The economic aspect of the marriage is the focus of Chapter Three, looking specifically at the amount and type of property given as dowry and how this varied according to economic, familial and marital background. Women of labouring-status largely had dowries that were valued at twenty to forty pounds, consisting primarily of cash, household goods and jewellery; however, widowhood and the loss of
... [Show full abstract] a father could affect these patterns, in both a negative and positive manner. Legally, Valencian wives had no control of this property while married, as their husbands held administrative rights. Husbands also controlled the creix, given to women in exchange for their virginity. Unlike the dowry, marriage contracts rarely discussed the type of assets donated as counter-gift, largely because it was not conferred until the dissolution of the marriage. This evidence demonstrates that the type of property women received as marital assets was similar across socio-economic status in many ways as it consisted largely of moveable goods but elite women tended to bring more investments as part of their dowries while labouring-status women’s assets were primarily cash, household goods and jewellery.
a father could affect these patterns, in both a negative and positive manner. Legally, Valencian wives had no control of this property while married, as their husbands held administrative rights. Husbands also controlled the creix, given to women in exchange for their virginity. Unlike the dowry, marriage contracts rarely discussed the type of assets donated as counter-gift, largely because it was not conferred until the dissolution of the marriage. This evidence demonstrates that the type of property women received as marital assets was similar across socio-economic status in many ways as it consisted largely of moveable goods but elite women tended to bring more investments as part of their dowries while labouring-status women’s assets were primarily cash, household goods and jewellery.
