Medieval Folklore: An Encyclopedia of Myths, Legends, Tales, Beliefs, and Customs

... 1342)[13] Part of a complex of tale types associated with Aladdin and the Lamp, incorporated into the One Thousand and One Nights by the French writer Antoine Galland in 1709[6]. Incorporated into the Fenian Cycle of British Isles legends in the Middle Ages[4].Cognate of the Egyptian myth of Isis and Osiris[9] Told in Europe since the fifteenth century[9] ...
... 1300) by the French Dominican Johannes Gobii Junior[13].Can be traced back to one of the most famous medieval collections -Gesta Romanorum -whose earliest dated manuscript is from 1342[13]. Incorporated into the Fenian Cycle of British Isles legends in the Middle Ages[4].The tale appears in Straparola's 'Le piacevoli notti' from the sixteenth century(Thompson, 1977;Bottigheimer 2014). Danae's myth, described in Ovid's Book IV of the Metamorphoses, published around 8 C.E.[14].Possibly related to the Greek myth of Gyges and Kroisos[3]. ...
... Occurs in an episode of the Greek myth of Jason and Medea -the death of Pelias[5]. subtype of this tale occurs in a 16th century text on the Celtic legend of Maelgwyn[4]. ...
... Introduction Lindahl et al. (2000:103 ...
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The stereotypes of self or others, blasons populaires, are hereby drawn from the Swahili paremic material spanning the years 1850-1950 along the East African coastal littoral. Specifically, I will focus on how the Swahili at that time verbally stereotyped others in particular their akin neighbors and immigrant foreigners. It seems that the Swahili employed proverbial invectives not only to malign peripheral subgroups but also to humorously rebuke superior out-groups.
Old Norse literature offers a rich variety of interesting examples when it comes to clothes and costumes. As with medieval literature in general, it is not uncommon that descriptions of dress or outward appearance can give an insight into the character of the wearer, together with his status in society. This article will focus on costumes worn by medieval trolls, as described in the fornaldarsögur. These are usually very simple, probably as simple as they come, and not much of a contribution to the history of clothes and costumes in Scandinavia when it comes to design, textiles, and handiwork. On the other hand, they can tell us something about the Icelandic medieval community and people’s ideas about remote and unknown nations, specifically as regards notions about civilization and the superiority of certain communities. Accordingly, the article will focus on the symbolic nature of the clothes by taking a closer look at the trolls themselves, their community and social status as described in the literature. Last, but not least, it will look for a further meaning behind the literary texts from the perspective of medieval ideology, as represented in the symbolism of literature and the visual arts.
References and Further Reading
While previous research has often reflected on the phenomenon of monsters in medieval literature, identifying them as existential threats, reflections of imagination, or as symbols of the monstrous and evil in an apotropaic sence, here I suggest to refine our investigations of monsters in light of their epistemological function. Examining literary examples from the early to the late Middle Ages (Beowulf to Melusine), we can recognize how much monsters indeed serve consistently for the development of the individual protagonists, for coping with otherness at large, which commonly rests within the heroes and heroines as part of their characters. External challenges thus prove to be reflections of internal problems and issues, and the struggle against the monsters constitutes a struggle against or with the self.
In the sixteenth century, several Central European Jews argued, with greater emphasis than their forebears, that the realm of nature and the realm of the divine are largely independent. This argument was expressed in three related claims. First, nature itself came to be seen as indifferent to creed. Though Jews may have assumed that they enjoyed an elevated status in the supernatural realm, the notion that their status and characteristics differed in the natural realm was, for some at least, discredited. Second, once nature was divorced from creed, natural philosophy and allied disciplines too came to be seen (by some) as a theologically neutral discipline. Third, once nature and natural philosophy were seen as insensible to differences in religious belief, discourse about natural philosophy came to be seen as a scholarly pastime that might be shared companionably by peoples of different beliefs. In short, among certain early modern Jews, nature, the discipline of natural philosophy, and the profession of natural philosophy all came to be seen as drained of religious particularity. These views bear an interesting and sometimes paradoxical relationship to secularization. On the one hand, the distancing of nature and creed may have been a harbinger of the actual secularization that portions of European - especially Ashkenazi - Jewish culture later experienced. On the other hand, these same attitudes may also have deterred interest in the physical world itself, discouraging the sort of "this-worldliness" that Max Weber and many others have associated with secularization.
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