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Governmentality The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality
... Las consideraciones que presentamos, derivan y se apoyan en diferentes andamiajes teóricos, por ejemplo: la teoría del actor red propuesta por Latour (2001) en diferentes obras; la perspectiva emergentista contemporánea de Deacon (2013); las ideas de Guattari (1996) y la psicología discusiva (Edwards y Potter, 1992;Íñiguez, 2012) y los estudios de la gubernamentalidad (Burchell et al., 1991;Foucault, 1991;Rose, 2019). ...
... Se trata más bien, de amplificar las posibilidades de comprensión sobre el funcionamiento de los elementos que se vinculan a los procesos de transformación que, a nivel de lo subjetivo, operan en los procesos de construcción de memoria histórica. En este sentido, los estudios de la gubernamentalidad ofrecen una variedad de elementos teórico-conceptuales, así como herramientas metodológicas 20 que aportarían a estudiar la memoria histórica con dicho propósito; sin embargo, ello implica entender y admitir, la existencia de una forma singular de gobierno sobre la memoria, que se ejerce sobre un segmento singular de la población.La llamada analítica de la gubernamentalidad (Castro-Gómez, 2010) puede desplegarse, siguiendo aFoucault (1991), sobre cualquier campo que incluya una experiencia fundamental que se encuentre intervenida por el arte de gobierno. Para ser más precisos, el arte de gobierno no incluye de manera directa prácticas violentas para conducir a las poblaciones, sino que ha de implementar otro tipo de prácticas que, orientadas por un modo particular de racionalidad, han de generar condiciones de aceptabilidad en los gobernados; aquí operan las tecnologías gubernamentales, que incluyen el uso de un saber puntual (académico, científico, etc.) sobre el que fundamentan su acción; en este sentido, estas "no buscan simplemente determinar la conducta de los otros, sino dirigirla de un modo eficaz, ya que presuponen la capacidad de acción (libertad) de aquellas personas que deben ser gobernadas" (Castro-Gómez, 2010, p. 39). ...
La subjetividad es una categoría de estudio y análisis frecuente en la psicología contemporánea, luego de los trabajos posestructuralistas desde la década de los años 90 del siglo XX. Marca una distinción frente a constructos tradicionales como personalidad, carácter o temperamento, ante los cuales se distingue en las condiciones o contenidos permanentes en la definición psicológica de un sujeto. La subjetividad es ante todo un producto en permanente consolidación, deconstrucción y organización, derivado de todas y cada una de las relaciones socio-materiales que tienen los individuos. La subjetividad siempre se define en una condición temporal y nunca pretende definir una teleología específica, porque el devenir relacional es variable de la misma forma que la relevancia de los elementos con los que se toma contacto; esta comprensión de la configura-ción del sujeto marca una forma específica desde la psicología social que, con esta propuesta, retoma su condición teórica acerca de la condición relacional de la psicología. En este panorama el estudio de la subjetividad no ha sido rico, más allá del uso extendido de la categoría, lo cual deja muchas preguntas acerca de su condición académica frente a la disertación filosófica. Al abordar la subjetividad como objeto de investigación, se corre el riesgo de atender un asunto que siempre dejará la incompletud como resultado debido a su carácter móvil, además de la gran cantidad de contenidos relacionales que han configurado.
... In his work, Foucault also introduced the concept of "governmentality" to discuss the comprehensive nature of governance, as an authoritative attempt to regulate the behavior. The term "governmentality" (Foucault, 1991(Foucault, , 2000 refers to institutions' endeavours to shape individual behavior through various forms of regulation and intervention (Dean, 2009). A governmentality analysis focuses on how individuals are subjected to various processes and become objects of knowledge within specific historical contexts (Nicoll and Fejes, 2008). ...
In this study we draw on Foucault’s work on governmentality and examine the power dynamics involved in establishing and implementing policies that promote equality in European higher education. Using a qualitative case study design, we selected 17 public universities situated in 13 European countries, from which we collected information about (1) the way these institutions problematize inequality in reference to participation in higher education, by labeling and categorizing vulnerable students and (2) the modes of governing and power tools (designed as support measures) they employ to address inequality. The results of the study show that the most typical profiles of vulnerability with which the universities in the sample engage include: students with disabilities, students from low-income backgrounds and students with children. Additionally, most universities use targeted support measures (as opposed to mainstreaming strategies) which consist in a mix of financial aid and support and adaptation services. The critical analysis of these measures reveals their power to shape students’ identifies and actions, through processes of subjectification, categorization, normalization and responsabilization. In the last section, we discuss the tension that appears between the European universities’ social dimension and the neoliberal policies that shape their functioning.
... governmentality, fr. gouvernementalité), inspirert av arbeida til Michel Foucault (1991Foucault ( , 2002sjå også Dean, 2010;Gordon, 1991). Rusførebygging kan i dette perspektivet verte forstått som ei av mange manifesteringar av styringsformer i seinmoderne liberale samfunn, der målet er å leie individ mot ynskjeleg livsførsel og optimaliserte livsval. ...
Denne teoretisk-empiriske artikkelen har to føremål. For det fyrste vil artikkelen utmynte eit diskursorientert teoretisk rammeverk for å analysere rusførebygging i skulen som eit pedagogisk-politisk fenomen. For det andre prøver artikkelen rammeverket ut i ein empirisk analyse av medietekstar om rusførebygging i skulen. Forskingsspørsmål for artikkelen er: Korleis vert rusførebygging i skulen diskursivt forma i medieoffentlegheita? Diskursar om rusførebygging i skulen vert teoretisk omgrepsgjorde som høvesvis aktivering av bestemte kulturhistoriske grunnbilete av barn og unge og legitimering av ulike førebyggingsteknologiar. Det empiriske materialet utgjer 29 medietekstar frå perioden januar 2020 til november 2023. Desse vert analyserte med blikk på korleis rusførebygging i skulen vert ulikt diskursivt forma etter kva bilete som vert aktivert, og teknologi som vert legitimert. Tre diskursar vert identifiserte gjennom analysen, høvesvis den kontrollerte eleven (dionysisk grunnbilete: barn og unge er fødde ville, førebyggingsteknologi: disiplinering), den inkluderte eleven (apollinsk grunnbilete: barn og unge er naturleg gode, førebyggingsteknologi: etablering av fellesskap for vekst og tilhøyrsle) og den opplyste eleven (athensk grunnbilete: barn og unge er naturleg rasjonelle, førebyggingsteknologi: formidling av balansert informasjon). Analysen gjer synleg korleis rusførebygging i skulen tangerer både pedagogikk og politikk, og artikkelen diskuterer funna i ljos av pedagogiske grunnlagsproblem og politisk makt. English abstract School-Based Drug Prevention as a Discursively Shaped Pedagogical-Political Phenomenon This theoretical-empirical article has two aims. First, to outline a discourse oriented theoretical framework for analyzing school-based drug prevention as a pedagogical-political phenomenon. Second, to try out the framework in an empirical analysis of media texts thematizing drug prevention in schools. The research question for the article is: How is school-based drug prevention discursively shaped in the media public sphere? Discourses on school-based drug prevention are theoretically conceptualized as activating cultural images of children and youths and as legitimizing prevention technologies. The empirical material consists of 29 media texts from the period January 2020 to November 2023, which are analyzed with attention to how drug prevention in schools is discursively shaped. Three discourses are identified: the controlled student (Dionysian image: children and youths are born wild, prevention technology: discipline), the included student (Apollonian image: children and youths are naturally good, prevention technology: establishing communities for growth and belonging), and the enlightened student (Athenian image: children and youths are naturally rational, prevention technology: communicating balanced information). The analysis shows how school-based drug prevention is entangled with pedagogy and politics, and the findings are discussed in light of foundational questions in education and political power.
... See the criticism of Habermas and the historians to learn why they used the public sphere so eagerly (Mah 2000). Also, unlike Habermas, Foucault considered these spheres as places under the surveillance of the power, and with modernization, the power began to take control of people's daily lives (Foucault 1991(Foucault , 1995. 16 Republic of Cyprus Statistical Service, census of 1911, www.cystat.gov.cy 17 Rüger explains what insularity meant for the British, especially in the 19 th century, and he stresses that insularity meant freedom and protection from foreign rulers for the British. ...
This article offers a nuanced examination of the complex identity dynamics among the Christian and Muslim communities in Cyprus during the late 19 th and early 20 th century, particularly in the aftermath of British administration replacing Ottoman rule in 1878. The article draws attention to the profound impact of this historical transition on the identity formation processes of both communities. Despite the shared wartime experience of the First World War, the Christian and Muslim communities in Cyprus failed to construct a cohesive identity rooted in their common geographical space. Drawing on Zygmunt Bauman’s concept of ambivalence, the article explores the complex process by which Cypriot communities sought to align their identity with larger nations, namely Greece and Turkey, rather than grounding it in their local context. The article contends that the genesis of their ambivalence can be traced back to 1878 when British administration replaced Ottoman rule on the island.
... Yet, because many of these systems were visually disorderly and illegible to the state, the scientific gaze viewed them as backward and unproductive and sought to reorder and replace them-and the 'backward' people associated with them were to be transformed into 'rational', 'modern' human beings (Adas, 1989;Bhattacharya, 2019). This re-ordering also made them more visible to the state and easier to tax (Scott, 1998;Foucault, 1991;Mitchell, 2002). ...
There is increasing recognition within disaster research and practice that Indigenous cultural technologies may be drawn on to strengthen disaster risk reduction. This rapid review presents an emic and discursive analysis of Indigenous emergency management noted in disaster research literature between January 2000 and July 2022. There is a limited body of peer-reviewed research literature that specifically discussed Indigenous Peoples’ engagement with emergency management. Review findings indicate that Indigenous knowledges and practices are shaping emergency management initiatives locally, regionally and nationally. Yet epistemological tensions between Western European science and Indigenous understandings of emergency management have impacted effective uptake of Indigenous knowledges within disaster science and emergency management sectors. Despite challenges due to deeply embedded colonial practices worldwide, there are opportunities for the advancement of Indigenous Peoples to have greater autonomy in emergency management research, policy and practice.
This article explores the impacts of the neoliberal university on Australian social work education and academics. It presents a critical analysis of empirical data derived from a national qualitative study involving 30 interviews with Australian social work educators. In particular, it discusses the rise of managerial-administrative control within universities, the impacts on teaching and curriculum (including the emergence of student consumer culture), the implications for research (which, like education, is funnelled away from a critical agenda) and the adverse impacts on social work academics’ workloads, their collegiality and their health and well-being. Findings are discussed in the context of changes by the Australian Association of Social Workers to the 2024 Australian Social Work Education and Accreditation Standards, which may have serious consequences for social work educators and education if adopted in their current form. Social work academics’ resistance to the neoliberal logic is also briefly explored.
This study examines Waze’s role in Santiago de Chile’s traffic management, emphasising its use in control rooms. Using ethnographic methods, including observations and interviews, the research demonstrates how analysts employ formal and informal data, with Waze playing a central role, in their operational decision-making. The findings illustrate the dual role of Waze: as a tool for enhancing on-the-spot traffic management and as a digital mapping platform that potentially blurs the lines between public interests and private digital platforms. This study contributes to the discussion on smart and platform urbanism by illustrating the dynamic use of digital mapping platforms. It calls for a critical examination of third-party platform partnerships, including Google and Waze, to interrogate the dynamics of digital mapping platforms in urban traffic management and the broader implications in urban governance.
This chapter explores the issue of statelessness through the lens of Hannah Arendt’s political theories, mainly focusing on her concept of the “right to have rights”. By linking Arendt’s critique to the CSR practices of MNEs, the chapter highlights the potential of these entities to mitigate some of the adverse effects of statelessness. Through a critical analysis of Arendt’s work and its relevance to today’s globalised world, the chapter advocates for rethinking human rights frameworks and the role of corporate entities in promoting social justice and equity.
The implementation of governmental policies and initiatives has shown the leading role of the Chinese government in digital transformation and innovation. An overview of key governmental policies and initiatives presents the milestones of digital transformation and innovation in Chinese higher education including the timeline of national policies, national-level projects, and multilateral initiatives in digital transformation and innovation in higher education.
The philosopher Michel Foucault’s theoretical work provides fertile ground to analyse areas of significant concern in researching social work through his development of the ideas of discourse, power/knowledge, surveillance and governmentality. His development of these concepts allows an insight into the function of policy not always apparent in mainstream and contemporary social policy analysis, which has been based on the sociological triumvirate of social class, gender and ‘race’. In this chapter, we can explore how and why these conceptual gifts from Foucault are pertinent to understanding how service users are constructed as objects of social work policy, particularly with respect to contemporary discourses of social welfare and social exclusion.
Michel Foucault has formed an intended awareness that disciplines; institutions and social practices operate according to logics that are at variance with the humanist visions that are assumed to be culturally embedded. In other words, the overt meanings given to activities do not correspond to their overall consequences. This has implications in terms of understanding the social policy as its base is constructed by norms, assumptions power, and they are relative to their time and space.
The key argument advanced in this chapter is that an accelerating interest in elder abuse is central to understanding it as a modern crime as a social phenomenon. It will be argued that the ‘discovery’ of elder abuse legitimises practice in which the social policymakers monitor but does not intervene. This has led to a social situation that has radically transformed crime of its traditional rationale as processing offenders who engage in elder abuse. One intended consequence of these policies has been to transfer the financial and emotional responsibilities for elder abuse to social welfare agencies rather than criminal justice agencies. Such a social policy has found resolution through an emphasis on forms of abuse perpetrated by carers on older service users. This sudden concern for the safety and financial security of older people, who are service users, legitimises a role for welfare professionals when we should be questioning why elder abuse is not seen in the same criminalised way as child abuse.
Over the past 50 years, helping professions in Western culture have been variously seen as an economic and moral cornerstone of contemporary societies as citadels of elitism and monopoly power and, more recently, as a self-disciplinary form of governmentality. The latter perspective encapsulates a more ambivalent position towards professionalisation, insofar as the privileges and status accorded to professionals are dependent on a form of subjugation and reflexive monitoring. Reflecting on Judith Butler’s conception of ‘performativity’, we would argue that the notion has important implications for contemporary debates over agency, subjection and ‘resistance’. In light of technologies of surveillance and control in contemporary social work, performativity offers a framework towards analysing the production of a subjective space based on trust between social workers and service users.
The presence of neoliberal developmentalism is insidious and ubiquitous, and it has naturalized displacement. Odisha, a resource-rich state, has also experienced developmental discontent in the form of displacement, everyday tyranny, resistance, and dispossession. Displacement causes widespread multiple discontent among the local affected people, and it is being resisted in local place-based struggles in Odisha. These kinds of local place-based struggles give birth to many political societies, where they play multiple roles in the struggle. Besides, the resistance has sought the support and solidarity of civil society. The article is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in the Kalinga Nagar Industrial Complex in Odisha, followed by interviews and group discussions with affected and displaced people, civil and political society members, government and industry officials, and other members involved in the movement. Secondary sources of data were collected from newspaper reports, government documents, movement letters, leaflets, pamphlets, booklets, leaders’ affidavits, police FIRs, and personal diaries of leaders. Drawing from Partha Chatterjee’s concepts of political society and civil society, the article locates the roles of political and civil societies in the resistance movement. The article discusses the emergence of political clientelism as an essential element in political society, which also delimited the space of civil society in the resistance movement.
El libro presenta diversos avances investigativos del nodo de psicología social y critica, el cual es un colectivo académico impulsado por la asociación de facultades de psicología existentes en Colombia. Particularmente invitamos a la lectura del capitulo 2, el cual investiga el sentido de comunidad, participación y potenciación comunitaria presentes en un grupo de personas pertenecientes a la ciudad de Barranquilla - Colombia, que tienen entre sus planes a corto plazo mudarse de lugar de residencia. La hipótesis que se establece es que las personas con esta característica experimentan sus niveles de sentido comunitario, participación y empoderamiento bajo.
Risk governance integrates science, social rights, and democratic principles to address risks and uncertainties. It encompasses risk assessment, management, and communication, emphasizing empiricism, public participation, and diverse knowledge systems. Political, cultural, and societal factors shape risk perceptions, requiring multi-actor, polycentric processes. Discursive practices adapt governance to socio-political contexts, particularly in the Global South, where risks are linked to uneven development. Effective risk governance balances scientific rationality with social consensus, fostering inclusive, sustainable approaches to managing technological, environmental, and societal risks. Risk governance transcends instrumental rationality, evolving through economic and social contexts. It is a flexible, multi-stakeholder framework integrating public and private actors, civil society, and non-state entities. Rooted in neoliberal governance and emphasizing shared values, it addresses uncertainties by balancing public perception and institutional action. As a counterbalance to state power, civil society enriches governance through democratic engagement and advocacy. Practical risk governance adapts to complexity, integrating diverse perspectives to ensure resilience, accountability, and inclusivity in managing risks and uncertainties. Risk governance aligns with welfare policies in the global south, emphasizing democratic justice to counter socio-economic exclusions and foster resilience. Risk governance integrates risk assessment, management, and communication within adaptive frameworks addressing systemic risks and uncertainties. Combining institutional theory and polycentric approaches, adaptive governance emphasizes stakeholder participation, social capital, and dynamic responsiveness to disaster and climate challenges. It redefines governance by aligning environmental, economic, and political systems to evolving vulnerabilities and risks.
The introductory chapter problematises the prevalent notion that climate fiction written in North America is about a ‘climate crisis’ and that consuming such fiction can help readers move towards more sustainable futures. The introduction thus observes that the present biospheric crisis has been caused not by humans as a species, but by capitalism as a system and that this crucial fact is elided by many climate narratives. The introduction then argues that much of what has been called climate fiction in fact narrates the ongoing socio-ecological crisis as an emergency for capitalism rather than for the planet. In view of this, a better name for these texts is the American Climate Emergency Narrative. With the help of the world-literature perspective, the introduction explains how this is a type of text that emerges out of the core of the world-system and how it participates in the securitization of this world-system and of the US as its hegemon at a time of planetary socio-ecological crisis.
Access to Information and Privacy (ATIP) requests are becoming an increasingly common method of qualitative inquiry, particularly for critical criminologists in Canada who face barriers in accessing Canadian prisons to conduct research. This article explores the politics of institutional gatekeeping and highlights the ongoing policing of critical criminological knowledge, necessitating the use of ATIP as a data collection method. Two case studies describe the strategies that the authors mobilized to acquire records from the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) when their applications to conduct research inside prisons were denied. The authors argue that while access to information legislation is promoted as allowing for increased accountability and transparency of the government, real transparency is a public myth. This lack of transparency is linked to the ascendancy of administrative criminology in Canada, which ultimately devalues critical research and inhibits information flows in and out of carceral spaces.
In this essay, I discuss my writing of a five-part activist poem, “Private and Confidential,” as a poetic inquiry that functions as a call to action. This poem rewrites/responds to an Iranian governmental memo detailing persecution against followers of the Bahá’í Faith in Iran. In this essay, I document my journey navigating the complex and often competing demands of poetry and politics, trialing writing techniques, and drawing on the work of Seamus Heaney and Michel Foucault. This essay contributes new knowledge to qualitative research concerning (a) the relationship between method and findings, and (b) how to achieve real-world impact.
The chapter is a critical review of the problems and implications of trust and in managing diversity in the British community care system. It is a system in need of strong diversity management in the light of the world economic downturn in recent years. Despite raft of policies on leadership in social care in the UK, the structural issues for why the needs of diverse groups are not met are difficult to understand at particular levels of analysis. The central problem has been lack of “trust.” The chapter detangles the implications of different forms of trust in order to understand care relations. It also introduces personalization and questions if trust is facilitated or surveillance engendered.
The United Nations climate summits—Conferences of the Parties, or COPs—have emerged as important sites to confront fossil fuel incumbents. While new research indicates that least developed countries (LDCs) are challenging incumbents at COPs by calling upon them to phase out fossil fuel, there is limited research on how the coalition of LDCs is strategizing to confront incumbents and their capacity to do so. I address this gap by drawing on 24 interviews with LDCs’ negotiators and observers. Informed by the strategic power perspective and the neo-Gramscian account of power, it identifies three central dynamics in how LDCs contest fossil fuel incumbents. First, negotiators undertake “soft” strategies at negotiations to call upon incumbents to reduce fossil fuel consumption, while observers pursue “hard” tactics at side events to press incumbents to phase out production. Second, the coalition is divided between those countries focused on reducing fossil fuel consumption versus those emphasizing the need for a production phase-out. This split creates disagreement, contestation, and division in the coalition. Finally, the coalition’s capacity to confront incumbents is restrained by three obstacles: fragile strategies, varied interests and fragmentation in the coalition and the G77+ China, and interstate relations between LDCs and incumbents shaped by political economic factors and colonial legacy. The LDCs’ coalition is central to advancing supply-side climate policy in international climate negotiations. Overcoming these divisions and barriers would enhance the coalition's capacity to exert pressure on incumbents, particularly major fossil fuel-producing states.
Social institutions function not only by reproducing specific practices but also by reproducing discourses endowing such practices with meaning. The latter in turn is related to the development of the identities or subjectivities of those who live and thrive within such institutions. Meaning and subjectivity are therefore significant sociological categories involved in the functioning of complex social phenomena such as that of mathematical instruction. The present paper provides a discursive analysis centered on these categories of the influential OECD’s PISA mathematics frameworks. As we shall see, meaning as articulated by the OECD primarily stresses the utilitarian value of mathematics to individuals and to society at large. Furthermore, molding students’ subjectivities towards endorsing such articulation of meaning is emphasized as an educational objective, either explicitly or implicitly, as connected to the OECD’s definition of mathematical literacy. Therefore, the OECD’s discourses do not only serve to reproduce the type of mathematical instruction implied in the organization’s services concerning education, but also concomitantly provide a potentially most effective educational technology through which the demand of these very services may be reproduced.
Scholarship on surveillance and system avoidance posits that populations worried about state punishment are less likely to engage with mainstream societal institutions whose formal records the police can use to monitor their behavior. Less considered in this scholarship is whether and how parenthood mediates rates of involvement in these so-called surveilling institutions among populations sharing a sanctionable status. This chapter examines this dynamic among Latinos in the United States who are disproportionately affected by or targeted for immigration enforcement. I draw on the American Time Use Survey (2003-2018) to estimate Latino U.S.-born citizens', naturalized citizens', and noncitizens' reported rates of involvement in surveilling institutions by parental status. Results from logistic regression models illuminate the mediating role of parenthood for understanding surveillance and system avoidance among U.S. Latinos. Although parents across citizenship statuses report less involvement in surveilling institutions on their own behalf relative to similarly-situated non-parents, accounting for parents' institutional 1 involvement on behalf of their children explains most differences. There is nonetheless patterned variation in parents and non-parents' reported rates of involvement in specific surveilling institutions by citizenship status. I discuss implications for whether and how institutional surveillance is related to inequality. Specifically, I theorize how having children patterns the institutional surveillance parents and non-parents sharing a sanctionable status endure each day.
Previous research on representative bureaucracy has focused on the integration of women and minority groups in public administration with less attention being paid to the challenges faced by differently situated women within specific contexts in getting effectively integrated into public administration. This study addresses this gap by exploring women's participation in local govern-ance in the Northern Region of Ghana, focusing on context-specific disenabling factors and how to undo these. Drawing on the theory of governmentality, we argued that these gendered constraints and norms constitute grave stumbling blocks to women's effective participation in local governance.
This article examines how making mathematics responsive to perceived differences in students’ real-life needs historically produced racializing distinctions in school mathematics. Decentering social actors and their intentions, we analyze pedagogical techniques in social mathematics courses (1930s–1940s) and social justice mathematics education studies oriented to health and civic participation (1990s–). Despite shifts in ethico-political principles—from enlightening to empowering—racializing effects of these pedagogies persist by projecting relative distances between populations and cultural norms of proper living and well-ordered public life. Juxtaposing past and present, we highlight dangers in how pedagogical interventions to improve malleable differences in children and communities also racialize target groups as yet-to-develop the evidence-based reasoning or mathematical consciousness deemed necessary to attain what are imputed as healthy private and public life. We offer ordering pedagogies as an analytical tool to interrogate practices of racialization and to account for inherited regimes of truth operating in mathematics education by scrutinizing how pedagogical practices produce difference—dividing and ordering students along a hierarchy of perceived needs.
When talking about environmental issues, economics is one of the essential topics. Indeed, many would say that contemporary environmental degradations are the cost we have to pay for the economic growth we now enjoy. As policy responds to environmental issues, several economic policies have been introduced in the past half-century. However, are those economic policies sufficient to tackle contemporary environmental issues? Do they promise a sustainable future? The answer to these questions differs among economists. While most orthodox economists would say yes, those so-called heterodox economists would say no and claim that more radical actions are necessary. This chapter takes this divergence between economists seriously and considers how radical thoughts and activities are marginalized from contemporary economic discourse and environmental politics. Finally, I would like to consider ‘the governance for a sustainable future’ critically from the perspective of heterodox economics.
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