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This brief response to Greenfeld’s caveat submits that public justification is not omnipresent, but can extend, and has extended, beyond the modern, liberal West. Subscribing to a thin, rather than thick, conceptualization of public justification, we chart the contested contours of public justification, and urge scholars of this emergent field to clarify their own take before advancing pertinent theories and case studies. We briefly expound the nature and historical roots of both ‘justification’ and ‘the public’, suggesting that their amalgam into public justification transcends the modern, liberal West.

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This chapter presents the theoretical and conceptual foundation of the book. It introduces a working definition of European solidarity and then presents the book’s approach to examine the relevance of European solidarity when redistributive policies are discussed, namely: the analysis of public justifications in parliamentary debates. Building on this, a conceptual framework for mapping public justifications in national debates is introduced. Finally, the chapter presents a theoretical approach for explaining the relevance of European solidarity in a national debate. In this context, five potential influencing factors are introduced: (1) political culture, (2) material benefit, (3) political support, (4) party ideology and (5) policy precision. Based on these influencing factors, five theoretical expectations are formulated to structure the empirical analysis of the four cases. Based on these influencing factors, five theoretical expectations are formulated to structure the empirical analysis of the four cases.
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This is a classic textbook in public relations, which emphasizes a theoretical, managerial approach to public relations.
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How should we study the language of political legitimation? Incipient scholarship increasingly seeks to bridge the conceptual schism between the sociological is and the philosophical ought in the study of legitimacy, looking at public legitimating discourses to uncover the actual social attitudes toward prescriptive principles. And while this research agenda has recently gained traction, its methodology remains opaque. This paper suggests that normative concepts, central to the argumentations that hold common basic beliefs and discourse together, can allow us to tap into the language of legitimation. Normative concepts can be traced via mixed methods research, incorporating the quantitative method of corpus linguistics and the qualitative method of discourse-tracing – two techniques that mutually enrich and complement each other. By illuminating changes in the sort, scale, and scope of normative concepts, this mode of inquiry can explicate the language of legitimation and advance our understanding of sociopolitical legitimacy.
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Addressing criticisms about the current segmentation methods of publics in public relations, this study adopts a new theoretical framework of Communicative Action in Problem Solving (CAPS) in order to elaborate on J. E. Grunig (199718. Grunig , J. E. 1997 . “ A situational theory of publics: Conceptual history, recent challenges and new research ” . In Public relations research: An international perspective , Edited by: Moss , D. , MacManus , T. and Verčič , D. 3 – 46 . London, , U. K. : International Thompson Business Press . View all references)'s typology of publics in a way that captures the dynamics in communication during issue evolution and devolution. Using 34 qualitative interviews, this study identified 7 different types of publics based on their activeness in problem solving, and explored the communicative characteristics in each type of public. The findings have implications for further segmenting subgroups within the active and aware publics (the most crucial groups in issues), and contribute to theoretical development in the identification of publics.
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This study investigates the decade long effort to construct and validate a communi-cations theory of international relations that asserts that global television networks, such as CNN and BBC World, have become a decisive actor in determining policies and outcomes of significant events. It systematically and critically analyzes major works published on this theory, known also as the CNN effect, both in professional and academic outlets. These publications include theoretical and comparative works, specific case studies, and even new paradigms. The study reveals an ongoing debate on the validity of this theory and concludes that studies have yet to present sufficient evidence validating the CNN effect, that many works have exaggerated this effect, and that the focus on this theory has deflected attention from other ways global television affects mass communication, journalism, and international relations. The article also proposes a new agenda for research on the various effects of global television networks. The Second World War created for the first time in history a truly global international system. Events in one region affect events elsewhere and therefore are of interest to states in other, even distant places. At the beginning of the 1980s, innovations in com-munication technologies and the vision of Ted Turner produced CNN, the first global news network (Whittemore, 1990). CNN broadcasted news around the clock and around the world via a combination of satellites and cable television outlets. In the 1990–1991 Gulf War, CNN emerged as a global actor in international relations, and its successful coverage inspired other broadcasting organizations such as BBC, which already had a world radio broadcast, NBC, and Star to establish global television networks.
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The human propensity to take an ethical stance toward oneself and others is found in every known society, yet we also know that values taken for granted in one society can contradict those in another. Does ethical life arise from human nature itself? Is it a universal human trait? Or is it a product of one's cultural and historical context? This book offers a new approach to the empirical study of ethical life that reconciles these questions, showing how ethics arise at the intersection of human biology and social dynamics. Drawing on the latest findings in psychology, conversational interaction, ethnography, and history, the book takes readers from inner city America to Samoa and the Inuit Arctic to reveal how we are creatures of our biology as well as our history—and how our ethical lives are contingent on both. The book looks at Melanesian theories of mind and the training of Buddhist monks, and discusses important social causes such as the British abolitionist movement and American feminism. It explores how styles of child rearing, notions of the person, and moral codes in different communities elaborate on certain basic human tendencies while suppressing or ignoring others. Certain to provoke debate, the book presents an entirely new way of thinking about ethics, morals, and the factors that shape them.
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The International Criminal Court (ICC) is the first and only standing international court capable of prosecuting humanity's worst crimes: genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. It faces huge obstacles. It has no police force; it pursues investigations in areas of tremendous turmoil, conflict, and death; it is charged both with trying suspects and with aiding their victims; and it seeks to combine divergent legal traditions in an entirely new international legal mechanism. International law advocates sought to establish a standing international criminal court for more than 150 years. Other, temporary, single-purpose criminal tribunals, truth commissions, and special courts have come and gone, but the ICC is the only permanent inheritor of the Nuremberg legacy. In Building the International Criminal Court, Oberlin College Professor of Politics Ben Schiff analyzes the International Criminal Court, melding historical perspective, international relations theories, and observers’ insights to explain the Court's origins, creation, innovations, dynamics, and operational challenges.
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In this study, James Greenaway explores the philosophical continuity between contemporary Western society and the Middle Ages. Allowing for genuinely modern innovations, he makes the claim that the medieval search for order remains fundamentally unbroken in our search for order today. © 2012 The Catholic University of America Press. All rights reserved.
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This chapter reflects on political public relations. It first characterizes political public relations as a central component of political communication by political actors. Moreover, the chapter argues that political public relations are not only about communication and involve a wider group of stakeholders such as lobby groups, think tanks, and party donors. The chapter then gives an overview of the literature on political public relations and defines it by suggesting a continuum of stakeholder engagement. Furthermore, several domains of political public relations are discussed in detail, i.e. news management and agenda building, issues management, event management, crisis management, assessment in political public relations, and digital communication. Finally, the authors call for a more systematic application of public relations theories and concepts that have seldom or never been applied in the context of political public relations.
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The 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions comprehensively bans a weapon that causes civilian casualties both during and after attacks. The convention also sets legal precedent in three ways. First, the convention expands the scope of past treaties by, for example, covering munitions that function properly and those that do not. Secondly, it creates groundbreaking humanitarian obligations, most notably those related to victim assistance. Thirdly, it anticipates future concerns by recognizing the threats posed by non-state armed groups. This comparative analysis of the convention shows how it breaks new ground for future weapons treaties and illuminates the process by which international humanitarian law can be advanced. [End Page 934]
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The uprisings which swept across the Arab world beginning in December 2010 pose a serious challenge to many of the core findings of the political science literature focused on the durability of the authoritarian Middle Eastern state. The impact of social media on contentious politics represents one of the many areas which will require significant new thinking. The dramatic change in the information environment over the last decade has changed individual competencies, the ability to organize for collective action, and the transmission of information from the local to the international level. It has also strengthened some of the core competencies of authoritarian states even as it has undermined others. The long term evolution of a new kind of public sphere may matter more than immediate political outcomes, however. Rigorous testing of competing hypotheses about the impact of the new social media will require not only conceptual development but also the use of new kinds of data analysis not traditionally adopted in Middle East area studies.
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While a number of significant campaigns since the early 1990s have resulted in bans of particular weapons, at least as many equivalent systems have gone unscrutinized and uncondemned by transnational campaigners. How can this variation be explained? Focusing on the issue area of arms control advocacy, this article argues that an important influence on the advocacy agenda within transnational networks is the decision-making process not of norm entrepreneurs nor of states but of highly connected organizations within a given network. The argument is illustrated through a comparison between existing norms against landmines and blinding laser weapons, and the absence of serious current consideration of such norms against depleted uranium and autonomous weapons. Thus, the process of organizational issue selection within nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and international organizations (IOs) most central to particular advocacy networks, rather than the existence of transnational networks around an issue per se, should be a closer focus of attention for scholars interested in norm creation in world politics.
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