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Global Migration and Extraterritorial Controls: The Case of International Refugee Policy in Ukraine

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Abstract

Countries of immigration—old and new—have developed a range of methods to control the arrival of potential refugees on their territory. Migration scholars have paid increasing attention to the extraterritorial control of migration by Global North countries beyond their borders, while refugee scholars have investigated the ways in which United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) policies may reproduce the exclusion in camps within the Global South. However, studies of humanitarian affairs rarely converge with studies of migration control. Using an institutional ethnography of an European Union-led refugee integration initiatives in Ukraine, this case study seeks to bridge this gap, exploring the consequences of the securitization of migration in this recent destination and gateway to Europe. The findings identify the ways in which local nongovernmental organizations and international humanitarian agencies may inadvertently reinforce social exclusion and extraterritorial control through refugee i...

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Seit den 1970er Jahren gehört die Unterbringung Geflüchteter in Sammellagern zum Repertoire asylpolitischer Maßnahmen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Ihre nur selten vorgenommene wissenschaftliche Aufarbeitung war dabei stets von der Kritik an den Lagern als nicht menschenrechtskonform geprägt. Die interdisziplinären Beiträge des Bandes nehmen die erneute öffentliche und wissenschaftliche Aufmerksamkeit für dieses Thema zum Anlass, eine große Bandbreite an Lager-Konzepten – sowohl in Deutschland als auch international – theoretisch wie empirisch in den Blick zu nehmen. Die durch Lager forcierte Immobilisierung vormals mobiler Menschen führt zu einem analytischen Spannungsverhältnis, dem sich alle Autor*innen des Bandes widmen.
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Of the estimated 12 million refugees in the world, more than 7 million have been confined to camps, effectively "warehoused," in some cases, for 10 years or more. Holding refugees in camps was anathema to the founders of the refugee protection regime. Today, with most refugees encamped in the less developed parts of the world, the humanitarian apparatus has been transformed into a custodial regime for innocent people. Based on rich ethnographic data, Rights in Exile exposes the gap between human rights norms and the mandates of international organisations, on the one hand, and the reality on the ground, on the other. It will be of wide interest to social scientists, and to human rights and international law scholars. Policy makers, donor governments and humanitarian organizations, especially those adopting a "rights-based" approach, will also find it an invaluable resource. But it is the refugees themselves who could benefit the most if these actors absorb its lessons and apply them. © 2005 Guglielmo Verdirame and Barbara Harrell-Bond. All rights reserved.
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Edited by Michel Senellart ; translated by Graham Burchell. ISBN 978-1-403-98654-2
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Article
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Obra que reconstruye el origen y evolución de las actuales redes transnacionales que, con la utilización de las nuevas tecnologías informativas como recurso organizador y aglutinador, han logrado constituirse en movimientos más o menos presionadores en la defensa de los derechos humanos, de la protección ambiental y de una mayor equidad de género, entre otros.
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The purpose of this note is to present a schematic narrative and analysis of the development of the international response to refugees by states during the Cold War. The analysis focuses on the period from the statute creating the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Convention on the Status of Refugees, both in 1951, through the end of the Cold War. The note supplements the analysis contained in an earlier theoretical article published in this journal in 1996 entitled “How Nation-States Create and Respond to Refugee Flows” (Keely, 1996). The views differ sharply from conventional wisdom but provide a better understanding of and an explanation for some contemporary difficulties regarding refugee and asylum policy, especially in the industrial countries, but also more generally globally.
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Much modern social theory depicts society as made up of autonomous and purposive individual and organized actors. In reaction, the new institutional theories build arguments about the wider social conditions supporting stable systems of such agentic actors. Phenomenological versions, which are especially relevant to analyses of modern integrating but stateless world society, treat actor identities as themselves constructed in the wider and now global cultural context. These ideas call attention to the modern collective construction of expansive models of actors, the rapid diffusion and adoption of elaborated models of actor agency and rights, the consequently decoupled character of actor identities and activities in the modern system, and the extraordinary mobilizing potential built into the elaborated models of individual and organizational actors in world society and into the inconsistencies between these models and activity.
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Discussions of transit migration in Europe and its peripheries are not simply descriptions of an existing reality, but to some extent also a part of the process of constructing that reality in such a way that discursive practices enable policy statements to conceptualise and talk about this phenomenon. The main goal of this paper is to explore this process through the politicisation of transit migration in Europe, with a particular focus on Turkey. The essay first documents the irregular and transit migration experience of Turkey in the last thirty years with the help of several data sets. It particularly emphasises that there is a reality of transit migration in Turkey, but that there also exists other forms of irregular labour migration. The paper focuses on transit migration in Europe in the next section. It draws attention to the rather ironic fact that, while most European countries have adopted a range of restrictive control systems against incoming migrant flows, especially in the wake of September 11, their economies have been able to absorb thousands of irregular migrants. An important consequence of the economisation and securitisation of the European international migratory regime has been the politicisation of transit migration, precipitating an obsession with transit migration on the peripheries of the continent. Drawing on the insights from this discussion on politicisation of transit migration, in the following section, the paper examines the way in which transit migration in Turkey has been approached in Europe in the context of the country's accession negotiation process with the European Union. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Ethnic associations play an important role for refugees in their new country of settlement. However, refugee communities are often politically divided and find it hard to create viable ethnic organizations. This dilemma is highlighted by results obtained from an ethnographic field study of Kurdish refugees in London. The British case is of special interest, since the refugee resettlement policy is characterized by a tendency to emphasize the role of the ‘local community’. The article discusses whether the politicization of the Kurdish associations in London has been a help or a hindrance for the creation of refugee assistance organizations. It is argued that, although there is no cohesive Kurdish community, the refugees have been able to establish well-functioning organizations of a more limited nature. In this process the political activism of the Kurdish refugees has been a resource rather than an obstacle.
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Libya's emergence as a key jumping-off point for entry into Europe by sea has created a sense of urgency within the EU, which seeks to prevent arrivals from this new point of departure, and has led to the initiation of EU–Libya cooperation on migration. This article argues that the EU is failing to adopt an integrated approach to migration management in Libya, despite its repeated assurances to the contrary. It examines EU–Libya cooperation, still in its early stages, and analyses the experiences of refugees and migrants in Libya and on their journeys to Europe. Both elements strongly indicate that the current approach, which focuses on border control and surveillance, is likely to meet with limited success in achieving the EU's aims of stemming the flow of irregular migrants arriving from Libya in Italy and Malta, protecting the human rights of those in transit and ensuring humanitarian outcomes for them.
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The number of individual RSD applications received by UNHCR offices worldwide nearly doubled from 1997 to 2001, while UNHCR's RSD operations have been criticized for failing to implement basic standards of procedural fairness. Yet, although there is some literature critiquing how UNHCR determines refugee status, there is little literature examining whether UNHCR should do so, and if it should, when, where, and under what conditions. UNHCR performance of RSD poses protection challenges because it is founded on a basic contradiction. On the one hand, government action is essential for effective refugee protection. On the other hand, UNHCR RSD is premised on at least partial government failure. Neither direct concern for protection from non-refoulement nor strict legal obligations completely explain UNHCR's current RSD activities. UNHCR's RSD activities seem best explained by what Goodwin-Gill has called ‘negative responsibility’, and hence can represent a risky shift of responsibility from governments to the UN. At the same time, in some circumstances UNHCR RSD substantially advances refugee rights. In order to match its actual mandate and resources, UNHCR should perform RSD when it can enhance the protection provided to refugees by governments, but the activity should be more limited and conditional than it is today.