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History and politics of national cuisine: Malaysia and Taiwan
... Finally, biological and social sensitivities surrounding food can exclude significant groups within national borders from a shared heritage. 12 What counts as intangible heritage is thus often influenced by domestic and international political economy. The following case study of Milo Dinosaur -a beverage whose identity rests on a brand belonging to Nestlé, the world's largest food company -highlights geographic, custodial and social pressures on the diversity of human experience. ...
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Southeast Asia's built heritage is already world-famous. Meanwhile, interest in the region's intangible cultural heritage has been growing steadily. • As with built heritage, there are significant political, economic, and cultural sensitivities when elevating intangible cultural heritage through state channels within Southeast Asia. This is especially so in the case of food heritage. • Food heritage promotion has usually been associated with preserving traditional 'homemade' items from cultural homogenization and globalization processes. • There has been less attention paid to more recent forms of food heritage in Southeast Asia where multinational corporations influence the identity, ownership and commodification of food from the outset. • The growing popularity across Southeast Asia of the Milo Dinosaur beverage highlights this recent form and its inherent sensitivities.
... The first is linked with the multiculturalism as the Malaysian society officially consists of three main ethnic groups (Malay, Chinese, and Indian) plus a few minority groups. Despite the fact that some common dishes, food components and habits are generally shared among Malaysians, each of the main ethnic groups has its own food culture with its typical dishes and ingredients, dietary taboos and restrictions, dining rituals, form and structure of meals, and symbolic dimensions regarding food, health and the body (Duruz & Khoo, 2014;Hsin-Huang & Khay-Thiong, 2015). The second characteristic is the high frequency of food consumed outside the home by the urban population. ...
The Malaysian society is experiencing and coping with a fast modernization process, which is characterized by a rapid urbanization and rural exodus, an important reduction of the size of households, and the emergence of a new middle class. The Malaysian Food Barometer launched in 2013 has provided better understanding how these macro issues have affected the lifestyles and especially the food habits of the Malaysians. The country has indeed undergone a transition period from under-nutrition to over-nutrition in a few decades, with the prevalence of overweight and obesity having markedly and rapidly increased. A quantitative survey (n = 2000), elaborated from a qualitative preliminary phase, was carried out with the aim of analyzing the transformation of food habits at the national level. The present article focuses on the BMI issue in Malaysia, and investigates its relationships with the socio-demographic variables of the population, as well as their eating patterns. The mean BMI is 23.64 kg/m2, with 9.5% of the sample being obese, and 22% overweight. Strong statistical associations have been identified between BMI and independent variables such as size of the living area, ethnicity, level of education, gender, and age. Contrary to general believe, overweight and obesity were neither associated with the number of food intakes taken per day (including snacks) nor with the frequency of eating out. Nonetheless, obesity is over-represented in people who have dissonant eating behaviors, i.e. who declare having fewer food intakes a day (food norms) than they do actually (food practices). This process testifies that the Malaysians are experiencing a “food transition”, which is linked with socio-economic development.
This article considers the characteristics of the Japanese Empire’s food culture among the colonial empires of world history. It points out that Japanese people have a strong interest in colonial cuisines, such as “Taiwanese cuisine,” “Korean cuisine,” and “Manchurian cuisine.” While Korean cuisine sometimes became an expression of nationalism in the colony, Taiwanese cuisine and Manchurian cuisine were mainly promoted by Japanese colonists. This article considers the whole picture of Manchurian cuisine, in particular, for the first time. In addition, Crown Prince Hirohito (later Emperor Shōwa) tasted Taiwanese cuisine in Taipei in 1923 and food from the Chinese continent in Tokyo on New Year’s Day in 1940. These meals are interpreted as political ceremonies symbolizing the integration of the Japanese Empire.
The Intuitive Eating Scale-2 (IES-2; Tylka & Kroon Van Diest, 2013) is a widely-used measure of facets of intuitive eating. We examined the psychometric properties of a Bahasa Malaysia (Malay) translation of the IES-2 in a sample of Malaysian Malay and Chinese adults (N = 921). Participants completed a Malay translation of the IES-2 along with demographic items and measures of psychological well-being, positive and negative body image, and internalisation of appearance ideals. Exploratory factor analyses (EFAs) with Malay subsamples indicated that IES-2 scores reduced to 4 factors in women and 3 in men, both of which diverged from the parent model. Confirmatory factor analysis failed to confirm the parent 4-factor model, and indices for the EFA-derived models were acceptable but not ideal. Of the models tested, the EFA-derived 3-factor model had the best fit indices. Scores on this model had adequate internal consistency and were invariant across sex and ethnicity, but between-group differences in subscale scores were non-significant or negligible. Evidence of the construct validity of Malay IES-2 scores was mixed, particularly in men. These results lead us to question the degree to which intuitive eating as a construct is applicable to Malaysian populations specifically and non-Western populations generally.
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