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Abstract

This study assesses changes over the past decade in the farm size distributions of Ghana, Kenya, Tanzania and Zambia. Among all farms below 100 hectares in size, the share of land on small-scale holdings under five hectares has declined except in Kenya. Medium-scale farms (defined here as farm holdings between five and 100 hectares) account for a rising share of total farmland, especially in the 10 to 100 hectare range where the number of these farms is growing especially rapidly. Medium-scale farms control roughly 20% of total farmland in Kenya, 32% in Ghana, 39% in Tanzania, and over 50% in Zambia. The rapid rise of medium-scale holdings in most cases reflects increased interest in land by urban-based professionals or influential rural people. About half of these farmers obtained their land later in life, financed by non-farm income. The rise of medium-scale farms is affecting the region in diverse ways that are difficult to generalize. Many such farms are a source of dynamism, technical change and commercialization of African agriculture. However, medium-scale land acquisitions may exacerbate land scarcity in rural areas, which could have important effects given the projected 60% increase in rural Africa's population between 2015 and 2050. Medium-scale farmers tend to dominate farm lobby groups and influence agricultural policies and public expenditures to agriculture in their favor. Nationally representative Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data from six countries (Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, Tanzania and Zambia) show that urban households own 5% to 35% of total agricultural land and that this share is rising in all countries where DHS surveys were repeated. This suggests a new and hitherto unrecognized channel by which medium-scale farmers may be altering the strength and location of agricultural growth and employment multipliers between rural and urban areas. Given current trends, medium-scale farms are likely to soon become the dominant scale of farming in many African countries. three anonymous reviewers.

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... This is changing, as urban middle class started to buy agricultural land and started investing in agriculture, but they need an infrastructure of support services and the availability of good farm managers. A significant number of Kenyans has done so, using parcels of land in the medium-scale farming range (5 to 100 hectares; Jayne et al., 2016). Within the category of medium-size farmers we focused on this segment of urban-based, part-time telephone farmers, who give instructions via their mobile telephones (Mworia, 2016). ...
... This approach, however, has been contested by some who feel that the smallholder focus needs re-thinking. In Kenya, Jayne et al. (2016) find that the number of farms under 5 hectares has risen from 2.22 to 2.97 million between 1994 and 2006 while the number of farms over 5 hectares has declined. Land is becoming an increasingly constraining factor of production for a sizeable and growing proportion of Kenya's rural population leading to intensification and less sustainable and rewarding agriculture. ...
... Urban-based farming is a rapidly growing sector as urban-based households increasingly acquire agricultural land. Jayne et al. (2016) find that acquisition of land by the urban-based middle class has accelerated in Africa. In some countries the urban-based middle class already controls a significant amount of farmland with almost a quarter of farmland owned by urban households in Kenya, Zambia, Ghana and Tanzania. ...
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Purpose This article explores the potential of an emerging group of farmers in Kenya, namely the growing segment of urban-based medium-size farmers, often called “telephone farmers”. To what extent do they benefit from an emerging ecosystem to support them in operating their farms, and what does that mean for the Hidden middle of agricultural value chains, the actors between the farmers and consumers? Unlocking the potential production of telephone farmers will require more services from collectors, traders, transport firms, the storage facilities, wholesalers and processing units and retailers. Ultimately, optimized telephone farm production benefits the business of Hidden middle value chain actors, increases incomes and jobs and improves food security. Design/methodology/approach Based on a survey and in-depth interviews a profile of the telephone farmers is given and their role as innovators is analyzed. The Latia Resource Centre (LRC) provides assistance to medium-size farmers, like the telephone farmers, helping them to prepare business plans and use modern technology and contributing to an emerging ecosystem providing support to all farmers. Findings The article analyzes the medium-size telephone farmers. It documents the contributions of this new agricultural actor to developing value chains and a dynamic ecosystem. The paper profiles the telephone farmers first and then identifies what they need and the support they receive. The emerging innovative ecosystem impacts agricultural productivity and production and hence the development of value chains. Small farmers gain access to opportunities offered by telephone farmers, working for them as outgrower or farm worker. Research limitations/implications The authors used a small sample of 51 farmers and covered only a two-year period. Social implications Small farmers are being helped through the emerging eco-system and farm labor acquire skills, which they can also you on another or their own farm. Originality/value Based on the analysis an even more effective ecosystem is suggested and policy recommendations are formulated before the conclusion is drawn that these medium-size farmers contribute to innovation diffusion, inclusive value chain development and food security and are becoming part of this expanding, innovative ecosystem. Following the debate on food security the results suggest to pay more attention to the development of telephone farmers given their role in developing agricultural value chains and innovative ecosystems.
... Interest in the relationship between farm size and productivity in Africa has been driven in recent years by rising doubts about the potential for smallholder-led agricultural growth in Africa (Collier and Dercon, 2014) and by the rising share of medium-scale farms in many African countries (Jayne et al., 2014(Jayne et al., , 2016. In light of such trends, major policy debates are arising over how the region's remaining prime agricultural land should be allocated, especially in the wake of rising land scarcity and land prices (Deininger, Savastano, and Xia, 2017;Holden and Bezu, 2016) and challenges associated with access to land for young people (Bezu and Holden, 2014). ...
... For instance, less than 1% of the farms contained in the Living Standards Measurement Study-Integrated Survey on Agriculture (LSMS-ISA) analyzed in the studies cited above cultivate more than 10 ha. Not much is known about the relationship between output per unit area and farm size beyond 5 ha (Jayne et al., 2016). Although a few recent studies have gone beyond 5 ha, the literature on IR beyond 5 ha is scanty. ...
... This study examines the relationship between farm size and farm productivity on farms cultivating between 5 and 70 ha in southern Ghana. The study is unique in that it covers the rapidly growing segment of "medium-scale" farms in Africa, which now accounts for a significant fraction of the total area cultivated in the region (Jayne et al., 2016). The study is useful in providing guidance on policy discussions about the pros and cons of promoting larger farm scales in Africa (e.g., Collier and Dercon, 2014). ...
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We contribute to the inverse farm size-productivity puzzle (IR) literature by examining the relationship using a unique data set from southern Ghana that covers farms between 5 and 70 ha. The study uses an instrumental variable (IV) for land size to mitigate some effects of measurement error in land size. The inverse relationship between farm size and farm productivity is upheld when ordinary least squares estimators (OLS) are applied but becomes insignificant although still negative in the IV estimation. The results show that measurement error in land size attenuates the IR. While some studies found the IR to flatten and then become positive, this study finds that in Ghana, the IR only flattens.
... Medium-scale commercial farmers are family farmers with relatively large landholdings compared to small-scale farmers. They are a relatively new class of 'middle farmers' in Africa whose growth and development have been documented in recent agrarian change studies in the continent (Scoones et al., 2017;Jayne et al., 2016). Medium-scale farmers in Africa are often educated business people and civil servants using their own money earned from non-farm activities which they invest in mediumscale commercial farms they own and operate themselves. ...
... Other researchers, however, show a significant increase in the growth of medium-scale farmers, for example, in Ghana and Zambia. Such farmers are reported to hold more land than small-scale farmers, most of which have less land than five hectares per family (Jayne et al., 2016). The growth of medium-scale farmers shows that they control 20% of total farmland in Kenya, 32% in Ghana, 39% in Tanzania and over 50% in Zambia (Jayne et al., 2016). ...
... Such farmers are reported to hold more land than small-scale farmers, most of which have less land than five hectares per family (Jayne et al., 2016). The growth of medium-scale farmers shows that they control 20% of total farmland in Kenya, 32% in Ghana, 39% in Tanzania and over 50% in Zambia (Jayne et al., 2016). This reflects the increased interest in land for farming purposes by a variety of people, including urban-based professionals and influential rural residents who often use non-farm income to invest in farming . ...
Thesis
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY SMALL-SCALE FARMERS’ STRATEGIES IN DEALING WITH CRISES: AN ANALYSIS OF HOUSEHOLD RESPONSES TO CRISIS IN FOUR VILLAGES IN RURAL ZIMBABWE Crises caused by natural and human-induced disasters have always been part of farmers’ lives, but recently they have proliferated through the emergence of new economic, political and environmental challenges. Generally, it is the ordinary poor people, many of them living in the vulnerable contexts of the rural tropics, who are bearing the brunt of these changes. This is particularly true for many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, where more than two-thirds of the population still depend on agriculture, and a large proportion of rural households suffer from poverty, food insecurity and social unrest. In such contexts, national governments and numerous NGOs, often supported by international donors, become active in supporting small farmers with training programs, the diffusion of technology, credits, social payments, subsidies and infrastructural investments. These efforts have had a remarkable success, except in stopping a general process of local marginalization and environmental degradation. In the end, the vast majority of small-scale farming families are left on their own to face the challenge of sustaining their livelihoods and guarantee food for their families under precarious conditions. More effective measures to support poor rural farmers in Africa are urgently needed that take better account of and stimulate their adaptive capacity to find responses to the manifold challenges. The research in this thesis aimed to generate empirical insights into farmers’ responses to crises as a basis to supporting small-scale farmers more effectively, particularly those in Sub-Saharan Africa, in times of crisis. This includes three specific objectives: (1) to describe how crises changes the conditions for small-scale farmers’ activities; (2) to learn how small-scale farmers are responding to these changes; and (3) to find out what factors are driving farmers’ 'decisions. To comply with these objectives, the study analyzed in depth the dynamics in four rural villages in Zimbabwe, which represent three typical agricultural contexts in Sub-Saharan Africa: (1) communal agricultural lands with traditional social configurations; (2) agricultural landscapes formed by individualized settlers; and (3) areas resettled in the course of land redistribution programs. Zimbabwe was chosen because it is a prime example of a crisis that brought about severe multi-layered political, economic, social and environmental challenges, especially during the presidency of Robert G. Mugabe between 2000 and 2017. Data were gathered, processed and analyzed using a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach. Household surveys were conducted with lead farmers and extension agents to gain an understanding of the factors and conditions that influence farmers’ behavior and choices and to establish categories of farmers. Households were surveyed to determine their characteristics at the personal level (family size, head, level of education, financial situation, and farm experience), the farm level (assets, size, land tenure, remoteness) and the institutional level (extension services, financial support, social organization). Besides, farmers’ households that represented the strategies typically used to cope with the situation of crisis were selected for in-depth interviews to learn about the operational details, underlying rationalities and effects of the strategies they had adopted. Expert interviews and participatory mapping exercises with local experts and leaders were conducted to gain an understanding of how the Zimbabwean crisis changed the conditions under which the farmers live and to grasp the range and spatial relevance of strategies adopted by the farmer in response to the changed conditions. Also, secondary sources were systematically explored for relevant information, including reports from international organizations, non-governmental agencies, local NGOs, public research organizations, farmers’ groups, dairy associations, Internal Savings and Lending Clubs (ISACs) and government agencies. The study made three principal findings: (1) crises strongly affected farming households; (2) most farmers managed to respond effectively to crisis situations; and (3) support and resource endowments are critical to overcoming crises. The crises strongly affected farmers. More than fifteen years of political and economic crises in Zimbabwe, in combination with frequent droughts, profoundly changed the conditions under which rural farmers live and produce. Most strikingly, the manifestation of this complex situation of crises was the breakdown of public services, including progressive reductions of public services providing farmers with technical and financial assistance and, partly related to this, increases in corruption. For example, although the ruling party announced million-dollar tractor and farm mechanization programs during elections, not one of the farmers from the four case studies received anything. Most critical was also the fact that the state-driven Grain Marketing Board failed to continue offering support to maize farmers with regard to pricing and payment patterns, which led to a massive decline in the production of maize, the key business of many farmers at that time. This withdrawal of the state was further compounded by a massive distortion of markets, which for the farmers made the profitable marketing of their own production considerably more difficult or even impossible, as well as making agricultural input prices unaffordable. The latter development forced a majority of farmers to skip using fertilizers, certified seeds and pesticides. Some few only managed to apply sub-optimal amounts of fertilizers occasionally on smaller parts of their fields. Devastatingly, farmers also suffered animal losses to drought (especially the extreme drought of the 2015/2016 season) and animal diseases that hampered their practice of using manure to maintain soil fertility. In parallel, farmers were heavily affected by climate change, manifested through an increase in dryness, soil erosion and unpredictable rainfall. This was especially hard for farmers acting in the dry conditions that are typical of large parts of Sub-Saharan Africa, where water is the limiting factor of production and where agricultural activities depend on the predictability of rainfall during the sowing period and the availability of groundwater or water reservoirs in the mountains during the growing period. This critical situation was, at least partly, mitigated for more than a third of farmers (38%) through the intervention of donors, NGOs and private companies, who, in contrast to the government’s initial strategy of diffusing technical packages, promoted low-cost technologies in the case of development organizations and contract farming in the case of private companies. Nevertheless, the situation of crisis resulted in considerable losses of harvests, plants and animals, particularly in very dry years (2002-2003, and 2015-2016), when some crops were a complete write-off, but also due to political violence, when livestock and harvests were looted, for example, in the aftermath of the 2008 election. Despite these difficulties, the vast majority of families remained on their properties and tried to cope with the challenging situation. In the resettlement area too, where the government distributed the land of expropriated white farmers, all those farmers who had settled there at the beginning of 2000 remained on their farms and in 2015were joined by new farmers settling on grazing land. Roughly a third of households (29%), however, decided to send a member or two to urban centers, abroad or other farms to search for remunerative employment off the family farm. As it was mostly young male adults who were drawn into leaving the farm for jobs, across all case studies it was common for women, children and the elderly to be left with the task of managing farm operations. Effective responses of the farmers. In response to the situation of crisis, the farmers in the case studies employed a wide range of strategies. Responses included orientation towards livestock, the reduction of the land area under cultivation, the adoption of low-input farming systems, intensification, and on and off-farm diversification, as well as migration, a re-orientation to subsistence farming and the unsustainable exploitation of common resources. Most farmers combined two or more of these responses. Where possible nearly all households (84%) started to buy livestock when a crisis broke, whether cattle or small livestock, the latter being seen as resistant to drought and more easily convertible into cash. To improve food security, many farmers (71%) reduced and concentrated inputs on the most suitable parcels of land to optimize the application of scarce resources. Upon realizing surpluses, some farmers (15%) then included tobacco as a cash crop, or even diversified their production portfolios more strongly (20%). Only traditional dairy farmers (10 %) mostly continued their production because, often belonging to the second or third generation of farmers, they had the knowledge and experience to continue and even intensify production. Also, migration and, relatedly, the transfer of remittances became a central resource for many families (29%). Accordingly, concentration and diversification were closely linked with an orientation to the market. The farmers who produced for markets were well connected with relevant platforms and networks (e.g., tobacco auction floors, milk collection points, the Grain Marketing Board, millers, etc.) and used their surpluses to invest in the farm and grow their asset base. Those farmers who received remittances also invested in farming, often accompanied by a diversification of production. The switch to low-cost technologies and the concentration of production on the most suitable parcels of land massively reduced the dependence on government subsidies. In parallel, many farmers managed to significantly enhance their areal productivity, so that overall production remained stable, despite a significant reduction in the land area under cultivation. Some farmers even managed to increase their gross incomes by intelligently combining on-farm with non-farm strategies. The concentration of farming activities on the most fertile land parcels also allowed fields to be left fallow and promoted other ecologically valuable land-use resources, such as woodlots. This effect was particularly visible in contexts that already showed a high level of degradation. Only 7% of farmers became engaged in unsustainable exploitative activities, but, every tenth household was forced to re-orient itself towards subsistence farming. However, about 75% of households in the case-study sites had somehow found effective ways to cope with crises, implying that the vast majority of farmers substantially changed or strongly adapted their livelihood strategies. While in 2000 most farmers were dedicated to the production of maize and dairy for income generating purposes, in 2016 livelihood strategies were diversified and included the production of food, dairy and cash crops, as well as off-farm employment. Support and resource endowments are critical. The specific choice and quality of farmers’ responses varied strongly in accordance with institutional, farm and personal features, except the consistent orientation towards livestock across all farmers and case studies. In particular, a set of four factors had a highly significant positive influence on the successful actions of farmers, based on concentration, market orientation and diversification, namely the availability of farm assets (particularly ownership of cattle), financial support, the level of social organization and formal tenure arrangements. Market orientation was also favored by accessibility. Other factors had a comparatively low influence on farmers’ responses, except a preference for diversification by older and female-headed households. Concerning remittance support, higher educational levels and the good financial situation of the households played a moderately positive role. The picture was less clear concerning factors that influenced responses with questionable livelihood outcomes, such as re-orientation towards subsistence farming (lack of assets, low level of education, households headed by females without husbands) and exploitative strategies (male-headed households and households headed by females without husbands). There were also large differences between the case studies in respect of the factors listed above, partly due to important contextual differences. Most strikingly, the better the situation of a case study with regard to accessibility, water availability and social organization, the stronger the external support. In response, more farmers in the favored case studies exploited the opportunities offered to them mainly by tobacco companies and development organizations (irrigation and dairy farming). One exception was the resettlement case study, which, as a contested area, was disregarded by development organizations, despite favorable environmental conditions. Accordingly, in the least favorable case study, “community in impoverished landscape”, households were largely left to face their difficult situations alone. They were more likely to re-orient themselves to subsidence farming and switched to small livestock, thereby managing at least to secure their food basis. In particular, these results provide three important suggestions for how farmers can be better supported in crises. First, effective water management is key. There is an urgent need to diffuse in- field water-harvesting techniques and to further optimize appropriate agricultural practices, such as mulching and gravity-fed irrigation. Second, farmers are creative in finding solutions. This includes farming responses, as well as off-farm strategies. Both are effective from a local perspective. However, only the better-off farmers may have the means and capacities for the necessary investments, whereas the challenges may exceed the possibilities of poorer farmers. The proper management of livestock and the use of manure in agricultural production is another important requisite. Third, support measures are critical. However, rather than distributing of costly technology packages, support should take advantage of and promote capacity of farmers to take meaningful decisions. Thus, support should build on the resources and capacities that are available locally and accordingly highlight low-cost strategies and efficient water-use management, stimulate financially attractive options for diversification, and develop existing market opportunities further rather than creating new ones. In this regard, in particular, the frequently observed strategy of farmers to reduce and concentrate inputs on the most suitable land shows an immense potential for optimization. Supporting such promising attempts by farmers to build robust farming systems following their capacities and interests can help achieve development, social equality and sustainability in Sub-Saharan Africa. To operationalize such an approach requires well-trained extension agents working in well-equipped organizations. Also, the provision of tenure security plays a critical role in motivating farmers to invest and develop the land, as well as to turn land into a bankable asset and collateral that enables farmers to secure bank loans for farm improvements. Equally important is investment in research and development regarding basic infrastructure, particularly the maintenance of public infrastructure, such as roads and bridges, which have largely been neglected due to economic hardships. The government can also assist farmers by providing market facilities for small livestock and small grains whose markets are still limited. The private sector has and continues to play an important role in supporting farmers through contract farming arrangements. But they need to consider more intensively weaker farmers who are located far from markets and have to cope with unfavorable situations. Farmers’ associations should prioritize programs and actions that support the frequent and most common response of concentration, as well as market participation and diversification of production. Through the local sharing of information and knowledge, they can guide farmers in reducing their dependence on government subsidies and the use of costly inputs such as fertilizers, certified seeds and pesticides. The farmers themselves need to organize themselves better in order to lobby collectively and campaign for technical assistance, credits and secure tenure arrangements. Farmers should intensify crop–livestock integration with livestock, thus equipping farmers with the means to produce much needed inexpensive animal manure to improve soil fertility and to opt for long-term strategies that protect their resource base. Finally, research also has its part to play. More knowledge is needed about farmers’ actions and rationalities as a basis for finding more effective ways of consolidating the socio- ecological diversity of Zimbabwe, Sub-Saharan Africa and elsewhere, despite the political, economic and climatic challenges that are to be expected in the future.
... Thus, if SSFs are able to procure inputs from or with these larger farms, they can potentially avoid low quality inputs (Ali et al., 2017), yielding higher productivity. This productivity-enhancing effect of interacting with MSFs may be complemented by knowledge transfers that occur if larger farms hire and 1 We find tha o 5-100 as was done in Jayne et al. (2016) over 95% of our medium-scale sample were between 5 and 50 hectares and thus have used 5-50 so our work is comparable to both the literature using 5-100 (e.g., Jayne et al., 2016) and those using 50 hectares as a cut-off for medium-scale farms (such as Anseeuw et al., 2016). train labour from the local community or offer direct training services to SSFs-resulting in positive learning effects. ...
... Thus, if SSFs are able to procure inputs from or with these larger farms, they can potentially avoid low quality inputs (Ali et al., 2017), yielding higher productivity. This productivity-enhancing effect of interacting with MSFs may be complemented by knowledge transfers that occur if larger farms hire and 1 We find tha o 5-100 as was done in Jayne et al. (2016) over 95% of our medium-scale sample were between 5 and 50 hectares and thus have used 5-50 so our work is comparable to both the literature using 5-100 (e.g., Jayne et al., 2016) and those using 50 hectares as a cut-off for medium-scale farms (such as Anseeuw et al., 2016). train labour from the local community or offer direct training services to SSFs-resulting in positive learning effects. ...
Article
In spite of mounting evidence about the growth of medium‐scale farms (MSFs) across Africa, there is limited empirical evidence on their impact on neighbouring small‐scale farms (SSFs). We examine the relationships between MSFs and SSFs, with particular focus on the specific mechanisms driving potential spillover effects. First, we develop a theoretical model explaining two propagating mechanisms: learning effects (training) and cost effects (reduced transactions cost). An empirical application to data from Nigeria shows that SSFs with training from MSFs tend to use higher levels of modern inputs (have higher productivity), and receive higher prices and income. The results also show that purchasing inputs from MSFs reduces the costs of accessing modern inputs and is associated with higher inorganic fertiliser use by SSFs. Our results suggest that the benefits of receiving training and purchasing inputs from MSFs are particularly important for very small‐scale producers, operating less than 1 hectare of land. This implies that policies which promote the efficient operation of MSFs and encourage their interaction with SSFs can be an effective mechanism for improving the productivity and welfare of smallholder farms, hence reducing their vulnerability to extreme poverty.
... They describe a decrease in farm sizes in Africa and Asia from 1950 to 2010 that they asses will continue in Africa but reverse in Asia. In contrast, Jayne et al (2016) suggest that in Africa, the share of land accounted for by smallholders (defined in this paper as those cultivating less than five hectares) is declining. ...
... Of course, scenarios A and B represent two extreme possibilities, and we expect realistic future trajectories to lie somewhere between the two. Future studies should also attempt to include processes like land acquisition (Jayne et al 2016), and use country or regionspecific information if such data are available in the future. ...
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Smallholder agriculture employs the majority of the global poor and produces substantial shares of food in developing countries while also being highly vulnerable to environmental change. This makes it a focus of numerous policies for increased productivity and climate change adaptation. Given demographic and economic processes that are likely to reduce smallholder prevalence, how justified is this focus from a long-term perspective? We estimate future global smallholder distributions using historical trends and demographic projections and calculate indices of its future share of climate change impacts. While past trends of decreasing farm size are likely to reverse in Asia and slow down in Africa, we project smallholders will continue to occupy substantial shares of rural populations and cultivated land and bear a sizable portion of climate change impacts, amounting for about 33% (25%) of an index of human exposure to 1 °C (2 °C) warming. However, increased economic possibilities in rural areas can rapidly attenuate these assessments.
... This study explores the role of land rental markets in providing a means for non-local tenants to gain access to land based on evidence from Malawi. Malawi is a relatively densely populated African country with limited surplus land (Ricker-Gilbert, Jumbe, and Chamberlain 2014), an active rental market (Chamberlin and Ricker-Gilbert 2016), and documented growth in "emergent" farmers, i.e. farm operations initiated by non-local investors, many of whom reside in urban areas and derive wealth from non-farm employment that is utilised for acquiring farmland Jayne et al. 2016). In particular, we inquire into the extent of "reverse tenancy" (i.e. ...
... In addition, 80% of rich non-local tenants said that they rented land as a means to acquire land for farming. This is consistent with the literature on emerging farmers coming from outside the community to acquire land Jayne et al. 2016Jayne et al. , 2019. One of the contributions of this article has been to provide evidence that rental markets may be an important initial stage in eventual ownership transfers to such outsiders. ...
Article
We use a unique dataset from Malawi that matches tenants and their landlord counterparts to document the role played by absentee tenants, i.e. tenants who reside outside the area where the rented land is located. We found that non-local tenants made up 22% of the tenants in our sample. A significant subset of them had higher off-farm income and significantly more assets than did other tenants. Conversely, we found that 76% of landlords rented land because they needed cash. Our results highlight the fact that some rental transactions reinforce power imbalances and may exacerbate risks faced by poorer landlords.
... Medium-scale farms control roughly 20% of total farmland in Kenya, 32% in Ghana, 39% in Tanzania, and over 50% in Zambia. The number of such farms is also growing very rapidly, except in Kenya (Jayne et al., 2016). The rise of medium-scale farms is affecting the region in diverse ways that are difficult to generalize. ...
... The rise of medium-scale farms is affecting the region in diverse ways that are difficult to generalize. Many such farms are a source of dynamism, technical change, and commercialization of African agriculture (Jayne et al., 2016). However, medium-scale land acquisitions may exacerbate land scarcity in rural areas and constrain the rate of growth in the number of small-scale farm holdings. ...
Article
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The dwindling capture fisheries has triggered an increase in Kenya's annual fish demand deficit, currently estimated at 553,000 MT. With the adoption of sustainable policies, aquaculture can bridge and surpass this deficit. Kenya's fish farming environment is however characterized by its highly fragmented production farms, which limit the dynamism and technical change needed to commercialize aquaculture. The global trend in the commercialization of food production is through the consolidation of farmlands. For example, most farms in the United States of America were also once small, but because of the policy of land consolidation, the farmlands average 1,000 acres. Over the past decade, much of Sub-Saharan African nations are experiencing a rise of 5–100 hectares except in Kenya, where the laws have exacerbated the situation. Amid declining agricultural productivity, farm-level efficiency and food security problems, land fragmentation is emerging as a key policy question in Kenya and is the single largest bottleneck, to aquaculture growth in Busia. A paradigm shift in the aquaculture development policy will enable aggregated production of fish under a fragmented land tenure. This study discusses the need to remodel the current fragmented and uncoordinated cluster-based smallholder aquaculture development strategy by adopting a hybrid aquapark concept. In this concept, the aggregated smallholder aquaparks are established and managed through specialized management service provision units and linked to adjacent smallholder aquaculture production clusters with a community-based coordination and support framework. The study further gives the application and socioeconomic experiences of the pilot aquapark concept of aquaculture development in Busia County. The aquapark model coupled with the deliberate establishment of aquaculture-enabling infrastructure has enhanced the efficiency, profitability, and productivity of aquaculture production. The realization of smallholder community-owned large-scale fish farms through aquaparks offers a window for dynamism and technical change necessary for the commercialization of aquaculture under a fragmented land tenure system.
... Ghana's economic growth is pulling people out of rural areas into more remunerative urban employment, and putting upward pressure on agricultural wage rates (Jedwab, 2011). These changes helped drive rapid growth in relatively larger farms, along with demand for agricultural mechanization (Diao et al., 2018;Jayne et al., 2016;Chapoto et al., 2014). ...
... Sources: Benin, 2015;Chapoto et al., 2014;Diao et al., 2018;Diao et al., 2014;Houssou et al., 2013;Jayne et al., 2016;Jedwab, 2011. 6 Global integration of agriculture K E Y M E S S A G E S FDI in agriculture creates opportunities to increase economic resilience in agricultural systems, through incentives for diversification and improved access to credit for agriculture. ...
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This is part II of the Progress Towards Sustainable Agriculture (PROSA) Methods developed by FAO, focusing on policy analysis whereas PART I was about the underlying statistical framework.
... Following the IR stylised fact and the historical preponderance of SSFs in SSA, many development partners have focused on smallholder-led strategy as key for food security, agricultural development, and economic development in general, in the region (Mellor, 1995;Hazell et al., 2010). However, the recent growth in the share of cultivated farmland under MSFs and large-scale farms (LSFs) in many parts of Africa (Jayne et al., 2016;Jayne et al., 2019;Lowder, Sanchez and Bertini, 2019) has raised major concerns about the inclusivity, equity and productivity of agricultural growth. Unfortunately, most IR analyses for African settings have seldom used datasets that can confidently make conclusions about farms beyond 10ha . ...
... 3 In addition, urban-based households are now more involved in commercialised MSFs but these urban-based operators are typically excluded from currently existing nationally-representative farm surveys. Thus, an important and growing segment of the population of MSFs may be exempted without new surveys covering these operators (Jayne et al., 2016). For these reasons, an exhaustive listing and sampling of small-scale and MSF households within the study area was implemented prior to wave 1 data collection. ...
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This paper conducts a panel analysis to investigate the relationship between farm size and productivity over a relatively wide range of farms (0-40ha) in Nigeria. We account for observed and unobserved household and farm-level heterogeneities suspected for commonly observed variables in the literature. We further account for the dynamic movement between small-scale and medium-scale farm operations and their productivity over time. Our findings show there is little difference in mean productivity across various farm size categories up to at least 40 hectares. However, there is substantial heterogeneity in within-group productivity. We also find a non-trivial percentage of farms grow or shrink in size with little observed change in productivity over time after accounting for exogenous factors including weather. We conclude that productivity does not depend on farm size, rather, non-size related factors are much more important drivers of productivity. The potential agricultural and developmental policy implications are explored.
... Against the backdrop of increasing population pressure and fragmentation of farms, there is evidence of a countervailing trend. A new cadre of medium-scale 'investor farmers' with land areas of 5-100 ha is expanding rapidly (Jayne et al., 2016). These investor farmers are urban professionals or rural elite households who already control 20-50% of the total farmland in Kenya, Ghana, Tanzania and Zambia. ...
... These investor farmers are urban professionals or rural elite households who already control 20-50% of the total farmland in Kenya, Ghana, Tanzania and Zambia. Jayne et al. (2016) highlight that the share of arable land under the control of urban based households is rising, leading to rapid increases in land prices within 100 km of urban centres. Often only a small proportion of the land acquired is initially used . ...
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Most food in sub-Saharan Africa is produced on small farms. Using large datasets from household surveys conducted across many countries, we find that the majority of farms are less than 1 ha, much smaller than previous estimates. Farms are larger in farming systems in drier climates. Through a detailed analysis of food self-sufficiency, food and nutrition security, and income among households from divergent farming systems in Ethiopia, Ghana, Mali, Malawi, Tanzania and Uganda, we reveal marked contrasts in food security and household incomes. In the south of Mali, where cotton is an important cash crop, almost all households are food secure, and almost half earn a living income. Yet, in a similar agroecological environment in northern Ghana, only 10% of households are food secure and none earn a living income. Surprisingly, the extent of food insecurity and poverty is almost as great in densely-populated locations in the Ethiopian and Tanzanian highlands that are characterised by much better soils and two cropping seasons a year. Where populations are less dense, such as in South-west Uganda, a larger proportion of the households are food self-sufficient and poverty is less prevalent. In densely-populated Central Malawi, a combination of a single cropping season a year and small farms results in a strong incidence of food insecurity and poverty. These examples reveal a strong interplay between population density, farm size, market access, and agroecological potential on food security and household incomes. Within each location, farm size is a major determinant of food self-sufficiency and a household’s ability to rise above the living income threshold. Closing yield gaps strongly increases the proportion of households that are food self-sufficient. Yet in four of the locations (Ethiopia, Tanzania, Ghana and Malawi), land is so constraining that only 42–53% of households achieve food self-sufficiency, and even when yield gaps are closed only a small proportion of households can achieve a living income. While farming remains of central importance to household food security and income, our results help to explain why off-farm employment is a must for many. We discuss these results in relation to sub-Saharan Africa’s increasing population, likely agricultural expansion, and agriculture’s role in future economic development.
... Since operations started in 2013, the Chinese investors' rice farm has continually increased its area of operation into the wetlands around the lake as illustrated by the medium to high resolution satellite images, which highlight the verification potential by comparing statistics and spatial patterns. For instance, few anomalies occur before 2013, followed by some change in 2013, no dynamics in 2014, and then increased dynamics after 2015 -a sign of expansion from west (2016) to east (2019). ...
... This has been observed in Africa, Southeast Asia, and South America. For example, in their study on deforestation in and around land concessions in Cambodia, Magliocca et al., (2019) find that an additional 49 000-174 000 ha (depending on low or high estimates) of forest are lost around the concessions due to indirect land use change (3-10.7% of all forest lost in Cambodia by 2016). Similar observations were made in case studies from Mozambique, where small-scale mosaic croplands were acquired by LSLAs, forcing the affected smallscale farmers to clear forest for new arable land (Zaehringer, Atumane, et al., 2018). ...
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More than 10 years after the surge in large-scale land acquisitions (LSLAs) in developing countries following the spike in agricultural commodity prices in the late 2000s, the Land Matrix Initiative has taken stock of the “global land rush” and its socio-economic and environmental impacts. Our findings draw on evidence from the Land Matrix database as well as a literature review in order to analyse and better understand the wide-ranging effects of LSLAs.
... Smallholder farming and small farmers are usually portrayed in a negative light. In the period of advanced technology development and green revolution, small farms are characterized as anachronistic, inefficient, and backward (Jayne et al, 2016;Otsuka, Liu and Yamauchi, 2016;Omotilewa et al, 2021). Most times, smallholder farmers have limited training and education, hence are usually restricted socially and culturally (Mahaman Dioula et al., 2013). ...
Conference Paper
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Rabbit production is increasingly becoming a source of livelihood to many households in Nigeria. Unfortunately, a recent incidence of Rabbit Hemorrhagic Disease (RHD), which is a virulent and rapidly spreading disease of rabbits adversely affected the Nigerian rabbit industry and caused significant economic loss to farmers. Hence, this study assessed the coping strategies adopted by rabbit farmers as response to the RHD outbreak in the study area. A snowball sampling technique was adopted for selecting 120 affected rabbit farmers from whom data utilized for the study were collected using structured questionnaire. The obtained data were analysed using descriptive statistics to describe the rabbit farmers based on their socioeconomic characteristics and the different coping strategies adopted; and Multivariate Probit (MVP) Regression Model to determine the factors influencing the rabbit farmersˈ adoption of coping strategies. The result from the MVP analysis revealed that age of the farmer, size of household, membership of cooperative, extension contacts, amount of credit accessed, income per rabbit production cycle, and income from other sources significantly influenced rabbit farmersˈ adoption of coping strategies. It is, therefore, recommended that the farmers should join farming cooperatives so that they can have access to useful resources and relevant information that can help them cope with the risks involved in the business. In addition, extension education and outreach should be frequently provided to the rabbit farmers to avail them of advisory services that can help with mitigating the impact of the risks involved in the business.
... However, non-agricultural sectors grew even more rapidly and, as a result, agriculture's share in GDP declined [1]. The share of the labor force in non-farm employment also increased since 2000 as SSA's rural labor force diversified away from subsistence farming [15]. This contributed to the region's rising labor productivity [16,17]. ...
Article
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Evidence of how resilience factors mitigate the adverse effects of shocks on individuals, households and communities is clearly established. However, such evidence at the macro level is limited, especially on the pace of structural transformation. This paper explores whether the growing incidence of terrorism, armed conflicts and natural disasters in SSA impeded the pace of structural transformation. We conceptualize the notion of macro-resilience and test whether resilience factors mitigate the adverse effects of shocks on two measures of structural transformation: agriculture’s share of GDP and of national employment. We find that structural transformation is impeded by armed conflict and terrorism-related shocks but not natural disasters and that resilience factors enhance the pace of agricultural transformation. This implies that, while agriculture is often destroyed in conflict-affected areas, the broader impacts are even more negative for other sectors of the economy. However, surprisingly, we find negative or insignificant interaction terms between the shock and resilience variables, implying no mitigative role of resilience capacities. This may suggest, in the case of conflicts and terrorism, the presence of major, debilitating effects which limit the mitigative capacity of resilience factors. We further explore the implications for future research and possible strategies to address the growing threats from shocks.
... The number of medium and large farms for example also sharply declined in north-western Bangladesh since 2005 (Misra, 2017). Similar observations have been made for in population dense and intensively cultivated landscapes in parts of South East Asia and sub-Saharan Africa (Rigg et al., 2016;Jayne et al., 2016). ...
... Land is currently unequally distributed, and the poorest and smallest farms are in an unfavourable competitive position (Chamberlin and Jayne, 2020). At a larger scale, land is also often bought as an investment by businessmen, who regularly acquire their capital in other sectors (Jayne et al., 2016;Sitko and Jayne, 2014). Competition for land and markets may further marginalize the smallest farms, while the largest grow Jayne et al., , 2014. ...
Thesis
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The UN Sustainable Development Goals of Zero poverty and Zero hunger include leaving no one behind as a key principle. However, many smallholder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) are caught in a poverty trap, a vicious cycle of low productivity and limited ability to invest. Moreover, small farm areas may limit the potential benefits that can be accrued at farm level, even if productivity would increase. Sustainable intensification is a key strategy to increase agricultural production for the growing population in SSA, while at the same time avoiding the extension of agricultural land in natural areas. In the first part of the thesis I used an ‘impact-oriented’ perspective to assess, within current farming systems, to what extent integrated co-learning leads to sustainable intensification. In the second part I used a ‘target-oriented’ perspective to explore ‘viable farm sizes’ required to attain a living income (the income required for a decent living including a nutritious diet, clothes, schooling and housing). By situating this study in the East African highlands, characterized by high population density and small farm sizes, I revealed possible pathways towards more sustainable farming systems. We developed the ‘integrated co-learning approach’, which combines input vouchers with iterative learning cycles on sustainable intensification, and tested it in western Kenya from an impact oriented perspective. Farmers participating in co-learning had a more diverse and cohesive knowledge after five seasons compared to farmers who only received the voucher. Irrespectively of the co-learning, the voucher immediately increased farm level maize yield from less than 20% to 40-50% of water-limited yield. This indicates that closing yield gaps is mainly limited by capital constraints and not by technology or knowledge. However, co-learning facilitated the more complex changes in the cropping system that are required for sustain-able intensification, such as the incorporation of legumes. Although yields improved after the introduction of the voucher, the value of produce from crops was still below the living income benchmark for most households due to their small farm areas. Increasing yield alone was thus not enough to attain a living income from arable farming. Also for other indicators of sustainable intensification the desired outcomes were often not achieved. For instance, nitrogen (N) use efficiency remained too high, indicating the risk of soil N mining. Maize area and farm area also increased, all pointing towards the pathway of extensification instead of desired intensification. This implies the need for policies that favour increased input use and policies that limit area expansion. Building on the finding that farm size strongly limited farmer income, we explored viable farm sizes for contrasting future scenarios in three sites in the East African highlands. This target-oriented perspective revealed that in the current baseline scenario, cultivated areas per farm would have to increase by 4.5, 1.3 and 2.5 times in Nyando (Kenya), Rakai (Uganda) and Lushoto (Tanzania) respectively, to make a living income. However, if crop yields increased to 50% of the water-limited yields, current cultivated areas of most households (>70%) would be large enough to make a living income in Rakai and Lushoto. In Nyando additional sources of income, such as income from livestock, were required to make a living income. Comparing the outcomes of the two different perspectives indicates that increasing yields of staple crops, e.g. through input subsidies, is not enough for all farmers to make a living income from current farm sizes. Larger changes are required, both within the farming system, e.g. increasing farm areas and/or cultivating more profitable crops, as well as outside the farming system, e.g. alternative employment options outside agriculture. The integrated co-learning approach can be deployed to explore incentives for smallholder farmers to sustainably intensify. Further research is required on how to scale the approach and integrate it into extension systems while keeping the valuable farm-researcher feedback. The viable farm size as a benchmark is a useful method for assessing how to leave no one behind while moving towards more sustainable farming systems.
... Agricultural production from the large majority of smallholder producers creates insufficient marketable surplus to nourish the growing urban population (Giller et al., 2021a;Barthel et al., 2019). Moreover, the growing demand for food also supports a further transformation in the agrarian structure, with an increasing number of midsize farms and the reduction of farm size operated by smallholders (Giller et al., 2021b;Jayne et al., 2016;Tschirley et al., 2015). Addressing the tension between improving livelihoods of smallholders and ensuring adequate and nutritious food supplies will be an important aspect of enhancing resilience of the overall food system in the next decades. ...
Article
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Food systems must serve different societal, public health and individual nutrition, and environmental objectives and therefore face numerous challenges. Considering the integrated performances of food systems, this paper highlights five fundamental paradigm shifts that are required to overcome trade-offs and build synergies between health and nutrition, inclusive livelihoods, environmental sustainability and food system resilience. We focus on the challenges to raise policy ambitions, to harmonize production and consumption goals, to improve connectivity between them, to strengthen food system performance and to anchor the governance of food systems in inclusive policies and participatory institutions. Taken together, these shifts in paradigms shape a new discourse for food system transformation that will be capable to respond to current and future policy challenges.
... The term of "smallholder" farms, usually interchanged with "small-scale agriculture", "family farms", "subsistence farms", "resource-poor farm", "low-income farms", "low-input farm" or "low-technology farm" [39,40], refers to contexts "operating under structural constraints such as access to sub-optimal amounts of resources (e.g., capital and assets), technology and markets" [40,41], and "in less than 2 hectares of cropland" [42]. Although on the rise in some countries, medium-scale commercial farms (5-100 hectares), or "agribusiness", still represent an overall minority in the continent' agricultural landscape [43,44]. ...
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This concept paper reviews issues pertaining to parasitic and vector-borne infections, of humans, animals, or both, of topical relevance to the African continent as well as to neighbouring and interconnected geographies. This analysis is carried out through the “One Health” lens, being mindful of the central role of agriculture and livestock keeping in Africa’s sustainable development. The possible agricultural transformation that the continent may undergo to fulfil the rising demand for animal protein of its growing population, coupled with the ongoing climate changes, may lead to potentially enhanced interactions among humans, domesticated and wild animals, in a fast-changing environment. In this view, tackling parasitic conditions of livestock can prove being multidimensionally beneficial by improving animal health as well as communities’ food security, livelihood and public health. Accordingly, the value of applying the One Health approach to drug discovery and development in the fight against parasitic neglected tropical diseases and zoonoses, is also underscored. Overall, this article upholds the adoption of a holistic, global, interdisciplinary, multisectoral, harmonised and forward-looking outlook, encompassing both life and social sciences, when dealing with parasitic conditions of humans and animals, in Africa and beyond, in COVID-19 times and further.
... Significantly, the law itself, including international human rights law, has been criticised as an enabler of the commodification of land and labour, exacerbating the global order's 'poverty, dispossession and exploitation' (Cotula 2020, 475) and increasing the vulnerable status of customarily held land in many African countries (Alden-Wily, 2011;Chadwick, 2019). Indeed, governments routinely mobilise their formal ownership of land within national law to legitimise LSLIs and promote growth corridors or agricultural modernisation (Chadwick, 2019;Cotula, 2013), while private investors (domestic and foreign) maximise national law and the legal protections provided by international investment law to acquire land and shield themselves from adverse public (re)actions and legal contestations (Ferrando, 2014;Jayne et al., 2016). ...
... A detailed analysis of the causes and consequences of failing to render the land fully investible, we believe, provides insights about the limitations of large-scale land deals, in particular vis-à-vis residents who are searching for land. Various actors often vie for the same land, encouraged in part by the unprecedented rise in demand for land by medium-scale domestic investors on the African continent, a development that is feared to exacerbate land scarcity and constrain the development of smallholder farms (Jayne et al. 2014;Jayne et al. 2016). Our findings also help nuance conventional wisdom on agro-industrial schemes, which are often seen as benefitting from economies of scale. ...
Article
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From 2011 onward, a European agribusiness progressively purchased about 38,000 hectares of land in Zambia. Although operations have commenced on the ground, only part of the land has been developed. Salverda and Nkonde look at the reasons for and implications of this partial development, focusing particularly on how, in such a context, Zambia’s slow-moving land administration, lack of financing, and the presence of rural residents on the purchased land have become self-reinforcing challenges. Their aim is to provide insights about why (very large) land deals often fail to achieve their projected capacity, leaving both investors and local residents in limbo.
... Conversely, mid to large scale livestock operators have established a business around animals and are often willing to take any investment that improves the profitability of their enterprise [17,39]. In addition, mid and large-scale food animal enterprises are those that are growing and transforming more rapidly in LMICs, which could create novel and emerging public health threats [4,5,13,14]. ...
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This paper compares the relative frequency of zoonotic disease emergence associated with food animals versus emergence from other animal sources and explores differences in disease characteristics and drivers of emergence between the two sources. It draws on a published compilation of 202 Emerging Infectious Zoonotic Disease (EIZD) events for the period 1940–2004. Of the 202 zoonotic EID events in the dataset, 74 (36.6%) were associated with animals kept for food production, which acted as reservoir for the zoonotic pathogen in 64 events and as intermediate / amplifying host in 8 events. Significant differences exist both in the characteristics of the causal agents and the drivers of emergence of zoonotic diseases from food animals and non-food animals. However, the prevailing policy debate on prevention, detection and control of EIZDs largely focuses on diseases of non-food animal origin (wildlife), neglecting the role of food animals. Policies and investments that ensure appropriate veterinary public health measures along and within food animal value chains are essential to mitigate the global risk of EIZDs, particularly in developing regions where the livestock sector is experiencing rapid growth and structural transformation.
... In contrast, the 2006-2007 National Census of Agriculture and Livestock for Malawi indicates that over 30 % of national farmland is on farms over 20 ha in size. In Tanzania, Jayne et al. (2016) compared estimates of national cultivated area according to the 2008/09 LSMS-ISA vs the National Agricultural Sample Census Survey undertaken in the same year. The two sources produced almost identical estimates of national cultivated area on farms under 5 ha but found huge discrepancies on farms 5-20 ha and over 20 ha . ...
Article
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Scholarship on African land markets has proliferated in recent years. We contend that this scholarship consists of distinct literatures that examine non-overlapping parts of the system and diverge in their conclusions. Some studies view rising land markets as providing greater options for smallholder farmers and positive impacts on agricultural productivity and equity, while others emphasize large-scale land acquisitions and disenfranchisement as the dominant narrative. This article reviews these disparate literatures, identifies points of convergence and disagreement, and outlines steps required to achieve greater consensus on the effects of rising commodification of land. We conclude that land prices are rapidly rising throughout the region, that smallholder participation in land rental and purchase markets are generally rising, and that increased land market activity is generating complex distributional effects that remain poorly understood.
... D'autres dé nitions se rapportent à des critères de taille, proches du concept de smallholder agriculture, comme celle de Wiggins (2009) qui dé nit l'agriculture familiale comme l'inverse des grandes exploitations en matière de taille et de rendement à l'hectare. Lorsque des auteurs utilisent le critère de taille pour dé nir une petite exploitation familiale, il est mis en perspective avec des critères régionaux ou nationaux 1 pour conserver sa cohérence (Jayne et al., 2016). Ainsi, en Asie, une exploitation d'une taille de 1 ha ou 2 ha sera considérée comme de la petite agriculture (et majoritairement familiale), mais pour le Brésil ce seuil passe à 50 ha. ...
Thesis
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Les méthodes de classification des données de télédétection pour la cartographie de l’occupation des sols reposent sur des mesures de proximité entre pixels ou objets dans un hyperespace spectral dans lequel ils sont projetés en fonction de leur réflectance dans plusieurs bandes spectrales de l'image. La projection en retour des pixels ou des objets vers l'espace géographique permet d'obtenir la carte d’occupation du sol recherchée, avec autant de classes que de régions identifiées comme significatives dans l'hyperespace. Le raisonnement qui sous-tend l'analyse dans l'hyperespace des données satellitaires est que dans ce dernier, les relations de proximité de "signatures spectrales" des objets et des pixels sont plus faciles à mettre en évidence que dans l’espace géographique. Ces méthodes sont particulièrement efficaces pour la cartographie des espaces agricoles caractérisés par de grandes parcelles et par des pratiques culturales homogènes.Cependant, pour une grande partie des Suds, les espaces agricoles sont plus complexes, avec des parcelles généralement plus petites, et une diversité d’usages et d’occupations des sols qui reflète les coutumes et leur adaptation au climat et à la géographie locale. L'efficacité des méthodes de télédétection diminue fortement pour ces systèmes agricoles plus complexes.Afin de repousser ces limites, les recherches actuelles portent sur des méthodes combinant à la fois des séries temporelles d’images satellites et des données contextuelles, tel que des indices de texture, l’altitude ou la pente, dont certaines sont basées sur l’apprentissage profond.Ces développements méthodologiques et techniques poussés utilisent principalement l’information spectrale et n’intègrent que peu les autres types de connaissances agricoles disponibles. Par exemple, on sait que certaines cultures ne poussent qu’à partir d’une altitude ou à proximité des habitations. Aisément identifiables dans l’espace géographique, ces connaissances, à la fois spatiales et temporelles, sont plus difficilement identifiables dans l’hyperespace des données. Cela suggère intuitivement qu'une meilleure prise en compte des connaissances agricoles pourrait améliorer les méthodes de classification pour obtenir des cartes de l'occupation de l’usage des sols plus cohérentes sur le plan agricole.Dans cette thèse, nous explorons la possibilité d'utiliser les connaissances en agriculture, formalisées sous forme de règles, pour améliorer une méthode de classification supervisée pour la cartographie de l'occupation et de l’usage des sols des systèmes agricoles complexes. Dans un premier temps, cette thèse propose un modèle conceptuel permettant de combiner à la fois des méthodes de classification de données de télédétection et de la modélisation spatio-temporelle. Ce modèle est décomposé en quatre modules spatiaux et temporels, chacun correspondant à une méthode visant à améliorer la caractérisation de l’occupation et de l’usage des sols, et pouvant être utilisé indépendamment. Les deux modules spatiaux du modèle sont ensuite appliqués à une zone d’étude agricole située dans la région du Vakinankaratra, sur les Hautes Terres de Madagascar afin d’évaluer l’approche développée.D’un point de vue quantitatif, l’application des deux modules spatiaux n’améliore que très peu la caractérisation des classes d’occupation et d’usage des sols de la zone d’étude, notamment du fait du manque de données de qualité supportant l’application des règles spatiales identifiées. Néanmoins, l'application des modules spatiaux permet une meilleure discrimination entre les cultures pluviales et les espaces de savanes, source de nombreuses confusions avec les méthodes utilisées en traitement de données de télédétection. L'analyse de ces résultats permet de proposer des améliorations pour le modèle conceptuel ainsi que pour son application plus générale aux systèmes agricoles complexes.
... Significantly, the law itself, including international human rights law, has been criticised as an enabler of the commodification of land and labour, exacerbating the global order's 'poverty, dispossession and exploitation' (Cotula 2020, 475) and increasing the vulnerable status of customarily held land in many African countries (Alden-Wily, 2011;Chadwick, 2019). Indeed, governments routinely mobilise their formal ownership of land within national law to legitimise LSLIs and promote growth corridors or agricultural modernisation (Chadwick, 2019;Cotula, 2013), while private investors (domestic and foreign) maximise national law and the legal protections provided by international investment law to acquire land and shield themselves from adverse public (re)actions and legal contestations (Ferrando, 2014;Jayne et al., 2016). ...
Article
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Proponents of large-scale land investments (LSLI) still promote them as a development opportunity, which can lead, among other benefits, to job creation and enhanced food security for local communities. However, there is increasing evidence that these investments often deprive affected communities of their access to land, with multiple negative impacts on livelihoods, food security and on the environment. This paper relies on empirical data to present an analysis of LSLI and food (in)security – crucially at the level of individuals in two villages in the Ruvuma region, Tanzania, over 10 years after the acquisition of village land within the Southern African Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT). We introduce an innovative framework that permits an integration of a rights-based approach with the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework to explore smallholders’ livelihoods and experiences of food insecurity. Our paper demonstrates how this integration, along with attention we have given to the FAO’s PANTHER principles, adds the missing yet crucial dimension of accountability on the part of national governments as duty bearers. Our findings show that in the case of these two villages, the human rights principles of participation, accountability, transparency and empowerment are severely undermined, with women bearing the brunt in all these domains. This overall state of affairs is, we argue, due to inadequate monitoring and evaluation of LSLI processes themselves and low levels of commitment on the part of institutions in Tanzania to monitor the promises made by investors. This in turn demonstrates an accountability deficit on the part of duty-bearers within LSLIs, and limited capacity of affected community members to claim their rights. Individual food insecurity experience in the two communities correlates, among other characteristics, with lack of land ownership, employment and income-generating activities. The rights-based livelihoods framework applied in this study points to serious deficiencies in the LSLI model as presently endorsed in SAGCOT, and emphasises the fact that access to land in Tanzania is a precondition for the realisation of the right to adequate food and thus a critical requirement for achieving and maintaining food and nutrition security. We conclude by arguing that progressive coalitions within and beyond national states must devise policies and institutions that empower individuals and civil society actors to make demands on their governments to respect, protect and fulfil their obligations regarding the legally enforceable right to food.
... Increasing land competition and marketization has been documented in >40 African countries and recent research points to farm sizes shrinking rapidly and land values surging in many rural areas (Jayne et al., 2016(Jayne et al., , 2014Wineman & Jayne, 2018). Factors accelerating land competition vary regionally and include local population growth, land grabs and investment by foreign corporations, increasing prevalence of midscale commercial and investment owners, and changing national policies pertaining to agriculture and land tenure (Hall, 2011;Hall et al., 2017;Smith et al., 2010). ...
... Large-sized farmers hold more than 60 % of the total land area in Nepal. Similar patterns are observed in many other developing countries of Asia and Africa (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2013; Sugden et al., 2016;Government of India, 2016;Jayne et al., 2016;Anseeuw et al., 2016;Sitko and Chamberlin, 2016;Thapa et al., 2019). Some public programs, such as land consolidation, have been implemented to establish medium-sized or large-sized farm units by merging small-sized farmers' lands for the purpose of enhancing their economic scale, productivity and food security (Thapa and Niroula, 2008;Sugden et al., 2020). ...
Article
Farm size and climatic perceptions are important economic and cognitive factors for farmers’ activities. However, little is known about how these factors are related to farmers’ responsiveness to climate change. This research addresses what matters for farmers’ responses to climate change, hypothesizing that farm size, climatic perceptions and the interplay between the two are key determinants. We conduct a questionnaire survey with 1000 farmers in Nepal, collecting data on their adaptation responses, farm size, climatic perceptions and sociodemographic information. With the data, the statistical analysis is conducted by employing an index to reflect the farmers’ effective adaptation responses. The results reveal that farmers take adaptations as the farm size becomes small, or when they have good climatic perceptions & social networks with other farmers. The results also show that small-sized farmers tend to adapt much more in response to their climatic perceptions than large-sized farmers. Overall, this research suggests that agriculture may be losing responsiveness to climate change, as large-sized farmers become dominant by holding a majority of land in developing countries. Thus, it is advisable to reconsider the tradeoff between productivity and responsiveness to climate change regarding farm size as well as how large-sized farmers can be induced to adapt through their cognition, policies, social networking and technology for food security. Link for free download (for few weeks only): https://lnkd.in/gy93yuw8
... Land concentration has been increasing globally since the 1980s (142). In most low-and lower-middleincome countries, farm sizes overall have decreased between 1960 and 2010, but the opposite is true in high-income countries and in other countries such as Brazil, with farms increasingly polarized between small and large farms (140), and mediumscale farms are gaining ground in some parts of Africa (143). Yet, adequate data on land value and its distribution remain scarce (144), and land ownership is only one dimension of inequality. ...
Article
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Land use is central to addressing sustainability issues, including biodiversity conservation, climate change, food security, poverty alleviation, and sustainable energy. In this paper, we synthesize knowledge accumulated in land system science, the integrated study of terrestrial social-ecological systems, into 10 hard truths that have strong, general, empirical support. These facts help to explain the challenges of achieving sustainability in land use and thus also point toward solutions. The 10 facts are as follows: 1) Meanings and values of land are socially constructed and contested; 2) land systems exhibit complex behaviors with abrupt, hard-to-predict changes; 3) irreversible changes and path dependence are common features of land systems; 4) some land uses have a small footprint but very large impacts; 5) drivers and impacts of land-use change are globally interconnected and spill over to distant locations; 6) humanity lives on a used planet where all land provides benefits to societies; 7) land-use change usually entails trade-offs between different benefits—"win–wins" are thus rare; 8) land tenure and land-use claims are often unclear, overlapping, and contested; 9) the benefits and burdens from land are unequally distributed; and 10) land users have multiple, sometimes conflicting, ideas of what social and environmental justice entails. The facts have implications for governance, but do not provide fixed answers. Instead they constitute a set of core principles which can guide scientists, policy makers, and practitioners toward meeting sustainability challenges in land use.
... In many historical contexts, the provision of land to new investors at a price below its opportunity cost has encouraged land expansion rather than land intensification and often left communities with few or any benefits (Deininger and Byerlee, 2012). In Africa, many of such new large land acquisitions are owned by salaried urban new investors that live outside the area or by relatively privileged citizens in rural areas, less frequently by a process of accumulation of small-scale farmers that began with less than five ha of land (Sitko and Jayne, 2014;Jayne et al., 2016); although there is some evidence that in areas where commercialization is more developed, small-scale farmers do incrementally increase their farm size Debonne et al. (2021). Even more, some evidence suggests that these investors are not as productive as small-scale farmers that transition into medium-scale farming (Omotilewa et al., 2021). ...
Preprint
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Agricultural intensification, through increased yields, and raising incomes, through enhanced labor productivity, are two dimensions prioritized for achieving sustainable agricultural development. Prioritizing these two outcomes leaves a third element of a trade-off space, labor intensity, as a hidden adjustment variable. In contexts where agriculture is the main source of livelihood for the majority of the population and when the prospects of labor absorption in the nonfarm sector are scarce, the density of agricultural employment offers a means to lift the population out of poverty, especially of those farm workers who are landless, unemployed or underemployed. In this article, we revise the classical relationships between land and labor productivity and labor intensity with farm size, using a standardized data set on 32 countries. We show that for all countries, labor productivity increases with farm size, while both land productivity and labor intensity decrease with farm size, with all these relationships being nonlinear. Technical efficiency, on the other hand, increases with farm size, with few exceptions. We further systematize the evidence on how, beyond the farm level, local contextual factors can be pivotal in choosing how to prioritize the different dimensions of the trade-off space. Our findings contribute to the pressing debates on the fate of small-scale farmers by showing the complexities of the trade-offs between land and labor productivity, and labor intensity, and call for contextualized decisions.
... In line with the need to build a strong farm ecosystem that has all three types of farmers, there is a need to develop a strong medium-scale sector. The fact is that this sector contributes little to agricultural output, despite it holding a significant part of total agricultural land, which is problematic (Jayne et al., 2016;van Dijk et al., 2022). Reasons for their inability to become productive can be found in their lack of appropriate business models and support (Leenstra, 2014;van Dijk et al., 2022). ...
Research
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Improving the livelihood of the many rural-based people living in developing economies calls for a rural transformation. Policymakers primarily focus on increasing agricultural productivity, i.e., fostering a green revolution. Although this is key to initiating rural transformation, evidence shows that high productivity alone does not necessarily attract investments in other parts of the value chain. These investments are vital to improving smallholder livelihoods through creating non-farm employment opportunities. Therefore, this policy brief calls for a more holistic approach to successfully initiate and support rural transformation. This approach seeks to build a farm ecosystem where smallholders, medium-scale, and large-scale farmers work symbiotically and thus send strong signals that can attract investors in other parts of the value chain. Such a system can guarantee consistency in quality, quantity, and stable prices. Specifically, this brief also argues that government efforts at improving the investment climate through the investment in rural infrastructure and especially through the building of agro-industrial parks and emphasizing building skills are a key part of solving the rural transformation puzzle.
... In line with the need to build a strong farm ecosystem that has all three types of farmers, there is a need to develop a strong medium-scale sector. The fact is that this sector contributes little to agricultural output, despite it holding a significant part of total agricultural land, which is problematic (Jayne et al., 2016;van Dijk et al., 2022). Reasons for their inability to become productive can be found in their lack of appropriate business models and support (Leenstra, 2014;van Dijk et al., 2022). ...
... Specific policy emphasis is often placed on boosting the productivity of smallholder farmers who, in regions such as Africa, represent the largest share of agricultural producers and account for significant shares of output (Scoones and Thompson, 2011;Wiggins., 2010). This emphasis on smallholder productivity remains central to development policy even despite increasing recognition of the more nuanced role that agricultural policy plays in development (for example, Dorosh and Thurlow, 2018;Jayne et al., 2016;Collier and Dercon, 2014). ...
Article
Efforts to increase smallholder access to improved varieties and quality seed is often central to agricultural development, economic growth and poverty reduction in low‐income countries. Yet many governments and development partners grow impatient with slow progress in their seed sectors. Uganda stands out for its recent policy innovations, regulatory reforms, and market experiments for seed, and for the extensive analysis of its experience. This paper reviews the changing landscape of Uganda’s seed system and assesses recent policy, regulatory, and institutional changes. We draw on a wide range of documents, studies, and statistics. The low uptake of improved varieties and quality seed in Uganda has encouraged innovation to overcome failures in the country’s seed market. These innovations include regulatory changes to allow the production of quality‐declared seed (QDS) by smallholder seed producers; labelling to allow text message verification of seed; and crowd‐sourcing information on seed quality by farmers. All have promise, but it remains to be seen just how effective they will be. In the meantime, vested interests may resist moves to a more innovative seed sector, instead preferring to maintain the incumbent approach designed to use seed to secure political support from smallholders. This is at variance with the spirit of the 2018 legislation and subsequent regulatory reforms. Uganda has a policy framework that could make a real difference to farmer access to better varieties and seed. Market innovations can help the vision to become reality. But the seed sector needs sufficient public investment to generate new varieties and foundation seed, and capacity to manage the seed market to the benefit of producers, dealers and farmers. Having come so far, it would be counter‐productive for political economy factors to displace the efforts of private provision which is far more sustainable in the medium and long run.
... However, many governments have adopted land and financial policies that implicitly encourage the rise of emergent MSFs. Given the documented rise in MSFs in many African countries (Jayne et al., 2014;Jayne et al., 2016), the APRA Nigeria Work Stream 1 (WS1) team developed a research agenda focused on understanding the potentially complex ways in which these farms affect the productivity and commercialisation potential of small-scale farms (SSFs). We investigated the characteristics of MSFs, the processes that produces them, their relative importance in the agricultural commercialisation process, the relationship between farm scale and productivity, and whether MSFs influence the behaviour and welfare of the millions of SSF households around them. ...
... The subjects of forest tenure reform and forest land claims include customary communities, collectives, and local forest users, but are sometimes driven by broader interests in conservation, rural development, climate mitigation and private-sector investments in forest areas. While underlining their critical roles in forest resource management, in many cases tenure reforms do not necessarily facilitate substantive changes nor produce its intended objectives, and even put some local groups rights at risk (Fisher and van der Muur, 2020;Jayne et al., 2016;Larson and Dahal, 2012;Myers et al., 2017). Several studies highlight governance-related challenges in complex social, political and legal settings Myers et al., 2018;Sahide et al., 2016). ...
Article
As forest tenure reform is mainstreamed around the world, outcomes are increasingly determined by the institutions that are responsible for administering its operationalisation and translating policy into implementation. This global study examines state institutional contexts of tenure reform in Kenya, Uganda, Nepal, Indonesia, and Peru. Interviews were administered in 2016–2017 using a fixed questionnaire applied across all countries involving 26–32 respondents from state implementers of forest tenure reform in each country for a total of 145 respondents. Although our study engagement was tailored for specific country contexts, we identified generalisable forest tenure reform trends through comparative analysis. Findings situate the overall bridging role that state institutions play in forest tenure reform, which we describe as falling under three key overarching coordination functions, namely: coordination among implementers, coordination of objectives, and coordination of resources. These three categories provide insights not only for gauging the progress of a country's forest tenure reform, but also for evaluating how robust reforms have been, and where forest tenure reforms are headed in the future.
... However, when the farm-size distribution is skewed, using the mean or the median can create a downward bias in average farm size estimates (Lund & Price, 1998). Structural transformation is often characterized by the presence of numerous small farms, which operate small fractions of the total land and have low shares in total production, and a much smaller number of large farms, which cultivate much of the total land and produce much of the total agricultural output (Adamopoulos & Restuccia, 2014; Jayne et al., 2016). ...
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Structural transformation of agriculture typically involves a gradual increase of mean farm sizes and a reallocation of labor from agriculture to other sectors. Such structural transformation is often fostered through innovations in agriculture and newly emerging opportunities in manufacturing and services. Here, we use panel data from farm households in Indonesia to test and support the hypothesis that the recent oil palm boom contributes to structural transformation. Oil palm is capital-intensive but requires much less labor per hectare than traditional crops. Farmers who adopted oil palm increase their cropping area, meaning that some of the labor saved per hectare is used for expanding the farm. Average farm sizes increased in recent years. In addition, we observe a positive association between oil palm adoption and off-farm income, suggesting that some of the labor saved per hectare is also reallocated to non-agricultural activities. Oil palm adoption significantly increases the likelihood of households pursuing own non-farm businesses. However, oil palm adoption does not increase the likelihood of being employed in manufacturing or services, which is probably due to the limited non-farm labor demand in the local setting. Equitable and sustainable agricultural transformation requires new lucrative non-agricultural employment opportunities in rural areas.
... While many smallholder farms are dependent on family labor, the enforcement of strict health directives, particularly the movement restrictions and lockdowns to curb the spread of the virus, may constrain labor mobility and availability for medium-scale farms that depend on hired external labor. The number of such farms (5 -100 hectares) is growing rapidly in some African countries accounting for a rising share of total farmland (Jayne et al. 2016). Cropped area and yields may reduce as a consequence of a reduced workforce for agricultural production due to lockdowns and movement restrictions (Ilesanmi, 2021). ...
Chapter
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Continued reliance on area expansion and encroaching onto forest land and marginal lands as the main strategies for agricultural growth in Africa is neither environmentally nor socially sustainable. Building African farming systems’ resilience to shocks and stressors for sustainable food and nutrition security and economic growth and transformation requires shifting from extensification to intensification. This should be driven by integrated management practices on farms. Components for building resilience and sustainability into Africa’s agricultural production systems including efficient use of nutrients and water; improved soil health; use of high-yielding, climate stress-tolerant seeds adapted to local climate change; crop diversification; and investments in risk mitigation and management strategies are discussed in this chapter.
Chapter
Growing differentiation among developing countries, declining capital flows and remittances, uncertain external aid, weakening global architecture, and rising China are reviewed. In 2021, developed countries, led by the United States, had begun a recovery. Considerable progress was achieved in developing countries prior to the COVID-19 pandemic in reducing poverty; infant and child mortality, stunting, wasting, anemia; increasing food security and nutrition; and improving gender empowerment. Impacts of the pandemic on the poverty–food security–nutrition–health nexus and implications for action are described. Agricultural total factor productivity growth across regions and countries shows huge differences in aggregate productivity growth performance. Countries with low growth also lagged in structural transformation. Premature deindustrialization in developing countries peaks at earlier levels of per capita GDP than for industrialized countries. All farm sizes can achieve productivity growth and success, but smallholders require the functioning of factor and product markets, with strong public policy. Productivity growth measures have not included changes in the quality or quantity of natural resources, but that is changing. Overall, the issue of low financial flows to developing countries needs to be addressed, and available resources need to be used strategically to leverage greater public and private investments to food and agriculture. Substantial investments are needed in human and institutional capital and physical infrastructure for new technologies. The G20’s contribution to the global architecture for food and agriculture has not met its potential relative to a promising early start. For 54 industrial and emerging countries monitored by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, changes in their agricultural policies offer scope for improvement in the overall policy environment and investment climate at the global level, including release of valuable resources for building better.
Chapter
This chapter highlights the increase in large-scale land acquisitions across the globe and how it is intertwined with land tenure security. Land tenure security, or the lack thereof, plays a key role in the locational choice of investors. Land tenure security may mitigate the outcomes but is also affected by the acquisition of land. These effects are reflected in de facto displacements, the perception of weakened land tenure security, and changes in the land governance system. We shed light on these relationships between land acquisitions and land tenure security by first providing a global overview, and then delving deeper into the Zambian context. We find that for land acquisitions to be implemented economically, socially, and in an environmentally sustainable manner, strong land tenure security is crucial.
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Mechanisation has made a comeback to agricultural policy in Africa, encouraging scholars to revisit seminal literature on induced innovation. Recent studies emphasise the role for markets in addressing Africa’s mechanisation gaps and warn about past government failures to be avoided. The trust in the ability of markets to offer optimal solutions is debatable. Markets are shaped, as states are, by the interests of their most powerful players. A history-informed analysis of mechanisation and agrarian change in Africa sheds light onto how states and markets are co-constituted. The much-hyped rise in demand of tractors by medium-scale farmers can be linked back to earlier government intervention. And today’s public-private partnerships for mechanisation services illustrate how private interests shape public policy. Top-down tractor programmes continue to largely bypass smallholder farmers, though some are able to benefit. Though tractors are only one element of a complex story of agrarian change in Africa, they illustrate the enduring process of commodification of land, farming and agrarian relations that benefits the few and subjugates the many.
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We discuss recent trends in agricultural productivity in Africa and highlight how technological progress in agriculture has stagnated on the continent. We briefly review the literature that tries to explain this stagnation through the lens of particular constraints to technology adoption. Ultimately, none of these constraints alone can explain these trends. New research highlights pervasive heterogeneity in the gross and net returns to agricultural technologies across Africa. We argue that this heterogeneity makes the adoption process more challenging, limits the scope of many innovations, and contributes to the stagnation in technology use. We conclude with directions for policy and what we feel are still important, unanswered research questions.
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Cropland expansion is a common strategy for boosting agricultural production in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) even though it often leads to economic, environmental, and social trade-offs. Ensuring sustainable cropland use and their management is critical for improving food security and preserving ecosystem services. To develop policies and approaches that support sustainable cropland management at national and sub-national scales, there is a need to understand the spatial distribution of cropland expansion (/loss), and any resultant changes in cropland productivity. This is especially important in SSA countries such as Malawi, where spatially explicit assessments of changes in cropland area and cropland productivity are lacking. To address this gap in Malawi, we used multi-source satellite data and socio-economic data, combined with satellite image classification and trend analysis, firstly to quantify spatial changes in cropland area and productivity, and secondly to evaluate potentially available cropland for future expansion. We found evidence of unsustainable cropland use in Malawi, which was demonstrated by: (a) rapid cropland expansion between 2010 and 2019 (increase 8.5% of land area), characterized by an expansion of crop farming into upland areas which indicate increased land scarcity in Malawi; (b) limited potential for future expansion, as approximately only 5% of the total land remained as potentially available cropland (corresponding to 4671 000 ha); and (c) an overall reduction in cropland productivity and a prevalence of increase in soil erosion. Our findings underscore the urgent need for taking measures to promote sustainable cropland use, including by protecting current cropland from further degradation (e.g. Southern Malawi) and improving cropland use planning (e.g. Northern Malawi).
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Reduced oil revenues since 2014 are stimulating tradable sectors in oil-exporting countries. I use an open economy model with internal and external trade costs to investigate the prospects for reverse Dutch disease in African countries with a comparative advantage in agriculture. While falling resource revenues lead factors of production to shift into agriculture, remote farmers can lose when trade costs make agricultural goods behave like non-tradables. Household survey data from Nigeria show a significant agricultural supply response that is correlated with exposure to international markets. Lowering trade costs and boosting agricultural productivity can help offset the lost income from oil.
Chapter
We present an overview of the literature on agri-food value chains in low- and middle-income countries. Starting from farmers’ decision of whether to move away from subsistence agriculture to participate in agri-food value chains, we study the process whereby agricultural commodities make their way from the farm gate to the final consumer, documenting the procurement relationships that arise and the organization of markets at every step of the way. In each step, we take stock of the empirical evidence, critically assess the research so far, and offer a number of directions for future research. We further discuss the challenges and opportunities for global agri-food value chains.
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We replicate and extend the analysis of Gale (1990) to provide insight into the role of economic conditions on farm distributions in the United States and abroad. Our underlying hypothesis is that the effects of the economic factors on the change in farm numbers remain the same (direction wise) for different times, farm sizes, and countries/regions. We investigate the role of economic conditions on the disappearing middle farms. We extend the analysis to include the time period 1960–2020 and more economic factors, estimate the models by farm size categories, using seemingly unrelated regression, and apply it to international settings (Brazil and the Eurozone). We find no evidence to support the disappearing middle farm hypothesis, despite a declining trend in the number of US midsize farms. The role of economic factors changes according to farm size and country. Economic factors (e.g., population, financial stress, and infrastructure) are important to explain the increase in small and midsize farm numbers in Brazil, and the decreasing small farm numbers in the Eurozone, showing opposite trends in farm numbers globally.
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Farm size and land allocation are important factors in explaining lagging agricultural productivity in developing countries. This paper examines the effect of land market imperfections on land allocation across farmers and aggregate agricultural productivity. We develop a theoretical framework to model the optimal size distribution of farms and assess to what extent market imperfections can explain non-optimal land allocation and output inefficiency. We measure these distortions for the case of Guatemala using agricultural census microdata. We find that due to land market imperfections aggregate output is 19% below its efficient level for both maize and beans and 31% below for coffee, which are three major crops produced nationwide. We also observe that areas with higher distortions show higher land price dispersion and less active rental markets. The degree of land market distortions across areas co-variate to some extent with road accessibility, ethnicity, and education.
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Purpose This paper provides one of the first and most detailed accounts of the large modern dairy farms that are emerging in the dairy sector in India. Qualitative interviews are used to understand how these farms differ from their traditional smallholder counterparts and how well integrated they are into the value chains. Design/methodology/approach Snowball sampling was used to identify large farmers. In total, 49 in-depth interviews were conducted with large commercial modern farms in Punjab. A detailed description of the main characteristics of these modern dairy farms is provided. Data from previous studies conducted in Punjab is used to compare the new farms with traditional smallholder farms. Findings The modern dairy farms are much more advanced in their use of technology compared to their traditional counterparts. These large commercial modern farms are very well integrated into the value chains. They often, but not exclusively, sell milk to formal supply chains, sometimes on a contractual basis. Originality/value Most of the literature on the Indian dairy sector focuses on smallholders. However, understanding and acknowledging the emergence of modern dairy farms is very important in understanding the development of value chains not only in the dairy sector in India, but in domestic food sectors in developing countries in general. This qualitative data analysis is a necessary first step if more large-scale representative information is to be collected in the future.
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The term “feminization of agriculture” is used to describe changing labor markets that pull men out of agriculture, increasing women's roles. However, simplified understandings of this feminization persist as myths in the literature, limiting our understanding of the broader changes that affect food security. Through a review of literature, this paper analyses four myths: 1) feminization of agriculture is the predominant global trend in global agriculture; 2) women left behind are passive victims and not farmers; 3) feminization is bad for agriculture; and 4) women farmers all face similar challenges. The paper unravels each myth, reveals the complexity of gendered power dynamics in feminization trends, and discusses the implications of these for global food security.
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The future wellbeing of billions of rural people is interconnected with transforming food systems for equity, nutrition, environmental sustainability, and resilience. This article tackles three blind spots in the understanding of rural poverty and vulnerability: the narrow focus on extreme poverty and hunger that hides a much wider set of inequalities and vulnerabilities, insufficient recognition of the diversity of rural households, and an inadequate appreciation of the impact of rapid structural changes in markets, the physical environment, and the political economic context. A better understanding of these areas is necessary for imagining a new policy landscape that can align progress on rural poverty alleviation with a wider transformation of food systems. The article provides a framework for assessing the dynamics of rural wellbeing and food systems change. It looks at the viability of small-scale farming and the diversification of livelihood options needed to overcome rural poverty and inequality. The analysis suggests that the future prosperity of rural areas will depend on policy reforms to address market failures in the food system, which currently work against equity, good nutrition and sustainability. Investments will also be needed to enable rural economies to capture greater value from the food system, particularly in the midstream of food distribution, processing and services. The likely future scale and nature of rural poverty and inequality is such that improved social protection and humanitarian relief schemes that support those in crisis or being left behind will still be essential.
Chapter
Agriculture is critical for Africa's future, as most of the population still relies on rural work and struggles to keep pace with the booming population. The sustained growth of the African agricultural sector is necessary to ensure employment and livelihoods, especially for youth. While urban areas continue to attract young people from the countryside, the manufacturing industry and service sectors do not seem to offer productive employment. Agriculture and agri-based industrialisation are now attracting renewed policy interest, while African youth tend to show increasing disaffection from this sector due to myriad challenges that remain unsolved over years. For the agricultural sector to be inclusive, youth need to ensure land access. There is also a need to address challenges related to uncertain titles, demographic pressure and land grabbing, lack of capital due to the underdeveloped financial sector, and unskilled human capital. This chapter discussed these issues and inter-relationships based on an extensive literature review.
Technical Report
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Forest cover has been steadily declining in sub-Saharan Africa, with the area under forest falling from about 734 million hectares in 1990 to about 635 million hectares in 2018, a loss of 98.7 million hectares (based on FAOSTAT data). The rate of forest loss is also accelerating over time, as the average annual decline in forest area was 0.45% in the 1990s, 0.50% in the 2000s, and 0.60% from 2010 to 2018. Somewhat under the radar, medium-scale farms (between 5–100 ha) have emerged as an important category within the agricultural landscape of sub-Saharan Africa. In most African countries, medium-scale farms account for more land under cultivation than large-scale farms, and they have been rapidly growing in numbers. Medium-scale farms account for over 10% of farms in Ghana, Tanzania, and Zambia, and hold an even larger share of total cultivated land: 41% in Ghana, 26% in Nigeria, 47% in Tanzania, and 34% in Zambia. Moreover, the shares of land cultivated and crop production value that are attributed to medium-scale farms have been increasing over time, particularly in land-abundant settings. Medium-scale farms may cause or influence deforestation through both direct and indirect avenues. They can directly cause deforestation by accessing land that had not been previously used—notably, forestland. This forested land can be obtained through several processes: allocation by customary authorities, purchase from other landowners, long-term lease, or transfer of rights by government. Medium-scale farms can also indirectly influence deforestation by contributing to land scarcity, specifically if heightened land scarcity caused (at least partly) by medium-scale farm growth is what spurs smaller farms to revert to carving out forestland. Given the dearth of attention paid to medium-scale farms in sub-Saharan Africa, it is no surprise that few analysts have considered the link between the growth of medium-scale farms and patterns of deforestation. New approaches are needed to understand the links between medium-scale farm growth and deforestation. Because population-based household surveys tend to under-sample relatively large family farms and are therefore not a reliable source of information on medium-scale farms, farm-household surveys can employ stratified sampling or apply a census approach for larger farms. It is also important for these surveys to capture the agricultural ventures of urban-based or otherwise nonresident domestic investors. Several new questions also urgently merit attention in future research on this as-yet overlooked topic. (1) What are the direct and/or indirect links between medium-scale farms and deforestation in sub-Saharan Africa? (2) How does this link vary across different agro-ecologies, commodities, population densities, or land tenure systems? (3) What conditions mitigate the impact of medium-scale farms on deforestation? (4) What policy options would be most effective at limiting deforestation among medium-scale farms or attenuating the indirect link between medium-scale farm growth and deforestation by others? (5) Do the potential policy options differ when this issue is framed, not in terms of deforestation, but in terms of native forest restoration or agroforestry?
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A critical, yet underexplored, dimension of food systems is how consumer food preferences and beliefs interact with the food environment. We present a consumer-centered approach to identifying options for improving diets. The Value Chains for Nutrition (VCN) mixed-methods multi-disciplinary analytical approach was applied in rural Ghana. Data from in-depth consumer interviews, structured vendor interviews, and (secondary) household consumption surveys were analyzed to assess consumer diet patterns, related norms and preferences, and supply and demand characteristics of a set of empirically defined high-potential nutritious foods. Mapping results onto a supply–demand typology, we identify promising interventions to support increased availability, access, and affordability of these foods. Consumption data suggested that diets among Ghanaians were deficient in key micronutrients and calories. Fresh nutritious fruits and vegetables tended to be grown for home consumption rather than sale due to transportation challenges and seasonality of demand, especially near rural markets. Seasonal availability (fruits and vegetables) and affordability (animal foods) severely limited consumption of many nutritious foods. A set of supply, demand, and value chain interventions to enhance availability and affordability of nutritious foods are presented. Critical to success is to consider the set of interventions along each value chain required for impact.
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Drawing on a new set of nationally representative, internationally comparable household surveys, this paper provides an overview of key features of structural transformation – labor allocation and labor productivity – in four African economies. New, micro-based measures of sector labor allocation and cross-sector productivity differentials describe the incentives households face when allocating their labor. These measures are similar to national accounts-based measures that are typically used to characterize structural change. However, because agricultural workers supply far fewer hours of labor per year than do workers in other sectors in all of the countries analyzed, productivity gaps shrink by half, on average, when expressed on a per-hour basis. Underlying the productivity gaps that are prominently reflected in national accounts data are large employment gaps, which call into question the productivity gains that laborers can achieve through structural transformation. Furthermore, agriculture’s continued relevance to structural change in Sub-Saharan Africa is highlighted by the strong linkages observed between rural non-farm activities and primary agricultural production.
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While scholars long recognized the importance of land markets as a key driver of rural non-farm development and transformation in rural areas, evidence on the extent of their operation and the nature of participants remains limited. We use household data from 6 countries to show that there is great potential for such markets to increase productivity and equalize factor ratios. While rental markets transfer land to land-poor and labor-rich producers, their operation and thus impact may be constrained by policy restrictions. Their functioning may also be constrained by ill-defined or insecure rights that may arise from failure to fully compensate existing rights in cases of expropriation, a failure to implement more broadly land policies or to do so in a gender sensitive manner. Methodological and substantive conclusions are derived.
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We use nationally representative household-level panel survey data in two neighboring countries in Southern Africa—Zambia and Malawi—to characterize the current status of rural land rental market participation by smallholder farmers, and their subsequent welfare impacts. Rural rental market participation is much higher in densely-populated Malawi than in lower-density Zambia, reflecting the role of land scarcity in driving rental market development. Consistent with previous literature, we find evidence that rental markets contribute to efficiency gains within the smallholder sector by facilitating the transfer of land from less-able to more-able producers, on average, in both countries. Furthermore, we find that rental markets serve to re-allocate land from relatively land-rich to land-poor households. We examine the impacts of participation on a number of welfare outcomes and find evidence for generally positive returns to renting in land in both countries, on average. However, our analysis also indicates that the returns to renting in land vary strongly with scale of production: tenants who produce more have larger returns to renting in, and many of the smaller producers who rent in do so at an economic loss. The impacts of renting out (i.e., participating in markets as landlords) are decidedly more mixed, with overall negative returns to landlords in Malawi and negligible returns to landlords in Zambia. The findings in this article highlight the need for researchers and policymakers in sub-Saharan Africa to stay attuned to how land rental market participation and its impacts evolve in the near future.
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Medium-scale farms have become a major force in Malawi’s agricultural sector. Malawi’s most recent official agricultural survey indicates that these account for over a quarter of all land under cultivation in Malawi. This study explores the causes and multifaceted consequences of the rising importance of medium-scale farms in Malawi. We identify the characteristics and pathways of entry into farming based on surveys of 300 medium-scale farmers undertaken in 2014 in the districts of Mchinji, Kasungu and Lilongwe. The area of land acquired by medium-scale farmers in these three districts is found to have almost doubled between 2000 and 2015. Just over half of the medium-scale farmers represent cases of successful expansion out of small-scale farming status; the other significant proportion of medium-scale farmers are found to be urban-based professionals, entrepreneurs and/or civil servants who acquired land, some very recently, and started farming in mid-life. We also find that a significant portion of the land acquired by medium-scale farmers was utilized by others prior to acquisition, that most of the acquired land was under customary tenure, and that the current owners were often successful in transferring the ownership structure of the acquired land to a long-term leaseholding with a title deed. The study finds that, instead of just strong endogenous growth of small-scale famers as a route for the emergence of medium-scale farms, significant farm consolidation is occurring through land acquisitions, often by urban-based people. The effects of farmland acquisitions by domestic investors on the country’s primary development goals, such as food security, poverty reduction and employment, are not yet clear, though some trends appear to be emerging. We consider future research questions that may more fully shed light on the implications of policies that would continue to promote land acquisitions by medium-scale farms.
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Numerous sources provide evidence of trends and patterns in average farm size and farmland distribution worldwide, but they often lack documentation, are in some cases out of date, and do not provide comprehensive global and comparative regional estimates. This article uses agricultural census data (provided at the country level in Web Appendix) to show that there are more than 570 million farms worldwide, most of which are small and family-operated. It shows that small farms (less than 2 ha) operate about 12% and family farms about 75% of the world’s agricultural land. It shows that average farm size decreased in most low- and lower-middle-income countries for which data are available from 1960 to 2000, whereas average farm sizes increased from 1960 to 2000 in some upper-middle-income countries and in nearly all high-income countries for which we have information.
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Structured Abstract: Purpose: To understand how the unfolding diet transformation in East and Southern Africa is likely to influence the evolution of employment within its agrifood system and between that system and the rest of the economy. To briefly consider implications for education and skill acquisition. Design/methodology/approach: We link changing diets to employment structure. We then use alternative projections of diet change over 15-and 30-year intervals to develop scenarios on changes in employment structure. Findings: As long as incomes in ESA continue to rise at levels near those of the past decade, the transformation of their economies is likely to advance dramatically. Key features will be: sharp decline in the share of the workforce engaged in farming even as absolute numbers rise modestly, sharp increase in the share engaged in non-farm segments of the agrifood system, and an even sharper increase in the share engaged outside the agrifood system. Within the agrifood system, food preparation away from home is likely to grow most rapidly, followed by food manufacturing, and finally by marketing, transport, and other agrifood system services. Resource booms in Mozambique and (potentially) Tanzania are the main factor that may change this pattern. Research Implications: Clarifying policy implications requires renewed research given the rapid changes in Africa over the past 15 years. Program Implications: Improved quality of education at primary and secondary levels must be the main focus of efforts to build the skills needed to facilitate transformation.
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The food security debate has focused largely on the farm sector and on trade. Relatively neglected or ‘hidden’ from mainstream debate are the middle segments (processing, logistics, wholesale) of agrifood value chains in developing countries—and yet this ‘midstream’ forms 30–40 per cent of the value added and costs in food value chains. The productivity of the midstream is as important as farm yields for food security in poor countries. The article shows that over the past several decades the middle segments have transformed quickly and surprisingly—with a huge volume expansion, a proliferation of small and medium enterprises (SMEs), but also concentrating and multinationalizing (in some places and products), with technology change characterized by capital-led intensification, and with the incipient emergence of branding and labelling and packaging, of new organizational arrangements in procurement and marketing interfaces with farmers and retailers, and of private standards and contracts. Economic policies of market and foreign direct investment (FDI) liberalization, commercial and business climate regulations, hard and soft infrastructure investment, and food safety laws, have paved the path to the expansion and shaped the transformation of the important midstream segment of food value chains.
Book
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In sub-Saharan Africa, property relationships around land and access to natural resources vary across localities, districts, and farming regions. These differences produce patterned variations in relationships between individuals, communities, and the state. This book captures these patterns in an analysis of structure and variation in rural land tenure regimes. In most farming areas, state authority is deeply embedded in land regimes, drawing farmers, ethnic insiders and outsiders, lineages, villages, and communities into direct and indirect relationships with political authorities at different levels of the state apparatus. The analysis shows how property institutions – institutions that define political authority and hierarchy around land – shape dynamics of great interest to scholars of politics, including the dynamics of land-related competition and conflict, territorial conflict, patron-client relations, electoral cleavage and mobilization, ethnic politics, rural rebellion, and the localization and “nationalization” of political competition.
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There is growing interest by development scholars to revisit the inverse farm size-productivity (IR) hypothesis to guide policy on land and agricultural development strategies. However, it is remarkable that existing empirical studies, particularly in sub Saharan Africa (SSA), have been derived from data with few farms outside the zero to ten-hectare range, yet their findings have been extrapolated beyond this range. Moreover, the definition of productivity has mainly been limited to yield or other land productivity measures to explore this highly contested hypothesis. Using data from Zambia, this study addresses these shortcomings and explores the reasons for potential differences in productivity within and between farm size categories, so as to provide practical guidance for relevant policy formulation. Results from our carefully constructed measures of productivity -- accounting for all production costs including less commonly considered costs such as family labor and fixed costs -- reveal that the farm size-productivity relationship is not uniform across the four measures of productivity. While relatively large farms (medium-scale farms) enjoy labor productivity efficiency, they do not exhibit a superior efficiency advantage over small farms when other productivity measures are considered. With a multiple set of considerations to be made in setting land and agricultural policy, these findings indicate that prioritizing unutilized land for medium- over small-scale farms on efficiency grounds are unwarranted.
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Book
Since the 2008 world food crisis a surge of land grabbing swept Africa, Asia and Latin America and even some regions of Europe and North America. Investors have uprooted rural communities for massive agricultural, biofuels, mining, industrial and urbanisation projects. 'Water grabbing' and 'green grabbing' have further exacerbated social tensions. Early analyses of land grabbing focused on foreign actors, the biofuels boom and Africa, and pointed to catastrophic consequences for the rural poor. Subsequently scholars carried out local case studies in diverse world regions. The contributors to this volume advance the discussion to a new stage, critically scrutinizing alarmist claims of the first wave of research, probing the historical antecedents of today's land grabbing, examining large-scale land acquisitions in light of international human rights and investment law, and considering anew longstanding questions in agrarian political economy about forms of dispossession and accumulation and grassroots resistance. Readers of this collection will learn about the impacts of land and water grabbing; the relevance of key theorists, including Marx, Polanyi and Harvey; the realities of China's involvement in Africa; how contemporary land grabbing differs from earlier plantation agriculture; and how social movements-and rural people in general-are responding to this new threat. This book was published as a special issue of Third World Quarterly.
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This article utilizes available spatial data to quantify the amount of customary land in Zambia and to examine the prospects for agricultural commercialization in those areas, in terms of population densities, market access conditions, and agro-ecological suitability. We find that approximately 51–54 percent of Zambia’s land remains under customary tenure and, by implication, available for smallholder utilization. However, populations are clustered in 5 percent of the customary land with reasonably good market access conditions. Good market access conditions are generally located in regions with high levels of rainfall variability due to historical infrastructure investments. High density, market accessible regions are witnessing a rapid increase in land commodification, land alienation, and declining fallow rates. Land and economic development policies must be attentive to the changing dynamics in customary land areas in order to ensure the future viability of the smallholder farming sector.