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This study examined social influences on 3-year-old children’s decisions to help an experimenter gain another person’s attention (N = 32). Children were slower to help the experimenter when the target had previously expressed disinterest in attending to her. Shy children were less likely to support the experimenter’s attempts to communicate with the target; however, this association was not influenced by children’s knowledge of the target’s disinterest and there was no relation between shyness and children’s support for a separate physical goal. Therefore, young children’s decisions to act helpfully incorporate consideration for others beyond a focal person with an unmet need, and they are further constrained by children’s own comfort with the actions required to help.
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Shyness and social conflict reduce young children’s social helpfulness
Jonathan S. Beier
Brandon F. Terrizzi
Amanda M. Woodward
Emma G. Larson
University of Maryland, College Park
Acknowledgements: We thank Kristen A. Dunfield and Lea R. Dougherty for discussion,
Jody Herron and Casey Trimpin for help with data collection, and the many
undergraduate members of the UMD Lab for Early Social Cognition who contributed to
this work. We thank the children and their parents for their participation.
Corresponding Author Information:
Jonathan S. Beier
Department of Psychology
University of Maryland, College Park
College Park, MD 20742
Email: jsbeier@umd.edu!
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Abstract
This study examined social influences on 3-year-old children’s decisions to help
an experimenter gain another person’s attention (N = 32). Children were slower to help
the experimenter when the target had previously expressed disinterest in attending to her.
Shy children were less likely to support the experimenter’s attempts to communicate with
the target; however, this association was not influenced by children’s knowledge of the
target’s disinterest and there was no relation between shyness and children’s support for a
separate physical goal. Therefore, young children’s decisions to act helpfully incorporate
consideration for others beyond a focal person with an unmet need, and they are further
constrained by children’s own comfort with the actions required to help.
Key words: prosocial behavior, helping, conflict, decision-making, shyness
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Young children regularly help other people. To understand why, researchers
investigate the abilities and motivations underlying their prosocial behavior in different
contexts (Brownell, 2013; Dunfield & Kuhlmeier, 2013; Eisenberg, Spinrad, & Knafo-
Noam, 2015; Martin & Olson, 2015; Paulus, 2014; Warneken & Tomasello, 2009). One
consistent observation is that, during the second year of life, children begin to help others
achieve a variety of physical, action-based goals (Rheingold, 1982; Warneken &
Tomasello, 2006, 2007; Warneken, Hare, Melis, Hanus, & Tomasello, 2007). However, a
focus on the earliest instances of helping may neglect important developments in
children’s understanding of others’ frustrated goals, children’s prosocial motivations, and
the factors that influence their decisions to help.
In particular, adaptive helping decisions should incorporate two key social
considerations. First, how might supporting one person’s goal impact other people? If
doing so would negatively affect others, an action that is helpful to one person may still
be socially inappropriate. Second, would helping incur any personal costs? If others
disapprove of another person’s goal, helpers who support that goal risk negative
evaluation and social sanction. These considerations highlight issues that should
contribute to the subjective value of helping, yet their influence on children’s helping
decisions is unclear. This gap in our knowledge of children’s prosocial decision-making
exists because most investigations of early helping center on children’s support for the
physical goal of an isolated experimenter. Such scenarios minimize potential impacts on
others and risks to the child.
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Beier, Over, & Carpenter (2014) recently demonstrated that young children help
people accomplish goals directed at other people – a form of instrumental helping they
called “social helping”. After observing one person trying unsuccessfully to get the
attention of another individual, 3-year-old children approached the target individual and
redirected her attention back to the experimenter. Children thus provide instrumental
support for others’ social and physical goals. The primary difference between social
helping tasks and more conventional physical helping tasks is the nature of the goal (e.g.,
getting someone’s attention versus obtaining an object).
Because social goals target other people, social helping scenarios naturally
introduce the possibility of social conflict and personal risk to the helper. The target of a
person’s goal may agree or disagree with that goal. But are early social helping decisions
even sensitive to a goal’s compatibility with the preferences of its target? Young children
may lack the cognitive ability or inclination to consider how helping one person might
affect others. Alternatively, the slightest hint of social conflict might suppress children’s
helpfulness altogether. A third possibility is that children register potential social
conflicts, but base their decisions to help on a more nuanced assessment of the costs and
benefits of different actions. No research on early prosocial behavior has examined these
possibilities.
Another challenge of social helping scenarios is that they typically require helpers
to engage with others more extensively than physical helping scenarios do. For example,
encouraging someone to change their behavior may be more intimidating than handing
someone an out-of-reach object. Shy children, who already have heightened concerns
about receiving negative social evaluations, may feel this challenge most acutely. Despite
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ample evidence that temperament is associated with early prosociality (Eisenberg et al.,
2015), however, few studies have specifically assessed the relation between shyness and
helping. The available evidence is mixed: one study found a clear link between
preschoolers’ shyness and physical helping (Stanhope, Bell, & Parker-Cohen, 1987), but
another found that neither social fear nor a shyness/fearfulness composite was related to
toddlers’ physical helping (Gross et al., 2015). Because the risk of negative social
evaluation is highly salient when one must intervene upon a person who is the target of
another person’s social goal, a link between shyness and helping may be more evident in
social helping scenarios. Further, shy children may be particularly reluctant to help when
a goal’s target clearly disagrees with that goal.
To examine these issues, we adapted Beier et al.’s (2014) social helping scenario.
The testing session began with a conventional out-of-reach physical helping opportunity,
followed by a pair of trials in which an experimenter sought the attention of an
unresponsive target individual. In one trial, the reason for the target’s non-response was
ambiguous; she might not have heard the experimenter’s call or she might have been
ignoring it. In the other trial, her disinterest was clear. We also collected caregivers’
reports of children’s shyness.
We had two main sets of hypotheses. First, if children’s social helping decisions
incorporate the preferences of a target individual, they should be less eager to help when
the target is clearly unwilling (for infants’ detection of unwillingness within their own
dyadic interactions, see Behne, Carpenter, Call, & Tomasello, 2005). Second, because
shy children are more sensitive to the personal costs of incurring a negative social
response, we predicted a correlation between shyness and social helpfulness, and we
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expected this association to be stronger when the target individual was more clearly
disinterested in responding to the first experimenter. The physical helping task provided
an opportunity for two secondary considerations. First, to assess the specificity of
shyness’ putative effects on helping, we planned to compare the strengths of associations
between shyness and social versus physical helping. Second, as social helping is a new
area of investigation, if social helping rates were unexpectedly low, we anticipated using
physical helping as a positive check on our sample’s overall prosociality. Providing
continuity with Beier et al. (2014), we tested 3-year-old children.
Methods
Participants
Thirty-two 3-year-old children (12 girls, M = 38 m 4 d, SD = 34 d, range = 35;18
– 40;16) participated. Seven (4 girls) were tested but excluded: 2 due to parental
interference, 3 to child fussiness, and 2 to experimenter error. Children were recruited
from a database of families in the Washington, DC metro area who had volunteered for
research participation. Caregivers identified their children as primarily White (66%) and
Non-Hispanic (86%); family incomes ranged broadly, but the modal income bracket was
above $100,000 yearly.
Procedure
Setup. Two female experimenters played the roles of the Caller and Player.
Figure 1 shows the testing space layout. Caregivers sat in the far corner reading a
magazine, avoiding eye contact and interaction with the child. Four video cameras
recorded the session.
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Design. In a fixed order, children experienced a physical helping opportunity
followed by two social helping opportunities. The relative order of the two social helping
conditions was counterbalanced. The order of physical and social helping tasks was fixed
to preserve the possibility of using physical helping as a positive check on children’s
overall prosociality.
Shyness assessment. Parents completed the 20-item EAS Temperament Survey
for Children (Buss & Plomin, 1984) before the child participated, except for two who did
so 42 and 32 days after their appointments. The scale of interest was Shyness; the 5 items
are listed in Table 1. Internal scale reliability was acceptable, Cronbach’s alpha = .728.
Warm-up period. The session began with warm-up games (catch, toy cars,
placing stickers on each other; M = 6 m 12 s; SD = 106 s). As the warm-up concluded,
the Caller coughed and commented that she was losing her voice, providing a cover for
her later whispering. The Caller got into position for the three helping opportunities by
climbing laboriously over her desk. This emphasized the difficulty of re-entering the play
space.
Physical helping. As the Caller wrote on a piece of paper, the Player and child
looked inside a bin for a new game (2.5 meters from the desk). The Caller surreptitiously
dropped her pen onto the floor and reached for it unsuccessfully. While reaching, she
explained her goal with variations on “My pen!” and “I can’t reach it” for the first 30 s,
with the addition of “I need my pen to write something down!” for another 20 s. If the
child did not spontaneously retrieve the pen after 50 s, the Caller explicitly asked the
child to retrieve it. If the child did not help, the Player ceased searching for a game and
handed the pen to the Caller.
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Social helping. Next, the Caller switched to reading a picture book. The Player
and child played with a puzzle at the center of the room. During this play period, the first
social helping opportunity occurred. When the trial concluded, both experimenters
happily discussed the book for one minute, including the child in the conversation. This
re-established the Player’s interest in interacting with the Caller. Then the Player and
child played with building blocks. After 2 minutes, the Caller initiated the second social
helping opportunity.
In both social helping opportunities, the Caller attempted to get the Player’s
attention to show her images in the book. On both trials, the Caller “whispered”,
providing a possible reason why the Player did not respond (i.e., she did not hear her). In
fact, the Caller’s raspy voice was near regular volume and easily heard by the child. In
the Ambiguous condition, no further explanation for the Player’s non-response was
provided; plausibly, she could either be ignoring the Caller or simply not have heard her.
In contrast, just prior to the Not Interested condition, the Player made her disinterest in
the Caller explicit; thus, there was strong evidence that the Player was ignoring her. The
two trials were identical during the windows in which helping was measured.
This procedure diverged from Beier et al. (2014) in two notable ways. First,
because the current study centered upon a conflict between the Caller and Player, it was
important for them to be equals (previously, the Player was a puppet). Second, to lower
extraneous task demands, the child and Player engaged in parallel play around the same
toys during social helping trials (previously, the child had to disengage from a solo game
to approach the Player).
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Ambiguous (AM) condition. Throughout the test event, the Caller leaned over the
desk and called urgently to the Player, with arm outstretched (Figure 1). She followed a
schedule of four 20 s phases, offering increasing explanation of her goal. For the first 20
s, the Caller simply tried to get the Player’s attention, “Psst! [Player’s name]… over
here.” For the next 20 s, she also suggested that the Player could not hear her, “Psst!
[Player’s name], can’t you hear me?” For the next 20 s, the Player continued similarly,
additionally stating the reason for her goal, “Psst! [Player’s name], I have something to
show you!” At the start of the final 20 s, the Caller glanced at the child for the first time
and said, “Oh, [Child’s name] – I don’t think that [Player’s name] can hear me…” Then
she continued addressing the Player, occasionally glancing to the child. If the child had
not spontaneously helped by the end of the test event, the Caller explicitly requested
assistance, “Hey, [Child’s name], can you tell [Player’s name] that I need her?”
If at any point the child attempted to gain the Player’s attention, the Caller paused
her calling (but kept her arm outstretched) and the Player addressed the child, “What is
it?” If the child referred her attention to the Caller, the Player ended the test event by
turning turn toward the Caller, saying, “Oh! What is it?” If the child engaged the Player
but did not refer her to the Caller after 3 s, the Player returned to playing with her toys
and the Caller resumed calling to the Player.
Not interested (NI) condition. The test event in this condition was identical to the
Ambiguous condition. However, it was preceded by the Caller making two brief attempts
to gain the Player’s attention, “Psst [Player’s name].” After each attempt, the Player half-
turned and waved away the Caller, saying, “Not now, I’m playing” clearly but without
negativity. This manipulation took less than 10 seconds.
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Coding
A primary coder tagged key events on the videos using Datavyu software
(Datavyu Team, 2014). Physical helping was noted if the child handed the dropped pen
back to the Caller. For social helping events, the coder noted all verbal or nonverbal
attempts by the child to engage the Player or refer her attention back to the Caller, plus
any additional utterances. Successful social helping was noted if children both engaged
the Player (i.e., got her attention) and referred her toward the Caller. This could occur in a
sequence (e.g., tapping her shoulder and then pointing to the Caller) or simultaneously
(e.g., saying the Player’s name aloud while pointing). The coder was blind to the social
helping condition.
Ordinal social helping scores were derived from the point during a test event in
which any successful social helping occurred (Svetlova et al., 2010). Helping during the
first 20 s interval earned the maximal score of 5; during the second, third, and fourth
intervals earned a 4, 3, and 2, respectively; after the Caller’s explicit request earned a 1.
A score of 0 indicated no help at all.
Half of participants were double-coded, with near-perfect agreement. Coders
agreed perfectly on the presence of helping during the physical helping opportunity and
the Ambiguous social helping condition (Cohen’s kappas = 1); for the Not Interested
condition one disagreement was resolved through discussion (Cohen’s kappa = .846).
Examining just those children who performed a successful social helping response,
coders had 100% agreement on ordinal social helping scores in both conditions.
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Results
Preliminary analyses revealed no effect of sex or interactions involving sex and
condition. Sex was not considered further.
Consistent with prior studies (e.g., Warneken & Tomasello, 2013), 81.3% of
children spontaneously provided physical help. For social helping tasks, spontaneous
helping was 59.4% (Ambiguous condition) and 43.8% (Not Interested condition).
Physical helping occurred quickly (5.4 s), with longer latencies for the Ambiguous (28.6
s) and Not Interested (45.9 s) conditions. Median social helping scores were higher in the
Ambiguous than Not Interested condition (2.5 versus 1.0). See Table 2 for details.
During the physical helping event, only one child commented on the dropped pen
to the Player (who did not respond). During the social helping events, many children
interacted with the Player by touching her, talking to her, or moving directly within her
field of view. In addition to children whose first engagement with the Player led to
referring her to the Caller (Ambiguous condition: 17 children; Not Interested condition: 8
children), others simply engaged her for personal reasons, such as commenting on their
activity or continuing to play with her (AM: 8; NI: 13).
Children’s social helping behaviors were clear and well organized, utilizing a
range of strategies to direct the Player’s attention back to the Caller. Children first
engaged the Caller by addressing her verbally (Ambiguous: 3 children, Not Interested: 1
child), moving within her view (AM: 1), touching her (AM: 2; NI: 2), or touching her as
they entered her view (AM: 1; NI: 1); the remaining children produced verbal references
not requiring prior engagement. Children’s reference behaviors included pointing
gestures produced after establishing visual engagement (AM: 3), points in conjunction
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with deictic gaze (i.e., looks provided for the Player, switching between Player and
Caller; AM: 3; NI: 3), verbal reference alone (AM: 4; NI: 3), verbal reference in
conjunction with deictic gaze (AM: 1) or points (AM: 5; NI: 4), or a simultaneous
combination of verbal reference, points, and deictic gaze (AM: 3; NI: 4).
Our first main aim was to determine whether children’s social helping decisions
would be influenced by evidence of the Player’s disinterest. Children’s overall levels of
help (i.e., both spontaneous and requested) did not differ between the Ambiguous and
Not Interested conditions, McNemar test, p = .625; nor did their levels of spontaneous
help alone, McNemar test, p = .125. However, children’s social helping scores were
higher in the Ambiguous than Not Interested condition, Wilcoxon signed ranks, Z = 2.63,
p = .008, r = .33, indicating quicker, more spontaneous helping. Children had higher
helping scores in the Ambiguous than the Not Interested condition for both orders
(Ambiguous first: median = 3 and 2; Not Interested first: median = 2 and 1); however,
this difference was only significant when the Not Interested condition came first,
Wilcoxon signed ranks, ZNI-first = 2.69, p = .007, r = .70, ZAM-first = .85, p = .40, r = .21.
Figure 2 presents histograms of the social helping scores. Most often, children in
the Ambiguous condition informed the Player about the Caller quickly or not at all. The
most common responses in the Not Interested condition were either to help upon explicit
request or not at all. Children in the Ambiguous condition were more likely to help
during the first calling phase than those in the Not Interested condition, McNemar test, p
= .008.
Several children explained the Player’s non-response to the Caller by clearly
stating the Player’s activities or priorities, an unpredicted but noteworthy behavior. For
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instance, one child said, “She’s not listening to you. She’s playing blocks. She’s trying to
build a store.” This occurred marginally more often in the Not Interested condition,
McNemar test, p = .07; seven did so exclusively in the Not Interested condition, one did
the reverse, and one did so in both conditions.
Our second main aim was to examine associations between individual differences
in shyness and variation in social helping. In both social helping conditions, shy children
had lower social helping scores, Spearman correlations: rAM = -.41, p = .021; rNI = -.41, p
= .020. The strengths of these correlations were similar across conditions, p = .99 (Meng,
Rosenthal, & Rubin, 1992). Partial-order correlations controlling for order showed
identical results.
We also conducted three point-biserial correlations to determine whether or not
children’s shyness was associated with the presence of spontaneous helping (i.e., helping
prior to request versus helping on request or not at all) for each task. These analyses
permitted side-by-side comparisons between the social helping conditions and physical
helping condition (which was not designed to yield an ordinal helping score). Shyness
was not significantly correlated with the presence of spontaneous physical helping, r = -
.21, p = .256, but it was significantly correlated with the presence of spontaneous social
helping in both conditions, rAM = -.48, p = .006; rNI = -.45, p = .010.
Discussion
This study demonstrates that young children’s social helpfulness reflects
consideration for others beyond the person who needs help. When an experimenter (the
Caller) tried unsuccessfully to get another person’s attention (the Player), children’s
decisions to help were guided by knowledge of the Player’s social preferences and their
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own comfort with the actions that helping required. These findings highlight the broad
range of contextual and personal factors that contribute to children’s prosocial behavior,
leading to more adaptive social decisions.
When the Player’s disinterest in attending to the Caller was made clear, children
were slower to encourage her to respond. Children thus recognized that helping the Caller
would impact the Player and that the Player’s social preferences were relevant to their
helping decisions. An interesting question for future research is whether children
explicitly represented the incompatibility between the Caller’s goal and the Player’s
preferences or whether their sensitivity to this conflict arose implicitly from the challenge
of resolving multiple behavioral motivations (i.e., helping the Caller and respecting the
Player’s wishes).
Receiving a clear statement of the Player’s disinterest may have influenced
children’s behavior in several ways. Possibilities for delayed helping include an
internalized value of respect for others’ preferences, learned rules about interrupting
others, and self-protective motivations. Additionally, children may have simply been
averse to approaching the unwilling Player, or they may also have anticipated some of the
negative consequences of overriding her preference and exacerbating her conflict with
the Caller. Viewed within a decision-making framework (e.g., Gęsiarz & Crocket, 2015),
the present study shows that children place a negative value on intervening on a
disinterested Player, but it cannot speak to the specific processes through which children
determine that value. Like prosocial tendencies more broadly (Eisenberg et al., 2015), the
subjective weight that children placed on the Player’s disinterest when deciding to help is
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likely the product of genetic factors, socialization at multiple levels, and the child’s
social-cognitive capacities and dispositions.
The present study does offer insight into children’s abilities to navigate the
conflict between Caller and Player, however. If one person’s goal is not supported
unanimously, a reasonable strategy might be for children to do nothing at all. Yet two
observations suggest that children responded to the conflict between Caller and Player in
a more active way. First, although children in the Not Interested condition were slower to
inform the Player about the Caller’s goal, many did so eventually. Most likely, children
were initially uncertain about how to balance the Caller’s and Player’s wishes. However,
the Caller’s ongoing efforts provided accumulating evidence for the urgency of her goal.
This information, as well as the Caller’s eventual request for aid, may have tipped the
balance of children’s social motivations in favor of helping the Caller. Second, rather
than intervene on the Player, a substantial number of children in the Not Interested
condition explained to the Caller that she was occupied. These children may have come
to the opposite conclusion than those just described. Believing that the Player’s
disinterest outweighed the Caller’s aims, they chose not to help the Caller. Instead, they
sought to relieve the tension by explaining to the Caller why her goal was inappropriate –
an act that benefitted the Caller overall, even though it did not support her proximate
goal. Together, these observations suggest that children’s decisions to help were based on
a nuanced assessment of different people’s interests, the urgency of their respective goals,
and a search for recourses that might dispel conflict altogether.
Children’s shyness was also associated with their provision of social help.
Shyness inhibits approach tendencies, particularly in situations with the potential for
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negative evaluation (Asendorpf & Meier, 1993). Consequently, shy children may find
social helping opportunities particularly intimidating. The absence of an association
between shyness and physical helping in this study is consistent with this proposal;
however, a direct comparison is limited here by both the fixed order in which physical
and social helping occurred and the less structured physical helping sequence (relative to
social helping, which featured increasingly detailed explanations). Nevertheless, we note
that children typically become increasingly comfortable with experimenters as a study
continues (Martin & Olson, 2015). Given the later placement of social helping trials, this
observation underscores the robustness of the association between shyness and social
helping.
Contrary to our prediction, the association between shyness and social helping
was similar across conditions. There are two complimentary ways to view this finding.
First, the possibility of the Player’s unwillingness to respond in the Ambiguous condition
may have been just as intimidating to shy children as the certainty of it. Second, shy
children may require positive evidence that their approach will be well received, and
neither condition offered this reassurance. For either account, it appears that shy
children’s reluctance to provide social help was based more on a disinclination to
approach a third party than a calculation of the odds of meeting a negative response.
Developmental research has convincingly demonstrated that children are
motivated to help others. The present study documents two ways in which children’s
social considerations may limit the expression of prosocial behavior, for socially
appropriate and adaptive reasons. To fully capture the range of considerations that
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underlie children’s prosocial decisions, researchers should continue investigating
children’s prosocial decisions in more varied, socially challenging contexts.
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From instrumental to empathic to altruistic helping. Child Development, 81(6),
1814-1827.
Warneken, F., & Tomasello, M. (2006). Altruistic helping in human infants and young
chimpanzees. Science (New York, N.Y.), 311(5765), 1301-3.
doi:10.1126/science.1121448
Warneken, F., & Tomasello, M. (2007). Helping and cooperation at 14 months of age.
Infancy, 11(3), 271-294.
Warneken, F., & Tomasello, M. (2009). Varieties of altruism in children and
chimpanzees. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 13(9), 397-402.
Warneken, F., & Tomasello, M. (2013). Parental presence and encouragement do not
influence helping in young children. Infancy, 18(3), 345-368.
Warneken, F., Hare, B., Melis, A. P., Hanus, D., & Tomasello, M. (2007). Spontaneous
altruism by chimpanzees and young children. PLoS Biology, 5(7), e184.
doi:10.1371/journal.pbio.0050184
Running!Head:!!SOCIAL!CONSIDERATIONS!FOR!HELPING!DECISIONS!
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21!
Tables and Figures
Shyness scale items
1
2
3
4
5
Table 1. Items for the Shyness scale of the EAS Temperament Survey (Buss & Plomin,
1984). (R) indicates reverse-coding.
Table 2. Frequencies, social helping scores, and latencies for children who provided help
prior to the Caller’s request.
Help%type Event Help On%Request No%Help median
mean SD mean SD
Physical Out,of,Reach 26 3 3 5.36 5.59
Social Ambiguous,Non>response 19 211 2.50 2.56 2.23 28.58 24.69
Social Player,Not,Interested 14 9 9 1.00 1.75 1.70 45.85 26.00
Frequency
Social%Helping%score
Latency%of%unrequested%help%(s)
Running!Head:!!SOCIAL!CONSIDERATIONS!FOR!HELPING!DECISIONS!
!
22!
Figure 1. The testing room setup, with a simulated Social Helping calling event.
Figure 2. Frequencies of social helping responses in the two Social Helping conditions.
!
 Not Interested
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Calling
phase #1
Calling
phase #2
Calling
phase #3
Calling
phase #4
Explicit
request
No
help
Calling
phase #1
Calling
phase #2
Calling
phase #3
Calling
phase #4
Explicit
request
No
help
Number of children
Social helping responses
... For example, shy children, who tend to feel anxious around others and withdraw from social interactions (Coplan and Armer, 2007), may be less prosocial than their not-shy peers, under certain conditions. As examples, shyer children have been found to intervene less often on behalf of an experimenter than their own mothers, to intervene less in socially engaged ways, and to require more prompting in order to intervene (e.g., Young et al., 1999;Beier et al., 2017;Karasewich et al., 2019;MacGowan and Schmidt, 2021). It is important to note, however, that shyness effects on young children's prosocial behaviour have not been found in all studies (e.g., Schuhmacher et al., 2017;Grossmann et al., 2020). ...
... It is likely that shy children will be less willing to intervene whenever they are feeling anxious, and they may also struggle to process prosocial situations in order to effectively intervene (e.g., Young et al., 1999;MacGowan and Schmidt, 2021). Thus, we tested how preschool children ranging in shyness would respond to four prosocial tasks that varied in social engagement demands and complexity, which are two factors that have been conflated in past research (e.g., Beier et al., 2017;Karasewich et al., 2019). To foreshadow, the results of the present study subverted our expectations in interesting ways, which in turn allowed for a consideration of the methods currently used to study shyness and the early development of prosociality. ...
... We would expect shy children to feel more motivated to act prosocially whenever social engagement demands are low as compared to when these demands are high (but see: MacGowan and Schmidt, 2021). This prediction is supported by Beier et al. (2017), in which shyer children readily helped an experimenter in a typical out-of-reach object task (i.e., picking up a pen that had fallen from her desk), but needed more prompting to help her in a highly social one (i.e., getting someone else's attention). Similarly, Karasewich et al. (2019) found shy children to be less likely to help in an out-of-reach object task that was modified to be very socially demanding (i.e., asking an unfamiliar adult to get the experimenter's toy from a high shelf). ...
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Introduction Shy children, who tend to feel anxious around others and withdraw from social interactions, are found to be less prosocial than their not-shy peers in some studies, though not in others. To examine the contexts in which shy children may be more or less likely to engage in prosocial behaviour, we compared children’s willingness and ability to intervene during in-person tasks that differed in socialengagement demands and complexity, factors that have been conflated in past research. Methods We presented 42, 3.5- to 4.5-year-old children with prosocial problems that varied, in a 2 x 2 within-subjects design, by the type of intervention required (i.e., simple helping or complex comforting) and the source of the problem (i.e., social: within the experimenter’s personal space; or object: a target object distanced from her). Results Most of the children acted prosocially, with little prompting, in the two helping tasks and in the object-centered comforting task. In contrast, fewer than half of the children acted prosocially in the social-centered comforting task. Shyer children were not less likely to intervene in any of the four tasks, but they were slower to intervene in the object-centred comforting task, in which the experimenter was upset about a broken toy. Discussion Thus, providing social-centered comfort to a recently-introduced adult is challenging for young children, regardless of shyness, though shy children do show hesitancy with object-centered comforting. Further, these findings provide insights into the methodological challenges of disentangling children’s prosocial motivation and understanding, and we propose solutions to these challenges for future research.
... Shyness appears to be a particularly important pathway for the development of maladaptive child outcomes, such as poor school adjustment, peer rejection, avoidance of social behavior, and anxious symptoms (Coplan and Arbeau 2008;Hassan and Schmidt 2022;Karevold et al. 2011;Rubin, Coplan, and Bowker 2009). Shy children may be especially challenged by novel social contexts, showing reticence to interact with others (Eisenberg and Spinrad 2014) and thereby reducing opportunities to engage in aggressive and prosocial behaviors (Beier et al. 2017;Endedijk et al. 2015). Other work has noted an absence of a direct link between shyness and prosociality (Grady and Hastings 2018) and suggested that childhood shyness may be socially adaptive in certain contexts . ...
Article
Temperamental characteristics and emerging cognitive control are meaningful predictors of children's development of adaptive and maladaptive social behaviors during the preschool period. However, knowledge of the interplay of these pathways, when examined concurrently to highlight their individual contributions, is limited. Using a cross‐sectional sample of 3‐year‐old children, we examined parent‐reported discrete traits of negative (anger, fear, sadness, and shyness) and positive (low‐ and high‐intensity pleasure) temperamental reactivity as predictors of children's prosociality and physical aggression. Further, we tested whether the effects of discrete temperament were moderated by cognitive control, as indexed by the N 2 event‐related potential, during a go/no‐go task. Analyses focus on a subsample of children with an observable N 2 ( n = 66). When controlling for other relative temperament traits, several significant main effects emerged. Moreover, at low cognitive control (smaller N 2), fear was negatively associated with aggression, whereas at high cognitive control, sadness was positively associated with aggression. Heightened anger was linked to reduced prosocial behavior when cognitive control was low but linked to greater prosocial behavior when cognitive control was high. The results highlight that discrete temperament traits predict individual differences in child outcomes but that associations depend on concurrent levels of cognitive control.
... Parents rated children's temperament on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (my child's behavior is never like this) to 5 (my child's behavior is always like this). The EAS temperament survey demonstrated good reliability in prior research (e.g., Beier, Terrizzi, Woodward, & Larson, 2017). The Shyness subscale (5 items, score range: 1-5) was used in this study (e.g., "Child takes a long time to warm up to strangers."). ...
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Background Prenatal exposure to air pollution increases the risk for psychiatric disorders characterized by internalizing problems. In this study, we examined the roles of shyness and anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) activity in the association between prenatal exposure to polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH) and children's internalizing problems at 7–9 years old. Methods Participants include 53 children (31 girls, 22 boys). Personal air monitoring was conducted over 48 continuous hours during the third trimester of pregnancy to measure 8 PAHs. Mothers reported children's shyness (Emotionality Activity Sociability Temperament Survey) at age 5 and internalizing problems (Child Behavior Checklist) at ages 7–9. ACC activity was measured by fMRI during the Simon Spatial Incompatibility task at ages 7–9. Results Shyness mediated the association between prenatal PAH exposure and internalizing problems. Higher prenatal PAH exposure predicted increased shyness, which in turn predicted greater internalizing problems. Moreover, left ACC activity during the Simon task moderated the association between prenatal PAH exposure and internalizing problems. Prenatal PAH exposure predicted increased risk for internalizing problems only when children showed heightened left ACC activity during the resolution of cognitive conflict. Conclusions Our study innovatively synthesizes the fields of developmental psychology and environmental health science to offer new insights into the risk factors for anxiety disorders. Facilitating the development of healthy reactive and regulatory processes may improve the developmental outcomes for children highly exposed to air pollution.
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Grossmann proposes an interesting framework to explain how heightened fearfulness among humans could be evolutionarily adaptive in the context of cooperative care. I would like to propose that cooperative care may also be a potential mechanism promoting enhanced happiness expression among humans, shedding light on questions about the scope and boundary of the fearful ape hypothesis.
Article
The fearful ape hypothesis (FAH) presents an evolutionary-developmental framework stipulating that in the context of cooperative caregiving, unique to human great ape group life, heightened fearfulness was adaptive. This is because from early in human ontogeny fearfulness expressed and perceived enhanced care-based responding and cooperation with mothers and others. This response extends and refines the FAH by incorporating the commentaries' suggestions and additional lines of empirical work, providing a more comprehensive and nuanced version of the FAH. Specifically, it encourages and hopes to inspire cross-species and cross-cultural, longitudinal work elucidating evolutionary and developmental functions of fear in context. Beyond fear, it can be seen as a call for an evolutionary-developmental approach to affective science.
Article
Grossmann posits that heightened fearfulness in humans evolved to facilitate cooperative caregiving. We argue that three of his claims - that children express more fear than other apes, that they are uniquely responsive to fearful expressions, and that expression and perception of fear are linked with prosocial behaviors - are inconsistent with existing literature or require additional supporting evidence.
Article
Extant research has produced conflicting findings regarding the link between social fearfulness and prosocial behavior, with some studies reporting negative relations and others reporting null effects. Furthermore, these studies have focused predominantly on toddlerhood, and few have examined prosociality between peers. The present study investigated whether the link between social anxiety and prosocial behavior (i.e., providing encouragement) varied depending on interpersonal and situational factors (i.e., one's familiarity with a peer, and the level of support sought by a peer, respectively). We tested this question using a multimethod approach, which included ecologically valid stress‐inducing task and dyadic design with a sample of 9‐ to 10‐year‐olds (N = 447). Results revealed that social anxiety was related negatively to providing encouragement among familiar and unfamiliar dyads. In familiar dyads, however, this main effect was qualified by an interaction with the level of support sought by one's peer. Compared to those low in social anxiety, children high in social anxiety provided relatively less encouragement in response to higher levels of support seeking from their peers. The findings are considered in relation to theorizing regarding the effect of overarousal on children's prosocial behavior.
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Already as infants humans are more fearful than our closest living primate relatives, the chimpanzees. Yet heightened fearfulness is mostly considered maladaptive, as it is thought to increase the risk of developing anxiety and depression. How can this human fear paradox be explained? The fearful ape hypothesis presented herein stipulates that, in the context of cooperative caregiving and provisioning unique to human great ape group life, heightened fearfulness was adaptive. This is because from early in ontogeny fearfulness expressed and perceived enhanced care-based responding and provisioning from, while concurrently increasing cooperation with, mothers and others. This explanation is based on a synthesis of existing research with human infants and children, demonstrating a link between fearfulness, greater sensitivity to and accuracy in detecting fear in others, and enhanced levels of cooperative behaviors. These insights critically advance current evolutionary theories of human cooperation by adding an early-developing affective component to the human cooperative makeup. Moreover, the current proposal has important cultural, societal and health implications, as it challenges the predominant view in WEIRD societies that commonly construe fearfulness as a maladaptive trait, potentially ignoring its evolutionary adaptive functions.
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Although prosocial behaviors have been widely studied across disciplines, the mechanisms underlying them are not fully understood. Evidence from psychology, biology and economics suggests that prosocial behaviors can be driven by a variety of seemingly opposing factors: altruism or egoism, intuition or deliberation, inborn instincts or learned dispositions, and utility derived from actions or their outcomes. Here we propose a framework inspired by research on reinforcement learning and decision making that links these processes and explains characteristics of prosocial behaviors in different contexts. More specifically, we suggest that prosocial behaviors inherit features of up to three decision-making systems employed to choose between self- and other- regarding acts: a goal-directed system that selects actions based on their predicted consequences, a habitual system that selects actions based on their reinforcement history, and a Pavlovian system that emits reflexive responses based on evolutionarily prescribed priors. This framework, initially described in the field of cognitive neuroscience and machine learning, provides insight into the potential neural circuits and computations shaping prosocial behaviors. Furthermore, it identifies specific conditions in which each of these three systems should dominate and promote other- or self- regarding behavior.
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We examined how individual differences in social understanding contribute to variability in early-appearing prosocial behavior. Moreover, potential sources of variability in social understanding were explored and examined as additional possible predictors of prosocial behavior. Using a multi-method approach with both observed and parent-report measures, 325 children aged 18–30 months were administered measures of social understanding (e.g., use of emotion words; self-understanding), prosocial behavior (in separate tasks measuring instrumental helping, empathic helping, and sharing, as well as parent-reported prosociality at home), temperament (fearfulness, shyness, and social fear), and parental socialization of prosocial behavior in the family. Individual differences in social understanding predicted variability in empathic helping and parent-reported prosociality, but not instrumental helping or sharing. Parental socialization of prosocial behavior was positively associated with toddlers’ social understanding, prosocial behavior at home, and instrumental helping in the lab, and negatively associated with sharing (possibly reflecting parents’ increased efforts to encourage children who were less likely to share). Further, socialization moderated the association between social understanding and prosocial behavior, such that social understanding was less predictive of prosocial behavior among children whose parents took a more active role in socializing their prosociality. None of the dimensions of temperament was associated with either social understanding or prosocial behavior. Parental socialization of prosocial behavior is thus an important source of variability in children’s early prosociality, acting in concert with early differences in social understanding, with different patterns of influence for different subtypes of prosocial behavior.
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Researchers have proposed different accounts of the development of prosocial behavior in children. Some have argued that behaviors like helping and sharing must be learned and reinforced; others propose that children have an initially indiscriminate prosocial drive that declines and becomes more selective with age; and yet others contend that even children's earliest prosocial behaviors share some strategic motivations with the prosociality of adults (e.g., reputation enhancement, social affiliation). We review empirical and observational research on children's helping and sharing behaviors in the first 5 years of life, focusing on factors that have been found to influence these behaviors and on what these findings suggest about children's prosocial motivations. We use the adult prosociality literature to highlight parallels and gaps in the literature on the development of prosocial behavior. We address how the evidence reviewed bears on central questions in the developmental psychology literature and propose that children's prosocial behaviors may be driven by multiple motivations not easily captured by the idea of intrinsic or extrinsic motivation and may be selective quite early in life. © The Author(s) 2015.
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From early in development, humans have strong prosocial tendencies. Much research has documented young children's propensity to help others achieve their unfulfilled goals toward physical objects. Yet many of our most common and important goals are social-directed toward other people. Here we demonstrate that children are also inclined, and able, to help others achieve their social goals. Three-year-old children observed an experimenter trying unsuccessfully to get the attention of another individual and then helped by directing the 2nd individual's attention back to the experimenter. A control condition ensured that children's responses were not motivated by a general desire to inform the 2nd individual about interesting events. A 2nd experiment showed that children distinguish between fulfilled and frustrated versions of this social goal and help appropriately on the basis of this distinction. Young children are therefore willing to intervene in a 3rd-party interaction to help it along. This result expands the range of situations in which young children are known to spontaneously help others into the social domain, thereby underscoring the pervasiveness of their prosocial motivations and identifying a critical area for further research. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
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Young children begin helping others with simple instrumental problems from soon after their first birthdays. In previous observations of this phenomenon, both naturalistic and experimental, children’s parents were in the room and could potentially have influenced their behavior. In the two current studies, we gave 24-month-old children the opportunity to help an unfamiliar adult obtain an out-of-reach object when the parent (or a friendly female adult) (i) was present but passive, (ii) was present and highlighted the problem for the child, (iii) was present and actively encouraged the child to help, (iv) was present and ordered the child to help, or (v) was absent from the room. The children helped at relatively high levels and equally under all these treatment conditions. There was also no differential effect of treatment condition on children’s helping in a subsequent test phase in which no parent was present, and children had to disengage from a fun activity to help. Young children’s helping behavior is not potentiated or facilitated by parental behavior in the immediate situation, suggesting that it is spontaneous and intrinsically motivated.
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Prosocial behavior first appears in the second year of life. How can prosociality so early in life be explained? One possibility is that infants possess specialized cognitive and/or social capacities that drive its emergence. A second possibility is that prosocial behavior emerges out of infants' shared activities and relationships with others. These possibilities have motivated a number of current explanatory efforts, with a focus on two complementary questions. First, what is evolutionarily prepared in the very young child and how does it give rise to prosocial behavior? Second, how do proximal mechanisms, including social experiences, contribute to the early development of prosociality? The papers in this special issue represent some of the most recent work on these questions. They highlight a diverse array of new methods and bring them to bear on the nature and development of early prosocial understanding and behavior.
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The early development of prosocial behavior has recently become a major topic in developmental psychology. Although findings on the early presence of prosocial tendencies in infants and toddlers have received much attention, and the examination of their subsequent developmental pathways have fostered ample research, little is known about the mechanisms and motives subserving the first emergence of these prosocial actions. This article introduces and reviews different theoretical approaches and evaluates them in light of recent findings. It concludes that the various forms of early prosocial behaviour are related to different social-cognitive mechanisms and are underpinned by various motives.
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2 studies explored the possibility that a set of behaviors that could be characterized as helping would be exhibited by young children. In a laboratory setting that simulated a home, parents and other adults were asked to perform some common household chores, and the children's participation was recorded. In the first study, 24-month-old children were studied with their mothers and female adults; in the second, children at 18, 24, and 30 months of age were studied with their mothers or fathers and with male or female persons. In both studies the children spontaneously and promptly assisted the adults in a majority of the tasks they performed. Furthermore, the children accompanied their assistance by relevant verbalizations and by evidence that they knew the goals of the tasks, even adding appropriate behaviors not modeled by the adults. Their efforts were construed as pro-social not only because they contributed to the completion of the tasks but also because the children showed an awareness of themselves as actors working with others to a common end.
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This study investigates the diversity of early prosocial behavior by examining the ability of ninety-five 2- to 4-year-olds to provide aid to an adult experimenter displaying instrumental need, emotional distress, and material desire. Children provided appropriate aid in response to each of these cues with high consistency over multiple trials. In contrast to the consistency with which the children provided aid within each task, there were no cross-task correlations, and the tendency to respond to each of the cues revealed unique developmental trajectories. Taken together, these results provide preliminary support for the importance of examining the cues to which children are responding and of differentiating between varieties of aid when considering the development of prosocial behavior.