Case Studies on Corporations and Global Health Governance: Impacts, Influence and Accountability. Chapter: Citizens United, Public Health and Democracy: The Supreme Court Ruling, its Implications and Proposed Action.
Link http://www.rowmaninternational.com/books/case-studies-on-corporations-and-global-health-governance Summary There is growing evidence of the wide-ranging impacts of corporations in selected industries on global patterns of health and disease. However, limited analysis has been undertaken of the increasing corporate involvement in collective action needed to effectively address these impacts.This book brings together a wide ranging collection of case studies that provide new empirical research on how corporations impact on, influence of, and could be held more accountable to, global health governance. Written by leading and emerging scholars from a broad range of disciplinary perspectives, each case study seeks to expand the methods, conceptual approaches and sources of data used to address three key questions:What impacts are corporations having on global health governance?How do corporations shape and influence global health governance in ways that protect and promote their own interests?What forms of global health governance are needed to mediate these corporate impacts in ways that protect and promote population health? Table of Contents Preface / List of Acronyms / List of Illustrations / 1. Introduction, Nora J. Kenworthy, Ross MacKenzie and Kelley Lee / Part I: Impacts of Corporations on Global Health 2. Governing through Production: A Public-Private Partnership’s Impacts and Dissolution in Lesotho’s Garment Industry, Nora J. Kenworthy / 3. Medicalisation and Commodification of Smoking Cessation: The Role of Industry Actors in Shaping Health Policy, Ross MacKenzie and Benjamin Hawkins / 4. The Influence of Food Industry on Public Health Governance: Insights from Mexico and the United States, Courtney Scott, Angela Carriedo and Cécile Knai / 5. Examples of Failures to Regulate Mining and Smelting Emissions and their Consequent Effects on Human Health Outcomes, Mark Patrick Taylor and Steven George / Part II: Corporate Influence of Global Health Governance / 6. Informal Channels of Corporate Influence on Global Health Policymaking: A Mapping of Strategies Across Four Industries, Eliza Suzuki and Suerie Moon / 7. How Corporations Shape our Understanding of Problems with Gambling and their Solutions, Rebecca Cassidy / 8. Corporate Manipulation of Global Health Policy: A Case Study of Asbestos, John Calvert / 9. The Entrenchment of the Public-Private Partnership Paradigm in Global Health Governance, Michael Stevenson / 10. Trade and Investment Agreements: The Empowerment of Pharmaceutical and Tobacco Corporations, Ashley Schram and Ronald Labonté / 11. Health Policy, Corporate Influence and Multi-Level Governance: The Case of Alcohol Policy in the European Union, Chris Holden and Benjamin Hawkins / 12. Tobacco Industry Strategies to Influence Global Tobacco Governance in Three Asian Countries, Ross MacKenzie and Kelley Lee / Part III: Holding Corporations to Account / 13. A Proposed Approach to Systematically Identify and Monitor the Corporate Political Activity of the Food Industry with Respect to Public Health Using Publicly Available Information, Melissa Mialon, Boyd Swinburn and Gary Sacks / 14. Regulating Baby Food Marketing: Civil Society Vs Private Sector Influence, Tracey Wagner-Rizvi / 15. Communities, Controversy and Chevron: Epidemiology in the Struggle over Contamination of the Ecuadorian Amazon, Ben Brisbois / 16. Citizens United, Public Health and Democracy: The Supreme Court Ruling, its Implications and Proposed Action, William H. Wiist / 17. Conclusion, Nora J. Kenworthy, Ross MacKenzie and Kelley Lee / Index / Notes on Contributors
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In an influential 1977 article in Mother Jones magazine, journalist Mak Dowie accused Ford Motor Company executives of callously deciding to produce and continuing to market the Pinto (which he labeled a "firetrap") even after company crash tests showed that its gas tank would mptue in rea- end collisions at relatively low speeds (Dowie, 1977). This reprehensible decision, according to Dowie's interpretation, derived from a cost/benefit analysis which purportedly demonstrated that settling the few inevitable lawsuits filed by burn victims or thek families would cost less than the eleven dollars per car needed to fix the defective tanks (Green, 1997, p. 130). Dowie, along with well-known consumer advocate Ralph Nader, held a press confer- ence in Washington, D.C. on August 10, 1977, to draw national attention to the case. One day later, the National Highway Transportation Safety Admin- istration (NHTSA) began its own investigation of the Pinto gas tank (Cullen, Maakestad, and Carender, 1987). Lee Strickland was the NHTSA engineer assigned the task of determimng if the Pinto gas tank met the criteria of a recallable safety defect (Stricldand, 1996). The NHTSA investigation did not occur in a social vacuum. Strickland and his staff were chaged with evaluating the Pinto in the midst of national publicity that had already labeled its gas tank "defective" and accused the federal government (and NHTSA) of buckling to pressure from lobbyists for the auto industry (Dowie, 1977). Consumers also wrote letters to NHTSA demanding that it take action against Ford after Dowie's article was published (NHTSA, 1978). However, according to Strickland, NHTSA's evaluation revealed that the Pinto had a "fire threshold" (i.e. the speed at which a collision is likely to result in a fire) in rea-end collisions of between 30 and 35 miles per hour. Since the federal standard on fuel tank integrity (FMVSS 301, effective startg with 1977 model year cars) required that cars withstand only a 30 mile- per-hour rear impact, NHTSA would have to take extra-ordinary steps in order to force a recall of the Pinto (U.S. Department of Transportation, 1988).
The tobacco industry is a potent force in Albany. Since 1983 (not including 1988-89, were data are not available) tobacco interests spent $1.3 million on campaign contributions to candidates and political party committees. Of this, $277,905 went to legislative candidates, $38,650 went to candidates for constitutional office, and the remaining $1 million went to party committees. The members of the 1997-98 legislature who collected the most money from campaign contributions were Assemblymember Jeffrey Klein(D-Bronx)($16,275), Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver (D-Manhattan)($10,425), Assemblymember Michael Bragman (D-Onondaga)($8,420), Senator Ronald Stafford (R-Plattsburgh)($7,500), and Senate Majority Leader Joseph Bruno (R-Brunswick)($7,300). The tobacco industry spent $5.9 million on lobbying expenditures between 1992 and 1998. Of the $998,884 contributed to party committees between 1983 and 1998 (not including 1988-89), $815,840 (81.7%) was donated after 1994, when contributors realized that contributions to party committees were unlimited. As in other states, the tobacco industry donates more to Republicans than Democrats; Republican party committees received $752,709 (75%) of the money between 1983-98, while Democrats received $191,175 (19%). The information we have on tobacco industry political activity is incomplete and underestimates the magnitude of tobacco industry activity. Between 1998 and 1999, the tobacco industry was found to have under-reported its lobbying expenses on several occasions. In 1998, the Tobacco Institute admitted to under-reporting by $443,572 and in 1999, Philip Morris admitted to under-reporting lobbying expenses 15 times over the period 1993-96. These developments indicated that the lobbying law was ineffective at providing accurate information for public disclosure, and prompted a revision of the law in 1999. However, the revision is insufficient to prevent this kind of influence to be accumulated by an industry such as the tobacco industry. These contributions are having an effect on policy making. On the average, for each $1000 contributed to an individual legislator, that legislator scored 1.82 points more pro-tobacco on a 0 to 10 scale. At the same time, legislators who support the tobacco industry are rewarded; for each 1 point more pro-tobacco, contributions increase by an average of $380. Republican legislators were more pro-tobacco than Democrats by an average of 1.39 points. As in most states, in New York State, progress in tobacco control begins at the local level. New legislation is generally passed first on Long Island, which inspires New York City to do the same. Legislation passed in New York City sparks progress in the upstate area, and until the Pataki Administration, at the state level. The importance of localities passing restrictions to initiate the momentum to pass state legislation is why preemptive state legislation is a major threat to tobacco control in New York State. The documents released through state litigation of the tobacco industry have played a critical role in the passage of tobacco control legislation in the face of an unsympathetic legislature and Governor. Advocates in other states should recognize that researching the documents can help them pressure political leaders and recognize industry front groups. The Long Island counties of Suffolk and Nassau lead the tobacco control movement in the downstate area, whereas Erie County sets the standard upstate. The ASSIST program has been successful in setting up local coalitions and galvanizing against industry tactics. The industry organizes and finances "grassroots" coalitions, and "smokers' rights" groups such as the National Smokers Alliance, mobilizes its Tobacco Action Network, forms alliances with other organizations affected by anti-tobacco bills and finances groups such as the United Restaurant, Hotel, and Tavern Association to oppose clean indoor air legislation. It promotes "studies" claiming that tobacco control legislation will hurt the hospitality business, even though objective studies have consistently shown no effect or a positive effect on the hospitality industry. At the state level the industry has sought to preempt local tobacco control activity; at the local level, the industry tries to pass weak laws promoting "accommodation" to prevent the passage of effective tobacco control policies. New York tobacco control advocates have vigorously and generally successfully opposed these efforts. Since 1986, New York City has distinguished itself as a national leader in tobacco control legislation. While its clean indoor air laws have not been the strongest in the country, they are remarkable in light of the city's size and the fact that Philip Morris' corporate headquarters are located in New York City. The city was also one of the first localities to sue the tobacco industry. Both Nassau County and Niagara County Boards of Health enacted regulations (in 1994 and 1998, respectively) to eliminate smoking in restaurants. However, both were overturned in lawsuits sponsored by the tobacco industry. Both rulings determined that the Boards of Health were in violation of the state constitution because they considered economics in their decisions. These decisions have discouraged counties from using Boards of Health to pass clean indoor air regulations. When Republican George Pataki succeeded Democrat Mario Cuomo as governor in 1994, state tobacco control legislation abruptly ceased. Pataki ignored the Health Department's tobacco advisory panel, the Commission for a Healthy New York, and only formulated tobacco control programs when he feared criticism from the media. Between 1990 and 1998 Pataki accepted $8050 from the tobacco industry. In November 1998, forty-six states agreed to a $206 billion dollar settlement with the tobacco industry. The agreement settled the states' claims for smoking-related Medicaid costs. New York State received $25 billion to be paid over 25 years as a result of the settlement agreement. In December 1999, health advocates, working the other interests, were able to increase the tobacco tax by 55 cents and dedicate part of the tobacco settlement funds to fund health care in New York State. New York's cigarette tax of $1.11 per pack is the highest in the nation. Of the approximately $1.5 billion generated annually by the settlement and additional tobacco tax, only $37 million annually is dedicated to the state tobacco control program. During the 1999 legislative session, the New York Medical Society supported the Civil Justice Reform Act which would provide the tobacco industry protection against product liability litigation. The tobacco industry has probably used every strategy they have developed in fighting tobacco control policies in New York State. Despite these daunting challenges, advocates have achieved many notable successes and recognized and avoided counterproductive compromises. They have done so by exposing tobacco industry front groups and affiliations and holding politicians and organizations accountable for their actions.
This research centers on the linkage between alienation and voter turnout, by considering the various dimensions of alienation - powerlessness, meaninglessness, and cynicism - and how they might interact to influence the decision on whether to vote. Logit analysis of a pooled American National Election Study data set, 1964-2000, suggests that feelings of powerlessness and meaningless-ness depress turnout, as expected. However, increased cynicism can serve to boost turnout among those who display only a moderate amount of powerlessness or meaningless, therefore underscoring an important interactive effect of cynicism on voter turnout. During the past three decades, American have become less attached to the two major political parties, more cynical about elected officials and political institutions, and less confident in their own abilities to influence the political system. This research examines the link between this increase in alienated attitudes and the parallel decline in voter turnout during this same time period. Our approach is that such attitudinal factors contribute as much to the explanation of the voting decision as do the standard demographic and contextual explanations of voter turnout.
Using Foucault’s concepts of power relations, discourse and internalization, this article uncovers some basic dissemination and internalization strategies of power relations on several levels. First, it looks at power at the individual level, with an analysis of family abuse and torture. It then applies this analysis to Westernization in Africa, arguing that the basic strategies by which power is disseminated and internalized into the bodies, psyches and cultures of Africans are the same as in abuse. The internalization of the Western discourse at the individual and small-community levels was studied through field research, undertaken in Ghana, that included participant observation and interviews. The research shows that even in the case of small, local, sustainable development projects, one sees a Westernization of power relations between men and women, chiefs and population, and elders and youth, with changes in related values. The field research reveals that actors are not merely passive victims of changes in discourses: they resist it, cooperate, disseminate and adapt it to their needs, but within the rules of the Western regime of discourse. The general conditions, processes and actors’ strategies in this process of discursive change go further than a mere analogy to abuse and torture. The article shows that the process by which an initially violent, dominant discourse is transformed into a ‘normal’ way of living, into beliefs and wishes, is the same in these different cases, suggesting that there exist some general strategies by which power is disseminated at the international and individual levels and by which it is propagated and internalized by individuals.
"We all witness, in advertising and on supermarket shelves, the fierce competition for our food dollars. In this engrossing exposé, Marion Nestle goes behind the scenes to reveal how the competition really works and how it affects our health. The abundance of food in the United States--enough calories to meet the needs of every man, woman, and child twice over--has a downside. Our over-efficient food industry must do everything possible to persuade people to eat more--more food, more often, and in larger portions--no matter what it does to waistlines or well-being. Like manufacturing cigarettes or building weapons, making food is big business. Food companies in 2000 generated nearly $900 billion in sales. They have stakeholders to please, shareholders to satisfy, and government regulations to deal with. It is nevertheless shocking to learn precisely how food companies lobby officials, co-opt experts, and expand sales by marketing to children, members of minority groups, and people in developing countries. We learn that the food industry plays politics as well as or better than other industries, not least because so much of its activity takes place outside the public view. Editor of the 1988 Surgeon General's Report on Nutrition and Health, Nestle is uniquely qualified to lead us through the maze of food industry interests and influences. She vividly illustrates food politics in action: watered-down government dietary advice, schools pushing soft drinks, diet supplements promoted as if they were First Amendment rights. When it comes to the mass production and consumption of food, strategic decisions are driven by economics--not science, not common sense, and certainly not health. No wonder most of us are thoroughly confused about what to eat to stay healthy. An accessible and balanced account, Food Politics will forever change the way we respond to food industry marketing practices. By explaining how much the food industry influences government nutrition policies and how cleverly it links its interests to those of nutrition experts, this path-breaking book helps us understand more clearly than ever before what we eat and why." © 2002, 2007, 2013 by The Regents of the University of California.
"In this small book David Hemenway has produced a masterwork. He has dissected the various aspects of the gun violence epidemic in the United States into its component parts and considered them separately. He has produced a scientifically based analysis of the data and indeed the microdata of the over 30,000 deaths and 75,000 injuries which occur each year. Consideration and adoption of the policy lessons he recommends would strengthen the Constitutional protections that all of our citizens have to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." -Richard F. Corlin, Past President, American Medical Association "This lucid and penetrating study is essential reading for anyone who wishes to understand the tragedy of gun violence in America and-even more important-what we can do to stop it. David Hemenway cuts through the cant and rhetoric in a way that no fair-minded person can dismiss, and no sane society can afford to ignore." -Richard North Patterson, novelist "The rate of gun-related homicide, suicide, and accidental injury has reached epidemic proportions in American society. Diagnosing and treating the gun violence epidemic demands the development of public health solutions in conjunction with legislative and law enforcement strategies." -Kweisi Mfume, President and CEO of NAACP "In scholarly, sober analytic assessments, including rigorous critiques of NRA-popularized pseudoscience, David Hemenway constructs a convincing case that firearm availability is a critical and proximal cause of unparalleled carnage. By formulating such violence as a public health issue, he proposes workable policies analogous to ones that reduced injuries from tobacco, alcohol, and automobiles." -Jerome P. Kassirer, Editor-in-Chief Emeritus, New England Journal of Medicine, and Distinguished Professor, Tufts University School of Medicine "As a former District Attorney and Attorney General, I know the urgency of providing safe homes, schools and neighborhoods for all. This remarkable tour-de-force is a powerful study of one promising solution: a data-rich, eminently readable demonstration of why we should treat gun violence as an American epidemic." -Scott Harshbarger, Former Attorney General of Massachusetts, President and CEO of Common Cause On an average day in the United States, guns are used to kill almost eighty people, and to wound nearly three hundred more. If any other consumer product had this sort of disastrous effect, the public outcry would be deafening; yet when it comes to guns such facts are accepted as a natural consequence of supposedly high American rates of violence. Private Guns, Public Health explodes that myth and many more, revealing the advantages of treating gun violence as a consumer safety and public health problem. David Hemenway fair-mindedly and authoritatively demonstrates how a public-health approach-which emphasizes prevention over punishment, and which has been so successful in reducing the rates of injury and death from infectious disease, car accidents, and tobacco consumption-can be applied to gun violence. Hemenway uncovers the complex connections between guns and self-defense, gun violence and schools, gun prevalence and homicide, and more. Finally, he outlines a policy course that would significantly reduce gun-related injury and death. With its bold new public-health approach to guns, Private Guns, Public Health marks a shift in our understanding of guns that will-finally-point us toward a solution.
Using terms of justification such as 'corporate social responsibility' and 'partnerships with the public health community', the alcoholic beverage industry (mainly large producers, trade associations and 'social aspects' organizations) funds a variety of scientific activities that involve or overlap with the work of independent scientists. The aim of this paper is to evaluate the ethical, professional and scientific challenges that have emerged from industry involvement in alcohol science. Source material came from an extensive review of organizational websites, newspaper articles, journal papers, letters to the editor, editorials, books, book chapters and unpublished documents. Industry involvement in alcohol science was identified in seven areas: (i) sponsorship of research funding organizations; (ii) direct financing of university-based scientists and centers; (iii) studies conducted through contract research organizations; (iv) research conducted by trade organizations and social aspects/public relations organizations; (v) efforts to influence public perceptions of research, research findings and alcohol policies; (vi) publication of scientific documents and support of scientific journals; and (vii) sponsorship of scientific conferences and presentations at conferences. While industry involvement in research activities is increasing, it constitutes currently a rather small direct investment in scientific research, one that is unlikely to contribute to alcohol science, lead to scientific breakthroughs or reduce the burden of alcohol-related illness. At best, the scientific activities funded by the alcoholic beverage industry provide financial support and small consulting fees for basic and behavioral scientists engaged in alcohol research; at worst, the industry's scientific activities confuse public discussion of health issues and policy options, raise questions about the objectivity of industry-supported alcohol scientists and provide industry with a convenient way to demonstrate 'corporate responsibility' in its attempts to avoid taxation and regulation.
The tobacco industry, working through third parties to prevent policy-relevant research that adversely affected it between 1988 and 1998, used coordinated, well-funded strategies in repeated attempts to silence tobacco researcher Stanton A. Glantz. Tactics included advertising, litigation, and attempts to have the US Congress cut off the researcher's National Cancer Institute funding. Efforts like these can influence the policymaking process by silencing opposing voices and discouraging other scientists from doing work that may expose them to tobacco industry attacks. The support of highly credible public health organizations and of researchers' employers is crucial to the continued advancement of public health.
This study tested the hypothesis that tobacco industry campaign contributions influence state legislators' behavior. Multivariate simultaneous equations regression was used to analyze data on tobacco industry campaign contributions to state legislators and legislators' tobacco control policy scores in 6 states. Campaign contributions were obtained from disclosure statements available in the specific state agency that gathers such information in each state. Tobacco policy scores were derived from a survey of key informants working on tobacco issues in each state. As tobacco industry contributions increase, a legislator's tobacco policy score tends to decrease (i.e., become more pro-tobacco industry). A more pro-tobacco position was associated with larger contributions from the industry. These results were significant even after controls for partisanship, majority party status, and leadership effects. In California, campaign contributions were still significantly related to tobacco policy scores after controls for constituent attitudes and legislators' personal characteristics. Tobacco industry campaign contributions influence state legislators in terms of tobacco control policy-making.
Institutions and informal networks have formed a movement that is challenging the growing power and pervasive influence of large corporations. The movement’s analyses show that the historical development and current function of the corporate entity requires production of a profit regardless of consequences to health, society, or the environment. As a result, public health professionals frequently address health problems related to products, services, or practices of corporations. There are possibilities for links between public health and the anticorporate movement. Public health research and the professional preparation curriculum should focus on the corporate entity as a social structural determinant of disease.
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