Chapter

Strategic Dilemma of Beijing’s Taiwan Policy: Chinese Nationalism and the Making of the Anti-Secession Law

Authors:
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the author.

Abstract

China’s Taiwan policy has faced a strategic dilemma in the recent decades. On the one hand, Beijing cannot allow Taiwan to declare independence because this would threaten not only national security interest of China but also nationalist credential of the communist regime. To deter Taiwan drifting toward independence, Beijing has never given up its threat of using military force to achieve national reunification. On the other hand, since China started reform and opened up in the late 1970s, pragmatic Chinese leaders have set peace and development as China’s overriding goals. For this purpose, they have attempted to prevent military conflict across the Taiwan Strait because they would not want to sacrifice China’s modernization efforts as long as Taiwan does not constitutionally declare independence. To find a solution to this dilemma, China has developed a liangshou celue (literally “two hands”) strategy. It is a two-pronged stick and carrot approach, involving an oscillating pattern of military coercion and peaceful offence. Coercive strategy relies primarily upon the use or the threat of force. It could be military actions aiming at the conquest of Taiwan or brinkmanship using military force in an exemplary and demonstrative manner. Peaceful offense appeals to cross-Strait political negotiations, and economic, and cultural exchanges to bind Taiwan’s hands of seeking independence and to build goodwill and momentum for eventual national reunification.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.

Article
For over two centuries, prominent officials, literary figures, and intellectuals in China have paid special attention to the legacy of Shi Lang. Compared to many other historical figures, Shi Lang remains essential to our understanding of the cross-strait tension and the murky outlook for its future. Although the image of Shi Lang continues to mean different things to different individuals, to some degree, his significance to one particular community is also communicated to other communities. By analysing most of the previous appraisals and examinations of Shi Lang, we can reveal the historical narratives of this man as being continually under construction in a shifting and mutually reinforcing process. This article aims to examine the ways in which the legacy of Shi Lang has percolated throughout Chinese history, since the Qing dynasty, and also how it continues to function in the present day. It is fascinating to not only delineate how the story of Shi Lang has evolved as a legacy, but also to explore the rich variety of ways in which an individual or a community has adapted the narratives that make up the story of Shi Lang to suit the demands of different historical settings and perspectives.
Article
We examine the effects of party platforms on the economic opportunities of firms using a unique data set from a political prediction market in Taiwan, a country with two dominant parties whose political cleavage derives mainly from a single issue: the "One China Principle". We find that during the 2008 Presidential campaign, the share price of Taiwanese firms with investments in the mainland responded strongly and positively to a positive electoral outlook for the KMT, the party which advocates lifting caps on cross-strait investment in mainland China. The response is strongest for those firms who have already hit their caps.
Article
Coming to the realization that the chance for Chen Shui-bian to win re-election in the March 2004 presidential election is becoming bigger in the polls, Chinese President Hu Jintao is facing a dilemma similar to one faced by his predecessor, Jiang Zemin. Given Chen's proposals to write a new Taiwanese constitution to reflect full-fledged statehood, his re-election would spell a big blow to Beijing's reunification efforts. However, Hu has been reluctant to make a heavy-handed response, which could have the opposite effect of provoking defiant voters against pro-reunification candidates. As a matter of fact, when the prospects for the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) candidate, Chen Shui-bian, were increasing in Taiwan's March 2000 presidential election, Beijing's leadership was very concerned with the possibility of Chen's seeking immediate independence after the election. This was because had he done so, it would force Beijing to enter a war across the Taiwan Strait. Jiang Zemin and other top Chinese leaders were very reluctant to resort to military action unless they had exhausted all other options. While Jiang could not afford to lose Taiwan on his watch, he was unwilling to confront Taiwan by fighting a war that would not only seriously damage China's modernization program, but would also risk too many uncertainties, including the possibility of U.S. intervention. After Chen's winning the election, Beijing did not take dramatic military action. Instead, it followed a wait-and-see policy and continued a
Article
D. Shambaugh: Introduction: The Emergence of Greater China. 1: H. Harding: The Concept of Greater China. 2: M. Yahuda: The Foreign Relations of Greater China. 3: R. Ash and Y. Y. Kueh: Economic Integration within Greater China. 4: Q. Luo and C. Howe: Direct Investment and Economic Integraton in the Asia Pacific. 5: C.-P. Lin: Beijing and Taipei: Interactions in the Post-Tiananmen Period. 6: B. Hook: Political Change in Hong Kong. 7: H. Baker: Social Change in Hong Kong. 8: R. Edmonds: Macau and Greater China. 9: T. Gold: Hong Kong and Taiwan Popular Culture in Greater China. 10: W. Gungwu: Greater China and the Chinese Overseas. 11: R. Scalapino: China in the late Leninist Era
China as an Asian Power,” in Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice
  • C Harold
  • Hinton
Jiang Zemin tichu shiliuzhi fangzheng” (Jiang Zemin Proposed 16 Characters’ Principle
  • Wang Manla
Taipei Sees through [Beijing’s] Repackaged ‘One China’ Jargon,” The Free China Journal
  • Liu
Anti-Secession Law: Closing (or Opening) the Door?” PacNet 14A
  • Ralph A Cossa
  • RA Cossa
Taiwan Should Exercise Restraint in Reacting to the Challenge of China’s Anti-Secession Law
  • Richard Bush
  • R Bush
Taiwan Shows Restraint on Law Against Secession
  • Jason Dean
  • J Dean
China Warns ‘Malevolent’ Taiwan,” The Australian
  • Catherine Armitage
CCP Stresses Opposition to Peaceful Secession
  • Chen Tsu-Po
  • C Tsu-po
Hu Making His Own Taiwan Policy
  • Chongpin Lin
  • C Lin
Maoism, Confucianism Blur Into Nationalism
  • Steven Mufson
Changing Leadership Consensus,” in Across the Taiwan Strait: Mainland China, Taiwan, and the
  • Ji
Taiwan Dongju Jiewu Chaonong Minyi” (Taiwan Authorities, Don’t Distort the Public Opinions), Renmin Ribao
  • Ji Xin
The Dragon Squeezes Taiwan
  • Bruce Klingner
  • B Klingner
The Taiwan Question and the Reunification of China
  • The White Paper
Taipei Sees through [Beijing’s] Repackaged ‘One China’ Jargon
  • Weiling Liu
  • W Liu
China Warns ‘Malevolent’ Taiwan
  • Catherine Armitage
  • C Armitage
China as an Asian Power
  • C Harold
  • Hinton
  • HC Hinton
Confucianism Blur Into Nationalism
  • Steven Mufson
  • Maoism
  • S Mufson
Jiang Zemin tichu shiliuzhi fangzheng” (Jiang Zemin Proposed 16 Characters’ Principle), Duowei News Agency
  • Wang Manla
  • W Manla
Changing Leadership Consensus
  • You Ji
  • Y Ji