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Inclusion and Democracy
Abstract
This chapter discusses the politics of multiculturalism as a kind of identity politics. It argues the concept of structural difference, as distinct from cultural group. Analysing structural difference and structural inequality, then, helps to show why these movements are not properly interpreted as identity politics. The chapter defines social structure, and more specifically structural inequality, by rebuilding elements from different accounts. Norms of inclusive communicative democracy require that claims directed at a public with the aim of persuading members of that public that injustices occur must be given a hearing, and require criticism of those who refuse to listen. Common good theorists no doubt fear that attending to group differences in public discussion endangers commitment to co-operative decision-making. Only explicit and differentiated forms of inclusion can diminish the occurrence of such refusals, especially when members of some groups are more privileged in some or many respects.
... Consequently, it is recognized that women are more likely to advocate for energy equity than men (UNDP, 2013). Furthermore, female parliamentarians can also indirectly improve energy justice, notably through improving human capital, and promoting more democratic institutions (Chen, 2021;Young, 2000). Indeed, elected female representatives are more likely to allocate more public funds for investment in education, and contribute favourably to improving democracy. ...
... Indeed, politically empowered women are better educated, which increases the benefits of political participation and broadens the base of support for democracy. For Young (2000), the inclusion of under-represented social groups such as women, whose priorities are likely to be excluded from deliberations, is essential to the legitimacy of the democratic political system. From this point of view, a political system can only be truly democratic if it includes women, and the inclusion of women in turn enhances democracy. ...
... From this point of view, a political system can only be truly democratic if it includes women, and the inclusion of women in turn enhances democracy. Thus, the presence of women in parliament is a first step towards integrating women's priorities into the democratic process (Young, 2000). However, improving democracy represents an effective attempt to achieve energy justice. ...
Women parliamentarians have been playing an increasingly important role in shaping climate policy and advocating for energy justice in recent years. As lawmakers, they have a unique opportunity to influence policy decisions and prioritize sustainable practices that can mitigate the effects of climate change. Additionally, women parliamentarians bring a unique perspective to the table, often championing issues that directly impact women, children, and marginalized communities who are disproportionately affected by climate change and energy injustices. As the composition of parliamentarians becomes more diversified with the increasing representation of women, it is crucial to investigate whether female parliamentarians influence energy justice. Based on the theory of ecofeminism, which suggests that women are relatively more concerned with environmental sustainability and environmental risks than men, this study tests the hypothesis that women parliamentarians are more likely to take action in favour of energy justice. Specifically, this paper aims to examine the causal effect of female parliamentarians in promoting energy justice in a panel of 62 countries. The study proposes three sub-indicators of energy justice namely distributive justice, procedural justice, and restorative justice. Using the two-stage instrumental variable approach, we isolate the effect of female parliamentarians and find that it is a driver of energy justice. The results of a mediation analysis highlight the role of democracy and human capital as transmission channels, explaining the indirect effect of female parliamentarians on energy justice. The study's conclusions therefore highlight the importance of supporting and empowering women parliamentarians in their efforts to combat climate change and energy injustice. Key policy insights. National initiatives such as parity quotas in parliaments to improve women's participation in political life are strongly encouraged in order to achieve gender parity in parliaments.. Concepts of justice are now routinely mobilized in environmental and climate change activism.. The various international campaigns aimed at raising awareness of low-carbon transitions could be more successful in countries where women are better represented in parliaments.. This article contributes to the literature on the environmental role of women politicians by examining the causal effect of women parliamentarians on energy justice.. As women are more sustainability-conscious and are more affected by climate change, women parliamentarians can advocate gender-sensitive climate policies. ARTICLE HISTORY. The results show that increasing the number of women in parliaments helps to minimize CO2 emissions and global warming by improving energy justice.. The results also highlight the importance of developing measures targeting better education and more democratic institutions.
... 89 Taylor, 1995. 90 Habermas, 1996Young, 2000;Dewey, 2016Dewey, (1926; Cohen and Fung, 2021. exchange may proceed without unduly harmful effects on others. ...
... Fraser, 1990: 72. More generally, seeYoung, 2000 on 'articulateness' and other discursive norms. For a general critique of norms of civility (particularly those associated with politeness) especially in discussions over racial justice, seeZamalin, 2021. ...
... Broadly speaking, this aligns with the background theory of justice inYoung, 2000. ...
Algorithmic intermediaries govern the digital public sphere through their architectures, amplification algorithms, and moderation practices. In doing so, they shape public communication and distribute attention in ways that were previously infeasible with such subtlety, speed and scale. From misinformation and affective polarisation to hate speech and radicalisation, the many pathologies of the digital public sphere attest that they could do so better. But what ideals should they aim at? Political philosophy should be able to help, but existing theories typically assume that a healthy public sphere will spontaneously emerge if only we get the boundaries of free expression right. They offer little guidance on how to intentionally constitute the digital public sphere. In addition to these theories focused on expression, we need a further theory of communicative justice, targeted specifically at the algorithmic intermediaries that shape communication and distribute attention. This lecture argues that political philosophy urgently owes an account of how to govern communication in the digital public sphere, and introduces and defends a democratic egalitarian theory of communicative justice.
... As well as enabling us to achieve a modus vivendi [80], democracy can be the imperfect means whereby we approach something that better approximates a general will [81], or at the very least enable our political preferences to be transformed through deliberation and dialogue [99]. When the democratic process enables us through engagement with the other to actually move closer to them in our values and political preferences, then this transformation not only quells instability and unrest, it enables a genuine form of collective self-determination [70]. ...
... Second, they deprive participants of the opportunity to have their preferences changed in particular through their engagement with others. This is valuable not only because it yields an outcome that represents their better-considered preferences, but because engaging with the other directly, seeing the matter under contention from their point of view, and coming to adjust your preferences through a process that you associate with that exchange, is valuable in its own right (in part for conciliation, and in part for the formation of a general will) [81,99]. ...
... Healthy democracies rely on a healthy informal public sphere, to hold the powerful to account and to set a positive forward direction for society by facilitating informal collective deliberation [26,41,60,99]. Our existing digital infrastructure for the public sphere is doing a bad job [26]. ...
LLMs are among the most advanced tools ever devised for analysing and generating linguistic content. Democratic deliberation and decision-making involve, at several distinct stages, the production and analysis of language. So it is natural to ask whether our best tools for manipulating language might prove instrumental to one of our most important linguistic tasks. Researchers and practitioners have recently asked whether LLMs can support democratic deliberation by leveraging abilities to summarise content, as well as to aggregate opinion over summarised content, and indeed to represent voters by predicting their preferences over unseen choices. In this paper, we assess whether using LLMs to perform these and related functions really advances the democratic values that inspire these experiments. We suggest that the record is decidedly mixed. In the presence of background inequality of power and resources, as well as deep moral and political disagreement, we should be careful not to use LLMs in ways that automate non-instrumentally valuable components of the democratic process, or else threaten to supplant fair and transparent decision-making procedures that are necessary to reconcile competing interests and values. However, while we argue that LLMs should be kept well clear of formal democratic decision-making processes, we think that they can be put to good use in strengthening the informal public sphere: the arena that mediates between democratic governments and the polities that they serve, in which political communities seek information, form civic publics, and hold their leaders to account.
... But in democracy public interests are considered above all other interests. A democratic decision is considered legitimate only if all the affected members by the decision are included in that process of decision making (Young, 2000). Public involvement process provides legitimacy to the decisions taken on the basis of i n t e r n a t i o n a l R e s e a r c h a n d R e v i e w consensus. ...
... Democracy cannot be sustained without offering liberty to the citizens. A person is free if she/he is able to pursue her/his life in her/his way (Young, 2000). Therefore, the question ofright to self-determination isbasis of a democracy.Structural inequalities of wealth and power make a person marginalized. ...
... To associate all the citizens in the decision making process, all citizen must be in equal process, so all the inequalities including power and wealth should be removed. Domination is just opposite to the concept of liberty, to uphold the non-domination and promote cooperation one must regulate and interfere with actions no one is subject to domination by others (Young, 2000). Domination oppresses marginalized persons by imposing their views on them. ...
The paper analyses how an effective public involvement can preserve and support the idea of democracy, referring to the contemporary situation in India, where people have low confidence in the institutions. The work reveals the escalating tendencies of citizens’ scepticism towards government and other official structures as one of the key problems that threaten democracies globally. Public engagement was defined as the capacity to restore such confidence and to achieve good decision-making in this context. The empirical research of the study includes a review of the literature and outlines different modes of participation including local self- government, citizens’ assemblies, meetings, initiatives, and referendums. The research study reveals that India has in fact incorporated some of these participative tools in its tradition but the paradox is that India requisite a long way to fill the void created due to non-functioning of participative tools at higher policy making levels. Basically, the study postulates that better processes that facilitate participation in policy-making not only increase people’s confidence in authorities but also make policies more legitimate and acceptable. The conclusion reiterates the necessity of changing the system in an effort to enhance the citizens’ engagement in the process of governance, excluding the electoral democracy and additionally including the deliberative democracy. Thus, this paper offers practical knowledge to the discourse on revitalizing democracy to uncover some measures that can help decrease the trust gap and enhance the entire efficiency of democratic leadership.
... Ahora bien, Young (2000), resalta la importancia de cuestionar y ser crítico ante esta noción de "normalidad" o "imparcialidad", ya que frecuentemente sirve a propósitos ideológicos fundamentales que perpetúan la opresión. En primer lugar, buscar la imparcialidad fomenta el imperialismo cultural, permitiendo que la visión particular de grupos privilegiados dominantes se presente como la norma universal y objetiva (Young, 2000). ...
... Ahora bien, Young (2000), resalta la importancia de cuestionar y ser crítico ante esta noción de "normalidad" o "imparcialidad", ya que frecuentemente sirve a propósitos ideológicos fundamentales que perpetúan la opresión. En primer lugar, buscar la imparcialidad fomenta el imperialismo cultural, permitiendo que la visión particular de grupos privilegiados dominantes se presente como la norma universal y objetiva (Young, 2000). En ese sentido, el modelo médico dominante ha impuesto la concepción específica de "normalidad" neurocognitiva, deslegitimando y marginando otras formas de procesamiento y experiencia (Armstrong, 2010;Walker, 2014). ...
... En ese sentido, el modelo médico dominante ha impuesto la concepción específica de "normalidad" neurocognitiva, deslegitimando y marginando otras formas de procesamiento y experiencia (Armstrong, 2010;Walker, 2014). Por otra parte, la creencia en la capacidad de los expertos médicos y científicos para tomar decisiones de manera imparcial y verdadera puede legitimar y reforzar las jerarquías autoritarias en la toma de decisiones, negando la autonomía y la autodeterminación de las personas neurodivergentes (Young, 2000). ...
La justicia social, la reconfiguración de las estructuras educativas y las reglas de funcionamiento del sistema educativo son temas relevantes en nuestra actualidad. Esto es provocado por el creciente contexto de aceptación al paradigma de la neurodiversidad, el que definido por Walker (2014), se entiende como una perspectiva particular basada en tres principios clave. Primero, reconoce que la diversidad neurocognitiva es una parte valiosa y natural de la diversidad en la humanidad, de igual manera que la diversidad étnica, cultural o de género (Armstrong, 2010). Segundo, cuestiona la idea de que exista un único estándar de
normalidad en términos de mente y cognición, una idea similar a que exista una sola única forma para la etnia, el género o la cultura. Tercero, destaca que las dinámicas sociales que rodean la neurodiversidad se puedan comparar a las observadas en distintas formas de diversidad humana, como la étnica o de género, incluyendo la desigualdad de poder y el potencial creativo cuando se adopta completamente la diversidad (Walker, 2014).
El paradigma de la diversidad ha producido cuestionamientos fundamentales al modelo médico clásico que se basa en el diagnóstico clínico, tiende a percibir a las personas neurodivergentes como individuos con desviaciones o déficits en relación a lo que se define como “normalidad, en ocasiones se deriva de prácticas de exclusión y denegación de sus derechos (Kapp et al., 2013). Como contraste a esto, si nos enfocamos en la neurodiversidad reconociendo las diferencias neurocognitivas como una expresión más de la diversidad humana, se proponen cambios en las estructuras sociales para dar garantía a una inclusión genuina (Armstrong, 2010; Walker, 2014).
... Young distinguishes between external and internal inclusion in public reasoning (2000). Individuals who are not recognised as protagonist or antagonist in a deliberative engagement-for whatever reasons-are viewed as externally excluded, preventing them from challenging the claims of others or defending their own (Young 2000). However, Young also identifies how even those members of the polity admitted to an exchange may have their contributions dismissed due to their unfamiliar communicative styles, or fail to engage effectively because the language or procedures in which deliberation is conducted are inaccessible, for example where points are "not expressed… in the 'proper' accent or grammatical structure" (Young 2000). ...
... Individuals who are not recognised as protagonist or antagonist in a deliberative engagement-for whatever reasons-are viewed as externally excluded, preventing them from challenging the claims of others or defending their own (Young 2000). However, Young also identifies how even those members of the polity admitted to an exchange may have their contributions dismissed due to their unfamiliar communicative styles, or fail to engage effectively because the language or procedures in which deliberation is conducted are inaccessible, for example where points are "not expressed… in the 'proper' accent or grammatical structure" (Young 2000). Young calls this internal exclusion. ...
... These unconditional rights promote disagreement by allowing different perspectives to be heard (van Eemeren and Grootendorst 1984). The pragma-dialectic commitment to open expression and challenge overlaps with deliberative democracy in the area of internal inclusion, which requires all participants offering non-coercive and relevant arguments to have meaningful opportunities to influence discussions (Young 2000). It might be thought that this is where the overlap ends, reflecting pragma-dialectics' focus on the conduct of a critical discussion for any given set of participants. ...
This paper adopts a pragma-dialectic approach to explore inclusion in real-world argumentation. Having outlined theories of deliberative democracy—focussing on Habermas’s discourse model—and pragma-dialectic methods for analysing argumentative exchanges in the real world, we then relate them. From this we identify the potential for using the enhanced detail of pragma-dialectic analysis to constructively understand dynamics of inclusion in the political decision processes of central concern to deliberative democratic theories.
In the remainder of the article we illustrate this potential with our own pragma-dialectic analysis of an instance of real-world argumentation in a political policymaking process—a deliberative forum in the contentious field of mental health. The detail afforded by the pragma-dialectic method allows us to more clearly identify the complex layers and dynamics of argument involved in these policy deliberations, allowing insights into mechanisms for inclusion in deliberations, relative to the parties to such deliberations, their roles and competing interests and perspectives.
By relating the two fields of deliberative democratic theory and pragma-dialectics this article aims to develop their complementary potential—in particular by suggesting, and briefly illustrating—how pragma-dialectic methods might enhance analysis of the dynamics of argumentation in political policymaking processes, in particular as an aid to constructive reflection on those processes by theorists and participants together.
... It adds to the existing literature on queer activism in Asia, where scholars have shown that despite operating within political restrictions, civil society activists can nevertheless "bargain with the state" (Yang 2019: 662) or engage in a form of "pragmatic resistance" (Chua 2012: 713) and "quiet politics" (Jung 2022: 863) to advocate for social change. A key part of this paper draws from Young's (2000) framework of conceptualising civil society functions, showing that activists can drive societal change forward without clashing with the state by taking on the role of service deliverers. This discussion also considers the role of international development assistance in shaping Vietnamese civil society and LGBT+ advocacy after the country's 1986 economic reform. ...
... Another useful framework for understanding Vietnamese LGBT+ advocacy strategies is in Young's (2000) distinction between two sets of functions within civil society: "service delivery" and "public sphere". While the "service delivery" function pertains to providing services to marginalised populations and facilitating mutual aid, the "public sphere" involves mediating institutions that gather interests and concerns from citizens, fostering autonomous spaces for diverse discourses. ...
... Phong's solution to the problem of healthcare mistreatment shows a service-delivery approach to activism. Fulfiling this function means that civil society actors attempt to fill a service gap that the state is incapable or unwilling to fulfil (Young 2000). In the Vietnamese context, the state's lack of guidelines on how to translate the 2015 Civil Code on transgender into practice means that several transgender people, whether having undergone sex-reassignment surgery or not, are stuck with an ID card that does not reflect their gender (Đỗ and Nguyễn 2020;IJsendijk 2023). ...
In the past decade, the Vietnamese lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and other sexual orientations and gender identities (LGBT+) movement has succeeded in repositioning this population from the stigmatising label of "social evils" to a more positive social representation. Despite the limited space for civil society in this authoritarian environment, Vietnamese activists and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have effectively changed public attitudes, improved visibility, and gained legal recognition for this marginalised community. This study uses qualitative data from interviews with twelve activists and fieldwork observations to explain how activist strategies in this setting align with the "service delivery" function of civil society. By examining how activists have addressed healthcare and education deficits, I demonstrate that activism in authoritarian regimes can be effective when it assists instead of challenges the government. The findings contribute to scholarship on global queer activism by demonstrating how a service delivery approach can achieve social change, highlighting the role of NGOs and international development in this process. Additionally, the findings expose existing challenges that hinder these activists' efforts, showing how funding dependency and inadequate legal recognition can significantly limit the creativity and autonomy of grassroots activist groups.
... 112 subject matter of the writings of Rasul (2007) and Eviota (2023). To provide a framework for this paper, the works of I.M. Young (1990;2000;2002) on difference politics and oppression as well as the writings of Galtung (1990) and Tanabe (2019) on post-building will be examined. ...
... To empower people, there must be a focus on making institutions accessible to all people, without the prejudice against one's religion or ethnicity. Meritocracy, which is based on skill and competence, for instance, only favors mainstream society (Young 2000). The majority of Muslims in Basilan, Sulu, and Tawi-tawi do not have access to college education and training. ...
Structural injustice appears normalized and legitimized in modern societal culture. The Mindanao problem is not a religious conflict between Christians and Muslims. War and peace in Mindanao points is a question of historical and structural injustice. Portraying the Christian and Muslim divide as some form of religious war silences the suffering of its Indigenous Peoples. The exclusion of the Lumad is due to a type of violence against their identity. Philippine society labels indigenous peoples as illiterate and the Muslim Filipino as violent. In the Filipino socio-cultural hierarchy, the Christian is at the top whereas in the middle lies the Muslim Filipino. Powerless and without any voice, at the bottom dwells the Lumad. There was no peace in the past because of this moral divide. Peace is not just the absence of conflict. It is a process that involves the full recognition of human dignity and the respect for basic human rights. It can only be achieved if it is inclusive, which means that it is meant for all human beings and not just to satisfy the economic or political demands of a dominant group. This is why inclusion cannot be limited to the distribution of resources. While politics caters to the satisfaction of power players, peace can only be rooted in the solidarity of a people as one nation.
... It also examines how space, speech and material elements are enacted and received, and, therefore what they 'do', in terms of, for example, (de)legitimizing the presence or the knowledge of people during participatory moments. Participation can be perceived or experienced as exclusionary and even alienating (Young, 2002). Dramaturgy helps us understand why. ...
... Residents might become frustrated, with these policy instruments failing to reduce feelings of discontent and detachment, even though they are often designed to confront political disaffection (Fernández-Martínez et al., 2020). Using dramaturgy can help understand the exclusionary mechanisms at play during these moments, or what Young (2002) describes as internal exclusion and the sense of alienation that might come with them. Or as Champers (2007, p. 38) puts it: "The problem here is not being left out but rather not being heard". ...
Whether endemic or overt, conflict is an intrinsic part of policymaking. Public participation promises to give a place to those conflicts in a more inclusive and productive way. Previous research has primarily focused on the substance and discourse of conflict, studying what conflicts are about and how actors give meaning to conflicts. Less attention has been given to how conflicts are enacted and performed when citizens and the state meet. Using a dramaturgical approach, this paper explores how the performances, staging practices, and scenography of public participation influence policy conflicts. The research concentrates on two contentious urban projects in the Belgian city of Genk, employing ethnographic observation of participatory moments to expose the performative elements of participation. The analysis uncovers the artifacts and communicative methods that narrow the conflict scope, determine the micro-politics of the participatory meetings, and influence whose voices are heard. Using a dramaturgical analysis framework sheds light on some underexplored, micro-level dynamics of participatory efforts that may limit the scope of policy conflict. Understanding these micro-mechanisms is essential for a more inclusive and equitable urban transformation policy.
... (1997), Daly (1996), Dewan (2009), Dryzek (1997), Fraser (1997, Fung ve Wright (2001), Habermas (1985, Meadowcroft (2004), Negt ve Kluge (1993), Nussbaum (2000), Pearce vd. (1989), Redclift (1987), Sachs (1999), Sen (1989), Sen (1999), UNDP (1994), UNDP (1997), WCED(1987, Wilkinson ve Pickett (2009), Young (2000. ...
... Bellek ve hatırlama ise, kamusal alanların toplumsal hafızanın ve kolektif kimliğin korunmasında önemli rol oynadığını gösterir. Bu dinamikler, demokratik değerlerin ve süreçlerin mekânsal düzenlemeler aracılığıyla nasıl desteklenebileceğini açıkça ortaya koyar (Arendt, 1958(Arendt, , 2011Habermas, 1989Habermas, , 2014Negt ve Kluge, 1993Young, 2000;Fraser, 1990). yaklaşımı, kamusal alanın canlılığını ve mekânsal demokrasiyi odağına alarak sürdürülebilir insani kalkınmayı hedefleyen kuramsal bir zemin sunar. ...
Sürdürülebilir kalkınma genellikle ekonomik, çevresel ve sosyal boyutların dengelenmesine odaklanırken, sürdürülebilir insani kalkınma insan refahı, hakları ve yaşam kalitesine vurgu yapar. Bu makale, sürdürülebilir insani kalkınma için kamusal alanların önemini vurgulamakta ve demokrasinin mekânsallığını açıklayan kamusal alanın ölçülebilir normlarının, insani kalkınmayı destekleyen mimari mekânların tasarımına nasıl entegre edilebileceğini araştırmaktadır. Mimarlık ve şehir planlama disiplinlerinde mekân ve demokrasi arasındaki ilişki genellikle kamusallık ve kamusal mekânlar kavramları üzerinden ele alınır. Kamusal alanın, insani kalkınmanın temel bir aracı olarak, genellikle kamusal mekânlar aracılığıyla var olduğu varsayılır. Ancak, kamusal alan, belirli mekânsal sınırları olmayan bir ortamı temsil ettiğinden, tasarım ve planlama süreçlerine dolaylı olarak dâhil olur. Katılımcı tasarım yaklaşımları, özellikle kentsel planlamada, sürdürülebilir insani kalkınmaya ket vuran ve kamusal alanı sınırlayan sorunları ele alır. Saha araştırmaları yapar ve kamusal mekânlarla ilgili uygulamalar kullanarak demokrasiyi güçlendirmeyi amaçlar. Katılımcı yaklaşımlarla tasarlanan mekânların kamusal alanı canlandırabileceğine inanılmaktadır. Mimarlıkta, katılımcı beklentilere ve işlevsel verimliliğe odaklanan araştırmalar, katılımcı tasarım yaklaşımlarında öne çıkmaktadır. Ancak, katılımcı tasarım yaklaşımının, kamusal alanın canlılığını amaçlayarak nasıl yapılandırabileceğini tartışmak gerekmektedir. Bu yaklaşım, mekânsallığı, mimari ölçekte geliştirilen planlama ve tasarım süreçlerine dâhil ederek, demokrasiyi ve sürdürülebilir insani kalkınmayı geliştiren tasarım stratejileri için teorik bir temel sağlar. Kamusal alanın soyut doğasına rağmen, katılımcı tasarım süreçlerindeki aşamalar, ölçülebilir niteliksel normlara dayanarak, sürdürülebilir insani kalkınmayı güçlendiren yönde yapılandırılabilir ve aynı zamanda demokratik mekânsallığı güçlendirebilir. Makale, saha uygulamaları ve sosyal bilimlerle desteklenebilecek "kamusal katılımcı tasarım" olarak adlandırılan bir prototip yaklaşımı önermektedir. Sonuç bölümünde, bu teorik yaklaşımın sağlayabileceği potansiyel faydalar ve çeşitli perspektifler vurgulanmaktadır.
... Despite numerous studies in social and political sciences, no scientific consensus has been reached on the content of democracy and its attributes and types, and it remains a highly contested issue to this day (see: Cunningham, 2002;Munck, Verkuilen, 2002;Coppedge et al., 2011). While there is agreement among researchers regarding the core elements of democracy -including free and fair elections, civil and political liberties, and government accountability -the scientific debate on democracy mainly concerns dimensions such as political inclusion (Dryzek, 1996;Young, 2002), economic egalitarianism (Boix, 2003;Knutsen, Wegmann, 2016), and social equality, including ethnic equality (Houle, 2015) and gender equality (Beer, 2009). Furthermore, the public understanding of democracy has been shown to vary across time and space (Dalton, Shin, Jou, 2007;Ferrín, Kriesi, 2016), among age groups (Sack, 2017;Nieuwelink, ten Dam, Dekker, 2018), due to the socio-economic status (Ceka, Magalhães, 2020), and in response to political regime transition (Dalton, Shin, Jou, 2007;Sack, 2017). ...
The increasing volume of large, multi-thematic text corpora in social sciences presents a challenge in selecting relevant documents for qualitative and mixed-methods research. Traditional sample selection methods require extensive manual coding or prior dataset knowledge, while unsupervised methods can yield inconsistent results with theory-driven coding. To address this, we propose purposive semantic sampling – a Natural Language Processing approach using document-level embeddings created by a weighted average of word vectors with term frequency-inverse document frequency (tf-idf). We demonstrate its effectiveness using the example of democracy, a complex topic difficult to retrieve from parliamentary corpora. This method applies to any multi-thematic research area within big data, offering a reliable, efficient sample selection method for social research texts. Our contribution includes validating this NLP approach for social sciences and humanities as well as providing a robust tool for researchers, facilitating deeper qualitative analysis and exploration of big data corpora within the computational grounded theory framework.
... Empirical evidence from RJ applied to other crimes and qualitative data from emerging projects in this field can be mentioned. Following the all-affected principle (Young, 2000), because the impact and legacy of political violence affects the whole population and different generations, RJ programmes in this field must involve the community as indirect victim and supporter for those directly affected. This might conflict with the confidentiality principle, understood as a guarantee for a safe space, allowing speaking frankly and with honesty so that public exposure is avoided. ...
... The Habermasian perspective on democracy goes beyond the conventional understanding of voting and reaching a majority decision to emphasise the entire deliberative process inherent in the democratic system and how it is communicated. Particularly significant is the focus on procedures that acknowledge the moral equality of all citizens' voices (White, 2017); this inclusion enables deliberation (Chambers, 2018;Young, 2000). If voices are muted and forums for deliberation are closed, this results in a substantial reduction of the potential for democratic deliberation. ...
... The emphasis on pedestrian spaces, rather than public space, is intended to convey a certain open-endedness and exploration rather than a confined space of interaction. Thus, we are interested in paths and connections, interstitial spaces (Brighenti, 2013;Young, 2002) as well as more traditional public spaces like parks and squares. Furthermore, the concept of pedestrian space is intended to capture something connected to the act of walking, or slow mobility (Olwig, 2016), as an aspect of exploring, pausing, and reflecting. ...
This article introduces a counter-mapping strategy to visualize Malmö from a pedestrian perspective. It highlights the uneven distribution and fragmentation of current pedestrian spaces and aim to support a constructive approach to networks of slow roads. We are particularly concerned with processes to improve the mapping of pedestrian spaces and how maps might support constructive dialogues.
... No basta con incluir a más personas en el proceso; es crucial que estas personas representen la diversidad de la comunidad urbana. A menudo, los procesos participativos están dominados por grupos más vocales y mejor organizados, mientras que las voces de las minorías y de los grupos marginalizados pueden quedar silenciadas (Young, 2000). Además, factores como el acceso a la información, el tiempo disponible para participar y la confianza en las instituciones varían significativamente entre diferentes grupos sociales (Fung, 2006). ...
En recientes años, la participación ciudadana ha emergido como un pilar fundamental en la construcción de ciudades sostenibles. Esta investigación aborda este fenómeno, centrándose en la evaluación de Iniciativas Ciudadanas (IICC). El objetivo principal es desarrollar un sistema de indicadores homogéneo que permita medir integralmente el impacto de estas iniciativas en los tres ámbitos de la sostenibilidad, que incluyen aspectos sociales, económicos y ambientales, contribuyendo así a la creación de un modelo urbano más completo y destacando la importancia de la participación activa del tejido social en el espacio urbano. La metodología adoptada sigue un enfoque de mejora continua, e incluye una exploración documental inicial, una revisión de los sistemas de evaluación existentes, el diseño de la herramienta, la validación a través de expertos y casos prácticos, y finalmente, la elaboración de una propuesta mejorada del sistema de evaluación. El resultado es un sistema de evaluación mejorado, diseñado para medir la contribución de las IICC en la mejora de la sostenibilidad de un barrio o entorno urbano. La innovación radica en la inclusión de la dimensión espacial y la adaptabilidad para autoevaluaciones de IICC, ya que los sistemas actuales sólo se enfocan en aspectos medioambientales, económicos y a menor escala, en aspectos sociales, sin tener en cuenta el componente espacial. Esta metodología espiral permite una mejora continua de la propuesta, asegurando su relevancia y calidad. La investigación contribuye no solo a la comprensión teórica de la relación entre participación ciudadana y sostenibilidad, sino también ofrece una herramienta práctica para evaluar y fomentar el rol de las iniciativas en la mejora de la sostenibilidad de las ciudades desde una perspectiva holística.
Palabras clave: Participación Ciudadana, Sostenibilidad Urbana, Innovación Social, Evaluación de Iniciativas Ciudadanas.
... Reikia pabrėžti, kad lenkų savanoriškų organizacijų kultūrinis turinys nėra vientisas, kadangi jame matomi tiek etninės, tiek lokalios, regiono, tiek istorinės tėvynės kultūriniai bruožai, taip pat akcentuojama ir pilietinė pozicija, politinis lojalumas Lietuvos valstybei minint valstybines šventes. Atsižvelgiant į tai, kad šių organizacijų veikla yra orientuota daugiausia į lenkų bendruomenę, jos narius arba Pietryčių Lietuvos regioną ir jos gyventojus, galime sakyti, kad šios organizacijos yra labiau privačios nei pilietinės (Young 2000), jos narių yra suvokiamos kaip savo kultūros, kalbos, Lenkijos istorijos, atminties vietų puoselėjimo ir kultūrinių skirtumų propagavimo vieta, kur jie jaučiasi "savi" tarp "savų". ...
Straipsnyje, remiantis kokybinių interviu su lenkų savanoriškų organizacijų lyderiais Pietryčių Lietuvos miestuose duomenimis, diskutuojama, kokie pagrindiniai etniniu pagrindu susikūrusių savanoriškų organizacijų tikslai ir veiklos pobūdis bei dalyvavimo jose motyvai. Saviorganizacija pilietiniu lygmeniu ir ją lemiantys veiksniai analizuojami žvelgiant iš keleto teorinių perspektyvų – kultūrinės, politinės ir ekonominės. Taip pat diskutuojama, ar etninių grupių pilietinė saviorganizacija turi įtakos etniniam identitetui ir kolektyvinei bei politinei mobilizacijai. Tyrimu atskleista, kad etninių grupių pilietinė saviorganizacija yra motyvuota tiek kultūrinių, tiek politinių, tiek ir ekonominių veiksnių.
... At the same time, a considerable critical literature has developed, much of it based on the jury literature. One of the main criticisms has been that the less advantaged will be systematically disadvantaged by a process that appears to privilege those who can best express and argue for their positions (Sanders 1997;Young 2000;Lupia and Norton 2017). To the extent this is the case, the danger is that the results of the deliberation may reflect the power of the more powerful rather than the merits of the arguments being considered. ...
We are on the verge of a revolution in public sector decision-making processes, where computers will take over many of the governance tasks previously assigned to human bureaucrats. Governance decisions based on algorithmic information processing are increasing in numbers and scope, contributing to decisions that impact the lives of individual citizens. While significant attention in the recent few years has been devoted to normative discussions on fairness, accountability, and transparency related to algorithmic decision-making based on artificial intelligence, less is known about citizens’ considered views on this issue. To put society in-the-loop, a Deliberative Poll was thus carried out on the topic of using artificial intelligence in the public sector, as a form of in-depth public consultation. The three use cases that were selected for deliberation were refugee reallocation, a welfare-to-work program, and parole. A key finding was that after having acquired more knowledge about the concrete use cases, participants were overall more supportive of using artificial intelligence in the decision processes. The event was set up with a pretest/post-test control group experimental design, and as such, the results offer experimental evidence to extant observational studies showing positive associations between knowledge and support for using artificial intelligence.
... Notes 1 Despite this militant dimension in urban studies, it worth adding that theorists, from Iris Marion Young (2002) to Sara Ahmed (2012), have nevertheless shown that the notion of 'inclusion' can manifest in different ways and be wielded by quite conservative forces, such as in 'financial inclusion' which leads to indebtedness despite the seemingly benevolent terms that frame enrolment in the financial system. ...
The rise of the notion of ‘inclusion’ in urban planning, seen in phrases like inclusive city , calls for a critical analysis of its evolving meaning and its spatial, social and political implications. Paradoxically, the meaning of urban inclusion has narrowed such that it now primarily refers to accessibility for people with disabilities. At the intersection of urban studies and critical disability studies, our article investigates the conceptions, criteria and modes of production underlying the implementation of urban inclusion in Singapore's ‘Enabling Village’, a purportedly inclusive space opened in 2015. We use a mixed‐methods approach, analysing official narratives and conducting site visits to understand the site as both an appropriated and a branded space. We show that, in Singapore, the inclusion agenda interacts with the city‐state's distinctive approach to planning and governance, where social issues are ‘engineered’ and give rise to replicable operational models. Our hypothesis is that implementing the inclusive city through the production and promotion of ‘inclusive’ urban projects such as the Enabling Village fuels the expansion of Singapore as a state‐led ‘entrepreneurial city’ (Harvey, Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography 1989; 71(1):3–17). In particular, operationalising ‘urban inclusion’ in this way allows for the reinvention of Singapore as a global urban model.
... Whether the context is public or private, it could be said that citizenship is constructed communicatively every time we participate in conversations about forms of social behavior, about prices or elections, or about general ethical issues, among other topics. In such forms of discursive democratic activity -which is, by default, citizenship -the role of rhetoric has been explicitly acknowledged by many theorists for some time (e.g., Gutmann and Thompson 1996, Young 2000, Ivie 2002, Dryzek 2010. Most recently, these theories have been brought into synergy and considerably refined by Kock and Villadsen (2012), who focus on, among other things, the many informal ways in which citizens discuss issues of common concern in society, arguing that such civic engagement is rhetorical, that the whole process is always already rhetorical: we each use rhetoric to construct ourselves and represent the ideas and ideals we believe in, whether the process is conscious or not. ...
... The argument will proceed in two stages. First, it is important to frame the potential exercise of agency within a sense of rhetorical or "communicative democracy" as distinguished from highly anti-rhetorical conceptions of public deliberation (Young, 2000;McKerrow, 2012). With this as a conceptual backdrop, the essay then considers two principal issues -access, in reference to race, class, etc., and motive within which a sense of silence, or what is perceived as non-action is advanced as a potentially positive act on the part of the rhetorical citizen. ...
... In this case, avoiding conflict altogether may not have been possible, but it does not necessarily signify failed participation. For Young [56], conflictual relationships must be acknowledged in such processes by unmasking the differences instead of "pretend[ing] to have common interests" (p. 44) as some formal traditions of democratic participation would suggest is best. ...
Background
The development of drug policies has been a major focus for policy-makers across North America in light of the ongoing public health emergency caused by the overdose crisis. In this context, the current study examined stakeholders’ experiences and perceptions of power and value in a drug policy-making process in a North American city using qualitative, questionnaire, and social network data.
Methods
We interviewed 18 people who participated in the development of a drug policy proposal between October 2021 and March 2022. They represented different groups and organizations, including government (n = 3), people who use drugs-led advocacy organizations (n = 5), other drug policy advocacy organizations (n = 5), research (n = 3) and police (n = 2). Most of them identified as men (n = 8) and white (n = 16), and their ages ranged between 30 and 80 years old (median = 50). Social network analysis questionnaires and semi-structured qualitative interviews were administered via Zoom. Social network data were analysed using igraph in R, and qualitative data were analysed using thematic analysis. The analyses explored perceptions of value and power within a drug policy-making network.
Results
The policy-making network showed that connections could be found across participants from different groups, with government officials being the most central. Qualitative data showed that inclusion in the network and centrality did not necessarily translate into feeling powerful or valued. Many participants were dissatisfied with the process despite having structurally advantageous positions or self-reporting moderately high quantitative value scores. Participants who viewed themselves as more valued acknowledged many process shortcomings, but they also saw it as more balanced or fair than those who felt undervalued.
Conclusions
While participation can make stakeholders and communities feel valued and empowered, our findings highlight that inclusion, position and diversity of connections in a drug policy-making network do not, in and of itself, guarantee these outcomes. Instead, policy-makers must provide transparent terms of reference guidelines and include highly skilled facilitators in policy discussions. This is particularly important in policy processes that involve historical power imbalances in the context of a pressing public health emergency.
... Differentiated citizenship recognizes and accommodates distinct identities through group-specific rights and participatory democratic processes (Young, 1990). Relational theory promotes a "heterogeneous public" where distinct groups express themselves while committing to shared political order (Young, 2000;. Similarly, Kymlicka outlines three group-specific measures: self-government rights, polyethnic rights, and special representation rights. ...
This study critically examines Ontario's revised Health and Physical Education Curriculum (HPEC) and the Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) framework, focusing on 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion and resistance from Canadian Muslim mothers. Through interviews with ten Muslim mothers, the research explores how diversity is navigated in public schools, emphasizing the challenges faced by some racialized Canadian Muslim families. The study argues that Ontario's EDI initiatives often exacerbate conflicts by promoting selective inclusion aligned with Western narratives, which marginalizes those challenging existing power dynamics. Drawing on a critical liberal perspective, the research advocates for mutual tolerance and freedom of association as more effective approaches to managing diversity. Recommendations for Ontario public schools include adopting a multidimensional understanding of respect, fostering dialogue, and addressing educator biases.
... In order to achieve good governance, it is imperative that both male and female citizens participate in the democratic process (Dahlerup, 2006). Representation democracy should not only consider the needs of the majority but should also prioritize the requirements of the most vulnerable groups within society (Young, 2000). A democratic system in which power is concentrated within a small group of individuals cannot be considered truly representative. ...
The right to information is a fundamental human right that everyone has. Power is generated from knowledge, according to renowned French philosopher Michel Foucault-information is the primary component of knowledge. As a consequence of information, men grow smart and capable of coping with the current environment. As a result, it is the government's job to keep citizens informed on a regular basis about what is happening in the government. People may engage in government and have open access to information, allowing for the change from bad governance to good governance. Recognizing this, Bangladesh's parliament approved the Right to Information Act in 2009 in order to hold the government accountable, transparent, and efficient. This research tries to illustrate the fundamental rules of the RTI Act, as well as the accountability and openness of public information officers under the RTI Act, through a grassroots movement for good governance in Bangladesh. The study finishes with several crucial recommendations for ensuring the RTI Act's successful implementation. There has also been an attempt to make a clear contrast between Bangladeshi RTI legislation and those of developed nations.
... Prva podrazumijeva razmjenu jednakog za jednako, a druga predstavlja složeniju vrstu pravde koja se odnosi na raspodjelu resursa, fondova, društvenih materijalnih i nematerijalnih vrijednosti, priznanja i nagrada pojedincima/kama, društvenim grupama i zajednicama (Ždralović, 2017). Young (2002Young ( , 2005 raspodjelu vidi kao važan, ali ne i dovoljan segment teorije pravednosti, te smatra da se pravednost može ostvariti samo ako se primarno uzmu u obzir pojmovi dominacije i ugnjetavanja koji rezultiraju društvenom nejednakošću koja se očituje u tome da se jedna društvena grupa nalazi u boljem položaju u odnosu na drugu društvenu grupu. Slično kao Iris Marion Young, i Nancy Fraser (1996Fraser ( , 1997 ukazuje na važnost politike priznavanja. ...
... Everyone must have the same freedom to voice their concerns and interests, as well as the ability to challenge one another and provide comments and views on the ideas and arguments put out by others. All of this, nevertheless, is impossible to do until there is unrestricted free expression (Young, 2000). Rushing to the conclusion that organizations in the civil society can also serve as channels for target poor people to participate in development initiatives and gain empowerment. ...
In order to guarantee citizen participation in the decision-making stages of governance, the federal system of governance in Nepal distributes state authorities across the national and sub-nation al levels. From an equity perspective, local governance becomes even more fundamental when oppressed and marginalized people participate in decision-making. Examining the degree of Dalit subordination in local government decision-making is the article’s goal. In addition to critically analyzing relevant material pertaining to the research issue, the researcher employed a narrative approach to gather lived experiences of Dalits in local politics. It was discovered that Dalits are silenced at the local government decision-making levels. The elites (thulabada) in the settlements effectively explain and capture the needs of local developments, but Dalits remain unheard. The elected elites conduct the executive and topic committee meetings and consultations. Dalit elected members continue to yield to decisions that are supported by non-Dalits. Dalits are positioned at the bottom of the caste system by the dominant ideology that has permeated the community. As a result, Dalits are purposefully ignored by society, socio culturally disintegrated, and weak in politics. Dalits’ views are excluded from local government decisions and resources since they are not represented in executive positions within the local government. The community is divided along caste lines by the deeply ingrained psychology of the caste system.
Considerando-se que a propagação de desinformação é uma realidade que tem mitigado o direito à liberdade de expressão de grupos vulneráveis, este artigo problematiza o potencial impacto das fake news em relação às comunidades do interior do Estado do Amazonas, enfatizando a importância do conhecimento e do diálogo para efetividade da democracia. Para tanto, será necessário adentrar na complexa realidade enfrentada nesta região amazônica, estruturalmente carente de uma maior variedade de meios de informação. O fato é que esse grupo populacional fica suscetível de “notícias” que circulam em grupos privados de WhatsApp e Telegram Web, sem nenhum ou pouco questionamento sobre a veracidade do que estão lendo. Quanto à metodologia, será utilizada uma abordagem qualitativa, com pesquisa documental e bibliográfica. Pode ser classificada, ainda, pelo método hipotético-dedutivo, na medida em que busca encontrar uma possível resposta para a problemática, enfrentada à luz do interrelacionar dos conceitos de desinformação e democracia.
A eficiência e a transparência são princípios fundamentais para a administração pública moderna, promovendo uma gestão que atenda às demandas sociais de maneira eficaz e que se submeta ao controle e à participação popular. Este trabalho investiga como esses princípios impactam a relação entre governo e sociedade, analisando as transformações e desafios enfrentados pelo setor público brasileiro. Utilizando uma metodologia de revisão bibliográfica e análise documental, foram abordadas as implicações da eficiência e da transparência na prática governamental e na percepção pública sobre a gestão dos recursos públicos. A primeira parte do estudo contextualiza a importância da eficiência administrativa, explorando suas bases teóricas e legislativas, com destaque para a Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal, que incentiva a racionalização do uso de recursos públicos. Em seguida, discute-se a transparência e sua associação com a accountability, analisando instrumentos como portais de transparência e auditorias, que permitem maior visibilidade das ações governamentais e incentivam o controle social. Também foram investigados os obstáculos encontrados na implementação dessas práticas, como barreiras culturais, burocráticas e estruturais, que frequentemente limitam o acesso à informação e a capacidade de resposta rápida da administração. O estudo sugere que a superação desses desafios passa por políticas públicas que promovam o uso de inovações tecnológicas e práticas internacionais bem-sucedidas, que poderiam ser adaptadas ao contexto brasileiro para aprimorar a gestão pública. Conclui-se que a eficiência e a transparência não são apenas metas administrativas, mas elementos essenciais para consolidar a confiança da população e fortalecer o compromisso do governo com a responsabilidade fiscal e a justiça social.
This chapter continues characterizing the public discussion in media in the twenty-first century as a democratic space. The chapter argues that public discussions are often perceived as a characteristic of democratic societies, but public discussion—where it exists—is also itself characteristically a place of plurality of voices governed by no sole authority. Thanks to the Internet, media-based public discussions have become more plural than in the times of exclusively produced mass media, making the ordinary media users both potential content creators and consumers. However, the contradiction between the capitalist economy and the democratic society materialized in the commercial media sphere disrupts the plurality of the contemporary media-based public discussion.
We are currently witnessing a paradox in climate governance (CG): despite growing awareness of the socio-biophysical impacts of current lifestyles, there remains a persistent commitment to high-consumption habits with large carbon footprints. Around this paradox, a debate on responsibility for change has developed. Which actor can and should do what to solve the problem? Simultaneously, however, scholars depict trends towards ‘organised irresponsibility’ (Beck, 1988) and individual responsibilisation bound to be ineffective in the context of existing structural challenges. The most likely result of such dynamics is a responsibility ping-pong with actors assigning responsibility to each other, which, in turn, invites the question of how it might be overcome. What other forms of talking about and organising responsibility might exist that could provide an actual basis for transformation change? Disentangling discourses around responsibility in CG, thus, is crucial for enabling a shift in consumption patterns and lifestyles that are compatible with the 1.5° Paris climate target. The present article pursues this objective. Building on a multi-method research approach, including stakeholder laboratories, expert interviews, and Delphi workshops across several European countries, it explores to whom and how European stakeholders in CG, specifically governments, businesses and citizens, assign responsibility, what risks and opportunities are involved, and what indications of a potential for game change exist. The findings uncover a complex web of pre-empted responsibility, which frequently leads to pessimism or ineffective strategies. However, the research also identifies some opportunities for organising a shared, justice-oriented and comprehensive notion of responsibility (Young, 2006).
Este trabajo se propone analizar la experiencia de BAElige en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires enfocándose en el tipo de propuestas presentadas y seleccionadas en el proceso participativo. El caso de BAElige resulta interesante en la medida en que permite observar el efecto de las tecnologías en las propuestas de los ciudadanos. Las experiencias habituales de Presupuestos Participativos offline o “cara a cara” han demostrado que los proyectos presentados y defendidos por los ciudadanos tienden a ser muy particulares, anclados en territorios, barrios o cuadras y, por lo tanto, con dificultades para producir transformaciones de mayor escala en las ciudades. No suele ser posible que haya proyectos para toda la ciudad, y la tendencia es más bien a la fragmentación en muchos proyectos pequeños. La hipótesis de este artículo sostiene que los Presupuestos Participativos online podrían atenuar en parte estos problemas, permitiendo, por ejemplo, presentar proyectos para la ciudad en su conjunto. BAElige se desarrolla desde 2017 en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires y se apoya en la plataforma CÓNSUL creada por el Ayuntamiento de Madrid. Si bien en Argentina ha habido casos de Presupuestos Participativos “cara a cara” con voto electrónico en la última etapa, BAElige constituye una de las primeras experiencias en el país de Presupuesto Participativo online en todo su ciclo. Por eso resulta un terreno atractivo de exploración, capaz de echar luz sobre el efecto de la dimensión online en la forma de participar de los ciudadanos. Luego de revisar la literatura y de describir el funcionamiento de BAElige, este artículo analiza el tipo de propuestas que se han seleccionado en el ciclo de 2018, observando cuáles han reunido más votos en total y por comuna, y cuáles han sido los temas predominantes. La conclusión advierte que las propuestas seleccionadas tienden a ser más generales que en los Presupuestos Participativos “cara a cara”, aunque esto resulta menos de la deliberación o del intercambio entre los participantes que de las posibilidades técnicas presentes en el diseño institucional.
Legislative gridlocks, driven by social partisan sorting, pose a significant threat to contemporary democracies. In this paper, I argue that this problem can be addressed by replacing geographic electoral constituencies, which group voters by area of residence, with heterogeneous electoral constituencies, which are based on random assignment and thus reflect the diversity of the entire electorate. I show that geographic electoral constituencies are likely to crystallise cleavages that reinforce geographic divisions, whereas heterogeneous electoral constituencies are likely to dilute deep social divisions. I argue that heterogeneous constituencies have this effect not because they suppress intergroup difference, as is commonly held, but rather because they encourage political parties to express cross-cutting social identities. The politicisation of cross-cutting social cleavages prevents social partisan sorting and moderates political conflict. Heterogeneous electoral constituencies should therefore be considered as part of an expressive institutional response to the democratic threat of legislative gridlock.
The exploration and advancement of feminism are vital for addressing critical issues such as social progress, equitable education, and healthcare access. This paper comprehensively examines the feminist movement’s impact on architecture over the past century, identifying key trends and significant areas to establish an academic foundation for feminist architecture. A literature review on feminism in urban planning, architecture, landscape design, and urban safety highlights the current research focus on feminist architectural development. Furthermore, this paper traces the evolution of feminist architecture through both purpose-driven and process-oriented approaches, exploring the interplay between feminist and modern architectural practices. It specifically examines the development of feminist architecture within the Chinese context from two perspectives: the influence of feminist thought on architecture and the evolution of gendered spaces within the “Residence and Courtyard” model. By comparing the internal logic of feminist architectural development in China and the West, this study investigates how geopolitical culture and regional differences shape the future trajectory of this field. Unlike traditional feminist architectural research, which often emphasizes women’s practices within specific feminist ideologies or focuses on visual culture and psychological interpretations of gendered spaces, this paper redefines the scope of feminist architectural studies through a comparative analysis of historical and contemporary contexts, and Eastern and Western perspectives, employing a systematic genealogical approach.
This article constitutes a review of the concept of resistance in critical human rights education (CHRE) and its relevance for democratic education (DE). Our conceptual analysis draws on resistance studies, the emerging study of CHRE, and its implications for DE, which we suggest are interconnected. Although resistance is tied to the history of human rights, there is a lack of conceptual analysis, which we aim to remedy in this article. We argue that resistance is a core element of CHRE for promoting democracy and teaching ethically complex topics on injustices. Our approach transcends the problematic forms of HRE which can limit the discourse, produce blind spots, and empty the critical and ethical content of education. We illustrate some of the complexities of resistance through failures to resist human rights violations in democracies, but also the potential of resistance in CHRE to challenge global injustices and promote democracy.
This article discusses reproductionist perspectives that assume there is little local participatory institutions can do to address the underrepresentation and the domination of some social groups. While there is also empirical basis to be skeptical, the evidence suggests that, occasionally, the reproduction of class inequalities can be counteracted. This encourages us to consider the conditions that favor greater participation of working-class, economically and culturally disadvantaged people. Comparing evidence from various studies in a range of countries, the article argues that certain contextual factors and inclusion tools produce higher rates of mobilization and more egalitarian deliberations. Specifically, the article focuses on the effects of three conditions: a) special mobilization efforts; b) design choices and inclusion tools; and c) the broadening of the political subject through cultural mobilization. As well as reflecting on the shortcomings of these factors, a new research agenda for social equality in participation is also proposed.
Resumo: Considerando-se que a propagação de desinformação é uma realidade que tem mitigado o direito à liberdade de expressão de grupos vulneráveis, este artigo problematiza o potencial impacto das fake news em relação às comunidades do interior do Estado do Amazonas, enfatizando a importância do conhecimento e do diálogo para efetividade da democracia. Para tanto, será necessário adentrar na complexa realidade enfrentada nesta região amazônica, estruturalmente carente de uma maior variedade de meios de informação. O fato é que esse grupo populacional fica suscetível de "notícias" que circulam em grupos privados de WhatsApp e Telegram Web, sem nenhum ou pouco questionamento sobre a veracidade do que estão lendo. Quanto à metodologia, será utilizada uma abordagem qualitativa, com pesquisa documental e bibliográfica. Pode ser classificada, ainda, pelo método hipotético-dedutivo, na medida em que busca encontrar uma possível resposta para a problemática, enfrentada à luz do interrelacionar dos conceitos de desinformação e democracia. Palavras-Chave: Desinformação. Esfera Pública. Democracia. Amazonas. Abstract: Considering that the spread of disinformation is a reality that has mitigated the right to freedom of expression for vulnerable groups, this article discusses the potential impact of fake news on communities in the interior of the state of
In this paper, I examine argumentative strategies that social movements can follow to counter hate speech. I begin by reconstructing the disagreement space of the abortion debate in Argentina as a polylogue, identifying the protests of the social movement Pañuelos verdes as argumentative contributions. I then describe two different forms of hate speech used in response to the movement’s protests. I argue that hate speech discredits the position of Pañuelos verdes in the abortion debate and depicts their protests as social threats. Subsequently, I discuss three argumentative strategies that social movements can implement to address hate speech: arguing with hate speakers; advocating for a dialogue with restrictions; and opting for argumentative disobedience. Arguing with hate speakers aims to make hate speakers retract hate speech by exposing the undesirability of using hateful messages in argumentative exchanges. Advocating for a dialogue with restrictions aims to impose limited bans on public speech in order to ensure equal participation of arguers in argumentation. Finally, I propose the notion of argumentative disobedience to describe communicative responses to hate speech that aim to bring bystanders in line with the position of social movements in public debates.
This chapter takes its foundation from the idea that ecological problems would not be sufficiently understood without a sophisticated analysis of the social determinants, which constantly deconstruct and reconstruct the meaning of nature. Since green theory overlooked the causes that led to the rise of instrumental reason in the first place, it fails to wade in the real solution to the ecological problems. Critical theory and decolonial feminist theory can conceivably help green theorists in their crusade against Enlightenment reason. The chapter first introduces nature as a social construct against the proclaimed duality between human and nature. Second, it suggests that the separate stance of deep ecology and ecofeminism can be reconciled by accepting the dialectical relationship between the concepts of nature and politics.
Across the developed democracies, there has been a rise in populist nationalism and anti-globalization sentiment aimed at reasserting sovereignty through the state. This article develops the concept of discursive power as an alternative basis for citizens to project their voice and influence into global politics. Discursive power arises from the framing role of ideas in orienting citizen judgements to the possibilities for acting beyond the state, as a precursor to deliberative forms of persuasion and agreement. Discursive power is ‘democratic’, we argue, when it enables those affected by global issues and problems to conceive of themselves as collective agents capable of responding. Generating discursive power outside the state, however, requires informal representatives to serve as interlocutors. Drawing on recent theories of representation, we describe how the claims of non-state actors could support the production and mobilization of citizens' discursive powers across borders. Our analysis underscores the importance of claim-making for progressive responses to globalization centred on the judgements of citizens. We conclude by surveying several challenges for democratic discursive power at the transnational and global levels and suggest some background institutions and practices to enhance this power.
This chapter reviews the current situation of the urbanization process and discusses its ethical pathologies. It then analyzes three proposals in which the city is currently considered from an ethical perspective: the right to the city, the just city, and the ethical city. Given the need for a more adequate systematization of these approaches, the hermeneutic-critical alternative of an ethics applied to the city is proposed.
En este segundo libro del Grupo Latinoamericano de Investigación en Educación Inclusiva (GILEI), las/os autores vuelven sobre cuestiones que hacen a la educación inclusiva, al trabajo de pensarla ahí mismo donde se admite que este pensar no es simple, ni simplificable.La obra se conforma de siete capítulos escritos por académicos y académicas de Chile, Argentina, Brasil y México. Los mismos asumen una posición onto-epistemológica que mira críticamente los límites de los territorios tanto disciplinares como teóricos y (d)enuncia los reduccionismos que la encerrona que estos habilitan al abordar el campo de problemas de la educación inclusiva. Así las y los autores/as de este libro advertirán como ciertas posiciones en torno a la educación inclusiva y otras problemáticas cognadas, como la neurodiversidad, la justicia social, la comprensión del cuerpo, las miradas genéricas y capacitistas, etc., se vuelven reduccionistas, crean serios impasses de pensamiento, incluso, han contribuido de diversas maneras a legitimaciones, naturalizando exclusiones.
Growing up during one of the most brutal Latin American dictatorship of the XXth Century, I developed an interest and love for democracy. Aware of injustice and inequities around me, I was ignited to do something about them. However, first, I had to understand how societies function. Thus, I studied economics and political science. My work is focused on socio-economic policies addressing poverty and inequalities among children and their families – elements which contribute to quality of life for all and cannot be separated from struggles for human rights and democracy. Democracy (like capitalism) takes many shapes – there is a continuum of democracy. Democracy does not guarantee “good” outcomes. It is a tool/process to regulate social change. Moreover, democracy is constantly evolving. Based on the theoretical understanding of democracy and my own personal and professional experience, practical examples of expanding democracy to be more participatory and inclusive are presented. While focusing on the macro-social level, connections with other levels (from schools to the private sector) are briefly described too as they impact social policies, social change, and quality of life.
En este segundo libro del Grupo Latinoamericano de Investigación en Educación Inclusiva (GILEI), las/os autores vuelven sobre cuestiones que hacen a la educación inclusiva, al trabajo de pensarla ahí mismo donde se admite que este pensar no es simple, ni simplificable.
La obra se conforma de siete capítulos escritos por académicos y académicas de Chile, Argentina, Brasil y México. Los mismos asumen una posición onto-epistemológica que mira críticamente los límites de los territorios tanto disciplinares como teóricos y (d)enuncia los reduccionismos que la encerrona que estos habilitan al abordar el campo de problemas de la educación inclusiva.
Así las y los autores/as de este libro advertirán como ciertas posiciones en torno a la educación inclusiva y otras problemáticas cognadas, como la neurodiversidad, la justicia social, la comprensión del cuerpo, las miradas genéricas y capacitistas, etc., se vuelven reduccionistas, crean serios impasses de pensamiento, incluso, han contribuido de diversas maneras a legitimaciones, naturalizando exclusiones.
This article critically engages with Philip Pettit’s civic republican theory, particularly his account of what it takes to realize non-domination in society. Despite providing a comprehensive analysis of the institutional prerequisites for realizing non-domination, Pettit surprisingly overlooks the critical role of education in achieving this goal. Pettit’s neglect of republican education has been widely criticized, and a growing body of literature seeks to develop a civic education theory suitable for civic republican purposes. While there is considerable disagreement in the literature regarding the content and methods of republican education, almost all consider its scope restricted to the pupil’s education. Pettit’s insufficient understanding of domination’s ill effects constrains our ability to envision a comprehensive educational response. In contrast, the republican tradition provides more substantial reasons for condemning domination and a richer account of the harms of domination, including a detailed account of the pervasive moral, developmental, and psychological harms. By drawing on women republicans of the 18th century (Mary Wollstonecraft, Sophie de Grouchy) and contemporary feminists (I. M. Young, and others), the article aims to establish the case for rehabilitative education, utilizing Tostan (an African-based NGO) as a model for its pedagogy and implementation. Such reconstruction requires challenging core tenets of Pettit’s theory, such as his dismissal of positive liberty, the limited role he assigns to civil society organizations, and how he envisions the politics of republicanism. Hence, by revisiting and taking issue with Pettit’s republicanism, the article advocates for rehabilitative education programs to overcome domination and envisions a more engaged and grassroots political framework for the politics of republicanism.
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