations in urban areas of resettlement.
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There is a widespread belief that sport (broadly defined) has the power to make ‘society’ more equal, socially cohesive and peaceful. The potential of sport as a tool for development and peace is being harnessed by an ever-expanding range of organizations at local, national and international levels, engaging in ever-evolving public-private partnerships. Whether a transnational corporation committed to corporate social responsibility, an international aid organization pursuing the Millennium Development Goals or a grassroots non-governmental organization (NGO) seeking to meet the everyday needs of disadvantaged communities in the Global South, it is increasingly common to herald sport as ‘a new engine of development’ 1 and social development through sport as a ‘new social movement’. 2 A typical statement representing the aspirations of this movement stresses how: Through sport and physical education, individuals can experience equality, freedom and a dignifying means for empowerment, particularly for girls and women, for people with a disability, for those living in conflict areas and for people recovering from trauma. 3 This heralding of sport as an agent of personal and social change has, of course, not gone unchallenged. It is by now commonplace to point to the absence of ‘hard’ evidence needed to ‘test’ whether and how sport programmes actually work, to criticize the shortcomings of ‘anecdotal evidence’, and to stress the need for better monitoring and evaluation of ‘sportfor-development’ programmes. 4 Aside from methodological considerations, there is a danger that social development through sport is imposed on disadvantaged communities in a top-down manner, lacking community engagement and shared ownership. 5 Instead, sport-for-development programmes should be participatory, promote self-reliance and empowerment, use indigenous understandings and knowledge, take an interest in both the means and ends of development, and be concerned with ethical and moral issues as well as practicalities. One of the cornerstones of alternative development in the Global South, in which local NGOs play a critical role, is the belief that the state is often part of the problem and that alternative development should occur outside, and perhaps even against, the state. 6 This alternative perspective is directly at odds with mainstream approaches to development through sport which promote ‘linked-up’ partnerships between states, international NGOs, transnational corporations and international organizations such as the United Nations, UNICEF or FIFA. For example, the Sport for Development and Peace International Working Group posits that the future of sport as an instrument for development and
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It is the ability to combine sport with other social forces such as education that has facilitated an increased profile for sport with international aid and humanitarian organizations. This article recognizes the role that sport has to play in the field of international development, the promise and possibilities brought about by presidential elections in the United States of America and the distinct poverty traps that some countries continue to face. The lack of growth in those countries that make up the bottom billion of the world's poorest people requires particular strategies for particular circumstances and it is open to question as to whether sport can bring about change or be a resource of hope. Improving life chances requires a coordinated effort and as such any contribution that sport can make must also build upon a wider coalition of sustained support in order to narrow the gap between rich and poor. In a substantive way this article, drawing upon international evidence, notes the potential of education through sport to help with influencing life chances, if not levels of poverty, in the world today.
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This paper discusses findings from a development policy discourse analysis that was conducted using six key sport for development and peace (SDP) policy documents. The research was guided by a theoretical framework combining postcolonial theory and actor-oriented sociology in order to critically analyse SDP policies. Based on this analysis, three theses are proposed: (1) SDP policies are unclear, circuitous and are underpinned by political rationalities; (2) coordinated and coherent SDP policy approaches between the One-Third World and Two-Thirds World suggest that ‘partnership’ is possibly akin to ‘developmental assimilation’; and (3) SDP policy models are wedded to the increasingly neoliberal character of international development interventions. Proposals for future research on SDP include an increase in the use of: (1) anthropological perspectives to uncover how those on the ‘receiving end’ of SDP policies are influenced and challenged by taking up the solutions and techniques prescribed for them; and (2) postcolonial perspectives that re-orient questions and concerns towards the Eurocentric standpoints couched in development policies, and asks scholars to uncover how power relations, authority and influence are embedded in the social processes of policy-making. The article concludes by arguing that SDP policies are messy, unpredictable, ambiguous and, at times, contradictory.
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Sport for Development and Peace (sdp) has been adopted as a ‘development tool’ by Western development practitioners and a growing number of development organisations. Sport is frequently referred to as a ‘global language’ and used to promote international awareness and cross-cultural understanding—two key themes in global citizenship literature. In this paper I examine the language adopted by organisations promoting sdp—specifically, what sdp organisations say they do as well as the nature and implications of their discourses. Drawing on a large and growing body of literature on global citizenship and post-structuralism, and on post-colonial critiques, I argue that sdp narratives have the potential to reinforce the ‘Othering’ of community members in developing countries and may contribute to paternalistic conceptions of development assistance. In so doing, they weaken the potential for more inclusive and egalitarian forms of global citizenship. The article examines the discourse of sdp organisational material found online and analyses it in the context of broader sport and colonialism literature. The work of SDP organisations is further examined in relation to global citizenship discourse with a focus on the production— and projection—of global subjects, or objects of globalisation, and what this means for development ‘beneficiaries’.
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In the burgeoning field of sport and development, ‘role models’ have been invoked as an important element to increase the participation of girls and women in sport. Grounded in the African sport-in-development experience and in a case study of Zambian women's sports and the boxer, Esther Phiri, this essay examines the discourse around the use of ‘role models’ and begins to elaborate a theory around the use of this hitherto elusive notion specifically in the experience of sport-in-development projects and programmes which have gender-specific outcomes. We consider how role models may function to encourage and sustain female involvement, as well as to contribute to achieving goals set for sport and development projects, including (positively) altering gender roles and expectations. We conclude with a look towards promising areas of future research as well as a critical reflection on the limits of role models as a tool, especially given real-world intrusions.
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African countries are increasingly engaging in bidding wars to host sport mega-events. To date, however, not much analysis has been done of African countries' involvement in the growing global mega-events enterprise. Little is also known of the broader political character and consequences of events and bid campaigns in the international system. This article investigates these aspects through a comparative analysis of the bid processes of South Africa and Morocco for the 2006 and 2010 Soccer World Cup. It explores the internal (domestic) and external (international) elements of their legitimating narratives and promotional rhetoric and how these played out in their international relations. Both countries made extensive use of an ideological and emotive posturing of 'Africa'. Against the background of the generally tenuous position the continent occupies in the wider international system, and of its overwhelmingly negative representation, the two countries' replication of neocolonial ties and use of postcolonial rhetoric both aided and hampered their bid campaigns. Overall, competitions to host mega-events occur on an unequal basis which, for African countries, is worsened by very unfavourable positioning in the international arena.
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This article critically discusses the use of movement, games and sport in cooperation for development, in post conflict rehabilitation and in the context of violence, disaster and conflict. Pointing out the ambivalent nature of sport and its limitations, we conclude that, if we really want to achieve an impact through movement, games and sport, we should use them as tools with concrete strategies according to specific goals, local context and based on the interests, needs and leadership of the participants. In addition, we argue that in psychosocial intervention, sport is even more powerful combined with other movement, educational or therapeutic methods, and interventions. In spite of a few interesting evaluation and research projects, which we discuss briefly in this article, we still generally lack knowledge about the effects of the applied strategies. Nevertheless, we conclude that there are some possible key factors and basic aspects to contribute to the development of pertinent and effective projects using the potential of movement, games and sport in psychosocial interventions within cooperation for development. We also highlight the importance of the relationship with, and between, the participants and the active, dynamic and participatory character of the intervention.
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Recent political and policy concerns with social inclusion, civic renewal and 'joined up' government have placed debates about social capital at the centre of a number of areas of social policy. In this context increasing demands are being made of sport to contribute to this broader social regeneration agenda. This essay explores the nature of sport's presumed contribution, in particular the contribution of sports clubs to the development of types of capital, especially social capital. It concludes that it is not clear what contribution sports clubs can play in this agenda, that the new policy agenda carries dangers of undermining the nature and strengths of the voluntary sector in sport and that more research is required to explore the processes of social capital formation in sports clubs.
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By 2030 more than sixty percent of the world's population will live in urban areas, with most of the world’s population growth over the next twenty-five years being absorbed by cities and towns in low and middle income countries. What are the consequences of this shift? Demographic pressure already strains the capacity of local and national governments to manage urban change. Today, nearly one billion people live in slums, and in the absence of significant intervention that number is set to double in the next two decades. Will our future be dominated by mega-cities of poverty and despair, or can urbanization be harnessed to advance human and economic development? Cities and Development provides a critical exploration of the dynamic relationship between urbanism and development. Highlighting both the challenges and opportunities associated with rapid urban change, the book surveys: the historical relationship between urbanization and development the role cities play in fostering economic growth in a globalizing world the unique characteristics of urban poverty and the poor record of interventions designed to tackle it the complexities of managing urban environments; issues of urban crime, violence, war and terrorism in contemporary cities the importance of urban planning, governance and politics in shaping city futures. This book brings into conversation debates from urban and development studies and highlights the strengths and weaknesses of current policy and planning responses to the contemporary urban challenge. It includes research orientated supplements in the form of summaries, boxed case studies, development questions and further reading. The book is intended for senior undergraduate and graduate students interested in urban, international and development studies, as well as policy-makers and planners concerned with equitable and sustainable urban development.