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Climate Change and Securitization: the construction of climate deterrence

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Abstract

In 2015, climate change is elevated to the same threat level as that of weapons of mass destruction and terrorist attacks in National Security Strategy of United States of America, causing discussions about the construction of one of the biggest threats of the twenty-first century. This research aims to identify facts and events that contributed for climate change to enter the political agenda and safety studies, arising from a securitization process under construction. To achieve so, points interconnected with climate change, security and armed forces, with time frame between 1945 and August 2015 were selected. The corpus, formed by official documents and bibliography from defense and security research centers of America and Europe, was examined using the Copenhagen School proposals of dealing with the securitization process as analysis units. The results indicate: (i) recent inclusion of climate change (list of threats) in major Western security strategies, within a securitization process; (ii) possibilities of climate change become "potential generators of sovereignty deficit", legitimizing future actions; (iii) climate change (such as "military" or "non-military" threat) will have consequences for the armed forces (requiring new skills).
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Coleç. Meira Mattos, Rio de Janeiro, v. 9, n. 36, p. 607-617, set./dez. 2015
3
3 Ministry of Defense, Brasilia - DF, Brazil
E-mail:<kottelboeno@uol.com.br>
PhD candidate, Climate Change and Sustinable Development Policies (University
of Lisbon)
C C  S: 
   
A C  S:     
C   S:      
RAUL KLEBER DE SOUZA BOENO1
RENATE KOTTEL BOENO2
VIRIATO SOROMENHOMARQUES4
1 1 Ministry of Defense, Brasilia - DF, Brazil
E-mail:<raulboeno@campus.ul.pt>
PhD in Climate Change and Sustainable Development Policies (University of
Lisbon)
2 University of Lisbon - Lisbon, Portugual.
E-mail:<viriatosmarques@netcabo.pt>
PhD in Philosphy (University of Lisbon)
Professor of the PhD Program in Climate Chanhge and Sustainable Development
Policies (University of Lisbon).
SCIENTIFIC ARTICLE
ABSTRACT
In 2015, climate change is elevated to
the same threat level as that of weapons
of mass destruction and terrorist attacks
in National Security Strategy of United
States of America, causing discussions
about the construction of one of the
biggest threats of the twenty-first cen-
tury. This research aims to identify facts
and events that contributed for climate
change to enter the political agenda and
safety studies, arising from a securiti-
zation process under construction. To
achieve so, points interconnected with
climate change, security and armed for-
ces, with time frame between 1945 and
August 2015 were selected. The corpus,
formed by official documents and biblio-
graphy from defense and security resear-
ch centers of America and Europe, was
examined using the Copenhagen School
proposals of dealing with the securiti-
zation process as analysis units. The
results indicate: (i) recent inclusion of
climate change (list of threats) in ma-
jor Western security strategies, within a
securitization process; (ii) possibilities of
climate change become "potential gene-
rators of sovereignty deficit", legitimizing
future actions; (iii) climate change (such
as "military" or "non-military" threat) will
have consequences for the armed forces
(requiring new skills).
Keywords: Climate Change. Securitiza-
tion. Conflicts. Armed Forces. Climatic
Deterrence.
RESUMEN
En 2015, en la Estrategia de Seguridad
Nacional de los Estados Unidos
de América el cambio climático es
elevado al mismo nivel de amenaza
que las armas de destrucción masiva
y los ataques terroristas, fomentando
discusiones sobre la construcción de una
de las mayores amenazas del siglo XXI.
La investigación tiene como objetivo
identificar los hechos y acontecimientos
que contribuyeron para que los cambios
climáticos sean introducidos en la
agenda política y en los estudios sobre
seguridad, como resultado de un proceso
de securitización en construcción.
Para ello, se seleccionaron puntos
interconectados con el cambio climático,
la seguridad y las fuerzas armadas,
con un marco temporal entre 1945 y
agosto de 2015. El corpus, formado
con documentos oficiales y bibliografía
de centros de referencia en estudios
de defensa y seguridad de América y
Europa, fue examinado utilizando como
unidades de análisis las propuestas de
la Escuela de Copenhague de tratan
sobre el proceso de securitización.
Los resultados muestran: (i) reciente
inclusión del cambio climático (rol de las
amenazas) en las principales estrategias
de seguridad occidentales, dentro de un
proceso de securitización; (ii) posibilidad
de que los cambios climáticos se
conviertan en "potenciales generadores
de déficit de soberanía", legitimando
acciones futuras; (iii) cambios climáticos
(como amenaza "militar" o "no militar")
tendrán consecuencias para las
Fuerzas Armadas (exigiendo nuevas
capacidades).
Palabras clave: Cambio Climático. Secu-
ritización. Conflictos. Fuerzas Armadas.
Disuasión Climática.
RESUMO
Em 2015, as alterações climáticas são
elevadas ao mesmo nível de ameaça que
armas de destruição em massa e ataques
terroristas na National Security Strategy
of United States of America, fomentando
discussões sobre a construção de uma
das maiores ameaças do Século XXI. A
pesquisa tem como objetivo identificar
fatos e eventos que contribuíram para
que as alterações climáticas fossem
inseridas na agenda política e nos
estudos sobre segurança, decorrentes
de um processo de securitização em
construção. Para isso, foram selecionados
pontos interconectados com alterações
climáticas, segurança e Forças Armadas,
com recorte temporal entre 1945 e
agosto de 2015. O corpus, formado
com documentos oficiais e bibliografia
de centros de referência sobre estudos
de defesa e segurança da América e
Europa, foi examinado utilizando como
unidades de análise as propostas pela
Escola de Copenhague que tratam do
processo de securitização. Os resultados
apontam para: (i) recente inserção das
alterações climáticas (rol das ameaças)
nas principais estratégias de segurança
ocidentais, dentro de um processo
de securitização; (ii) possibilidade
das alterações climáticas tornarem-
se “potencial geradora de déficit de
soberania”, legitimando futuras ações;
(iii) alterações climáticas (como ameaça
“militar” ou “não militar”) terão reflexos
para as Forças Armadas (exigindo novas
capacidades).
Palavras-chave: Alterações Climáticas.
Securitização. Conflitos. Forças Arma-
das. Dissuasão Climática.
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1 INTRODUCTION
Because of the recent publication of the National
Security Strategy of United States of America (UNITED
STATES, 2015a) and of the Quadrennial Diplomacy and
Development Review (QDDR) by the United States
Department of State (UNITED STATES, 2015b),
in February and April of 2015, respectively, climate
change4has been more often included in the Western
political agenda and, consequently, in security studies.
However, in view of the upcoming Conference of the
Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change (COP 21) where the key challenge will
be to validate the “principle of joint and several liability",
it is appropriate to ask how the process whereby climate
change (CC) was driven to this new status in the above
mentioned studies.
The objective of this study is to determine the
facts, events and discourses (in the form of speech acts and
written language) that contributed to have climate change
included in the political agenda and in security studies,
derived from as process of securitization in construction.
2 METHODOLOGIES
In order to answer the proposed question,
an initial corpus was established from reference centers
in security studies in America and in Europe, to which
academic and government documents focusing on climate
change, security and the Armed Forces (AF) were added.
The time frame was set between 1945, the
beginning of the Cold War, and August of 2014, except
for the conceptual basis for which the timeframe was
extended.
Next, issues interconnected with the subjects of
interest were selected. For selection of the final corpus the
following criteria/filter were employed: (i) intersection
with proposed objectives; (ii) to be a future bearing fact
(echo on the public and the political agenda); and (iii)
to have direct/indirect impacts on the security agenda.
The selected mainstream was the Copenhagen School
approach to security studies (WÆVER, 1995; BUZAN;
WÆVER; DE WILDE, 1998; BUZAN, 1999) focusing on
securitization.
For the investigation of the selected topic, the analysis
units used were those proposed by the Copenhagen
School, as follows: referent objects, securitizing actors and
functional actors (BUZAN; WÆVER; DE WILDE, 1998).
To conclude, considerations on the results obtained and
suggestions for future approaches will be presented.
3 RESULTS
The final corpus was designed with thirty eight
(38) topics, comprising speech acts (political discourses and
official documents), the political position of international
actors and events providing basic elements to support
the initial phases of the process of securitization, where
climate change appears as a threat to the referent objects
linked to security. Some of these topics refer to disasters
catalyzed by climate change when action by the armed
forces and ensuing political discourses were seen.
Table 1 - Climate Change and Securitization,
presented below, shows the topics that were selected
and examined. Besides intersection (CC, security and AF),
elements such as the nexus between referent objects5
(OR), securitizing actors6 (SA) and functional actors7 (FA)
were also considered.
4
4 In the Portuguese language original the term “alterações climáticas” was used
instead of "mudanças climáticas". In Brazil the most frequently used term would
be "mudanças climáticas". The Community of Portuguese Language Countries
(abbreviated CPLP, in Portuguese) the term "alterações climáticas" is generally
used (<http://alteracoesclimaticas.ics.ulisboa.pt/eventos/>).
567
5 It refers to what the securitizing actors declare to be existentially threatened
and for which protection is sought. Normally, the referent object is the State,
its sovereignty, economy, among other (BUZAN; WÆVER; DE WILDE, 1998).
6 The securitizing actors initiate the speech act calling attention to the fact that
emergency measures are needed (BUZAN; WÆVER; DE WILDE, 1998).
7 These are those capable of influencing the final decision on the field of security
(BUZAN; WÆVER; DE WILDE, 1998).
Nexus with OR, AS & AF Discourse content and intersection with CC, Security and AF
1 Cold War (1945-1991) New non military threats, including CC. Reversal of Clausewitz's proposal,
policy becomes an extension of war by other means (GUZZINI, 2015).
2 Limits to Growth Report (1972) Economic growth will depend on factors such as peace and stability. Com-
prehensive search for raw materials leads to social disruption, triggering
conflicts (NYE; LYNN-JONES, 1988).
3 Stockholm Conference 1972) Global consensus on development and the finite nature of world reserves of
natural resources (SCHMIDT; NAVE; GUERRA, 2010).
4Independent Commission on
Disarmament and Security Issues
(1982)
Concept of environmental security, distinction between common and col-
lective security. Non military threats: shortage of resources and environ-
mental destruction (CUNHA, 1998).
5New Political Thinking Gorbachov
(1985)
Introduces the concept of comprehensive security linked to human survi-
val. Associates non military threats to economic and environmental issues
(CUNHA, 1998).
Table 1: Climate Change and Securitization
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Nexus with OR, AS & AF Discourse content and intersection with CC, Security and AF
6 The Brundtland Report (1987) Broadens “security" through the environmental aspect. Environmental
stresses may foster political tensions and conflicts, thus becoming a security
issue. (BRUNDTLAND, 1987).
7Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change (IPCC) (1988)
Its first report (1990) unveiled the scientific consensus that CC has an an-
thropogenic origin. These reports became a reference for the international
community because they expressed consensus and uncertainties about Cli-
mate Change (CC) (GARCIA, 2006).
8United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change (1992)
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (in Eco
92) increases participation of Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in
environmental and CC issues (UNITED NATIONS, 1992).
9 I Conference of Parties (COP) (1995) Global negotiation of Greenhouse Gases (GHG) reducing targets. Twenty
COP were held until 2014, with different approaches to CC.
10 Kyoto Protocol (1997) (In effect in
2005)
Agreement for reduction of GHG that was not ratified by the USA. Europe,
the only party to achieve (and exceed) the set targets, receives the largest
number of immigrants (SOROMENHO-MARQUES, 2015a).
11 II World Conference on Disaster
Reduction (2005)
Risks of disasters, threats related to geological phenomena and CC should
be included in sector-specific development plans (UNITED NATIONS,
2005).
12 New Orleans Disaster (Hurricanes Rita
and Katrina) (2005)
Natural disasters comparable to terrorism as a threat to the United States
of America (USA) – “Militarization of natural disasters” (GARCÍA, 2005).
This war on "natural disasters" undermined trust on the institutions (TIER-
NEY; BEVC; KULIGOWSKI, 2006).
13 Establishment of the Emergency
Military Unit (UME) (2005)
The UME was created by Spain after AF action in natural disasters. The
UME is an organized military force specifically trained and provided with the
necessary means to operate during natural disasters (SPAIN, 2005).
14 Documentary: An Inconvenient Truth
(2006)
Documentary about climate change, specifically about the average increase
of global temperature; won the Oscar for Best Documentary that year. In
2007, Al Gore, the author of the documentary and former US vice-presi-
dent, shared the Nobel Peace Prize with IPCC.
15 Stern Report (2007) Mitigating global warming is less costly to world economy than adapting
to it. Pressures will increase resulting in conflicts around basic resources
(STERN, 2007).
16 UN Security Council (SC) (2007) Unstable climate fuels migratory pressures and the competition for resour-
ces. The SC did not keep CC in its agenda, and was just useful to impart
visibility to the subject (UNITED NATIONS, 2007).
17 Oslo Guideline (2007) Because of the increased deployment of the AF, the UN issued the Gui-
deline on the Use of Military and Civil Defense in Disaster Relief (5663RD
MEETING, 2007a).
18 Solana Report (2008) Inclusion of CC in Foreign Affairs and Security (European interests). Poli-
cies evidencing resentment towards the countries that caused CC. Warning
scenario for Europe, the destination of large migrations (SOLANA, 2008).
19 Department of Energy and Climate
Change UK (DECC) (2008)
The United Kingdom (UK) recognized that CC will contribute to escala-
te the environmental risk and the occurrence of extreme environmental
events, increasing the humanitarian crises requiring contribution from the
UK Armed Forces. (UNITED KINGDOM, 2008). Establishment of the
DECC to become the leading institution in the government program to
change the United Kingdom into a low carbon economy. (UNITED KING-
DOM, 2009).
20 Statement by the UN Secretary
General (2009)
CC constitutes a poverty-derived "threat multiplier". The document men-
tions the poor performance of institutions in organizing resources and sol-
ving conflicts (UNITED NATIONS, 2009).
21 Central Intelligence Agency US (CIA)
(2009)
Establishment of the Center for Climate and Security to provide advice to
decision makers on the effects on climate on security.
22 Strategic Concept for the Defense and
Security of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) (2010)
Terrorist attacks, CC and shortage of water will shape the future security
environment in areas of interest to NATO. The AF need to develop com-
petencies to tackle international crises and humanitarian missions (NORTH
ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION, 2010).
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Nexus with OR, AS & AF Discourse content and intersection with CC, Security and AF
23 Defense Policy Guidelines Germany
(2011)
CC is a threat to German security. CC compromises the subsistence of hu-
man beings, causing migrations and conflicts. CC will be critical to the future
of Germany and Europe. (GERMANY, 2011).
24 Report of the Department of Defense
US (2011)
Issues guidelines aimed at increasing the capacity of the United States Afri-
ca Command (AFRICOM) and of the United States Southern Command
(SOUTHCOM) to deal with conflicts catalyzed by CC, and to act during
natural disasters (UNITED STATES, 2011).
25 Security and Defense Policy of the
European Union (2012)
Migrations caused by natural disasters exacerbated by CC fuel conflicts and
saturate regions. Civil-military cooperation is critical to respond to disas-
ters. The European Security Academy should investigate the reflexes of CC
on security (EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, 2012).
26 White Paper on Defense and National
Security (2013)
Recognizes CC as a threat capable of aggravating and increasing extreme
events, further weakening vulnerable regions. Current Arctic Ocean ice de-
crease has strategic consequences, such as the opening of new navigation
routes (FRANCE, 2013).
27 Portugal Strategic Concept of Defense
(2013)
Natural disasters and CC were included in the list of threats to security. In-
creased awareness of losses and that major disasters require global support
(PORTUGAL, 2013).
28 IPCC Report (2013)
Increase of scientific consensus that CC has an anthropogenic origin and has
potential to increase the rivalry between countries, not taking directly to
war (ADGER et al, 2014).
29 XXX Conference of the American
Armies (2013)
The effects of CC (AF and disasters) were one of the subjects discussed by
the military commanders. Extreme climate may impact the civil population,
influencing latent social tensions (ORGANIZATION..., 2013).
30 Haiyan Typhoon (2013)
Showed what the AF will be required to do in the future because of climate
effects. The capability of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations as a
regional security actor was called into question. The European and USA
Forces were deployed (ROUTLEDGE, 2014; INTERNATIONAL..., 2014).
31 Creation of the Logistics Support Units
(2014)
Portugal crates general and emergency military support Forces prepared to
provide national response to disaster situations. (PORTUGAL, 2014).
32 Center for Naval Analyses (CNA) (2007
e 2014)
In seven years the status of CC went from concern to conflict catalyst. An
increasing number of catastrophic events will create additional demands for
American troops in distinct regions of the globe (CNA MILITARY ADVI-
SORY BOARD, 2007; 2014).
33 III Conference on Disaster Risk
Reduction (2015)
CC exacerbates the frequency and intensity of disasters, halting the pro-
gress of sustainable development (UNITED NATIONS, 2005).
34 National Security Strategy of the United
States of America (2015)
CC (a risk to American interests) is connected to natural disasters, migra-
tions, terrorism and conflicts for international resources (UNITED STATES,
2015a). Approved the end of academy clearance for access to the CIA cli-
mate change database. (Feb 15).
35 Conference of the American Armies
(2015)
The objective was to discuss procedures for the Aid Operation in Case of
Disaster by the Mexican AF (BRASIL, 2015a).
36 Seminar on Humanitarian Aid (2015)
Brazilian Army sponsored the Seminar on the Humanitarian Aid Force; ca-
pacity building proposals for Humanitarian Aid Operations were presented
(BRAZIL, 2015b).
37 Encyclical: On Care For Our Common
Home (2015)
Approaches the internationalization of the Amazon, CC, wars for natural
resources, sovereignty of States, conflicts and migrations, among other
(FRANCIS, 2015).
38 Proposal on the Venezuela-Colombia-
Brazil Ecological Corridor (2015)
The “objective” is to halt CC and preserve biodiversity. Once completed,
it would connect the Andes to the Atlantic, with possible fragmentation of
territorial unity (Brazil-Colombia-Venezuela).
Source: Table prepared the authors (2015).
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4 DISCUSSION
4.1 Securitization, climate change and
new dimensions of security-related sub-
ject matters
Securitization can be understood as a speech act
(political discourse) that builds in the political community
awareness of the existence of a real threat, allowing the
adoption of urgent and exceptional measures to deal
with this threat (BUZAN; WÆVER; DE WILDE, 1998).
Thus, a given theme would only be securitized by entering
the security agenda as a threat to a referent object, and
as of the moment it is accepted as such by the general
public (BUZAN; WÆVER; DE WILDE, 1998). According
to Buzan et al. (1998), the process of securitization has
three increasing components: the existence of a threat,
emergency actions and disruption of the normal situation
(policies aiming at legitimizing actions to deal with the
threat, including the use of military force). Desecuritization
then would be the inverse process that resorts to other
discourses to prevent the securitization of the theme
and the resulting acceptance of exceptional measures
(WÆVER, 1995).
Climate change of anthropogenic origin is
understood as a process related to global (systemic and
cumulative) changes, of which the most visible aspect is
the rise of the average temperature on the surface of the
planet. To Santos (2012), besides changes to Earth's albedo
(linked to the use of the soil) and lower stratospheric ozone
concentration, the emissions of greenhouse gases (GHGs),
coming from an economic system based on fossil fuels,
actually constitute the most significant human influence
on Earth's climate system. Increased concentration of
greenhouse gases increases the greenhouse effect and,
consequently, the average global surface temperature with
its effects, such as extreme weather phenomena and the
rising of the average sea level (SANTOS, 2012).
Until the Second World War, the warfare studies
were a prerogative of the military and peace studies were
related to international law (DUQUE, 2009; TANNO,
2003). The use of nuclear artifacts and the rise of the Cold
War kindled the interest of civilians in security studies
(SANTOS, 2009).
Lemaitre e Fenger (2001) suggest that once the
Cold War was ended new non military threats entered
the security agenda, among which were climate change,
global population increase and migrations, all of them
representing a threat to human beings and states, with
new strategies being required to prevent them. These
authors claim that climate change is the most important
"non military threat" of the 21st century XXI8.
8 What actually happened is that as the bipolar confrontation came to an end,
such themes gained space in the agendas of the States and, in some cases, in the
security agendas. An example of the value that was added to the environmental
agenda was the massive presence of Heads of State at the United Nations
Conference Rio (Eco-92).
About the end of the Cold War Soromenho-
Marques (2015a) suggests that, between 1989 and
1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR)
chose the implosion of its political organization over
planet destruction, which obviously, would entail its own
destruction. Notwithstanding, the event did not mean
the end of the nuclear threat, or least of all, the nuclear
deterrence strategy discussed by Mattos (1986).
About this subject Soromenho-Marques
(2015a) explains that "nuclear deterrence" evolved into
"climate deterrence". He is convinced that lack of a global
agreement on climate will give rise to enormous risks to
environmental security, with implications to the internal
stability of States, introducing unnecessary entropy into
the international system.
The Kyoto Protocol (that lapsed on December
31, 2012) was not subscribed by the United States and
still has not been replaced by a new instrument that
could, and should, govern climate diplomacy. Thus, as the
atmosphere cannot be physically expanded, but can be
managed, Soromenho-Marques (2015a) talks about the
urgent need to create an international climate protection
system.
This new regime, which should have been in
place after 2012 — with participation of China, the largest
world emitter of GHG (29% of all GHG in 2013) —
would be grounded on the awareness that defense of the
climate of planet environment is an interest higher than
those of the members of the international community.
No national interest may be deemed reasonable if it
conflicts with the priority interest of preserving the global
environmental conditions necessary to make sure that the
planet will be able to support technologically sophisticated
civilizations, capable of ensuring security and respect to
the fundamental rights of its members (SOROMENHO-
MARQUES, 2015a).
By analyzing the content of Table 1 it can be
inferred that, initially, CC appeared in the political and
security agenda as an adjuvant, initially linked to the
environmental issues and the shortage of resources
(SOROMENHO-MARQUES, 2015a; SCHMIDT et al.,
2010). As time went by, as a result of the efforts of
the scientific community that ultimately reduced the
uncertainty about the anthropogenic origin of climate
change, it started to be seen as a threat to global security,
thus prompting the world to delve into the subject
(GARCIA, 2006; SANTOS, 2009; 2012).
4.2 Threat, referent object, securitizing
actor and functional actor
The most important areas threatened by climate
change are directly linked to the survival of humanity, and
its most serious impacts would be felt on global economy
and security (STERN, 2007; SOLANA, 2008). According
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to Soromenho-Marques (2015a), climate change is one
of the most visible elements of anthropic dominion over
the planet, and must be construed as a threat to global
security, once it may compromise the future of human
civilization itself.
Among the topics that were examined, climate
change was identified as an existential threat to the
reference object. It appears as both a military and a non
military threat.
As a military threat, it was evidenced that climate
change may become a catalyst of existing social conflicts
and tensions, which in view of the fragile management
capability of the agencies, institutions and states, could
evolve into an armed conflict (BARNETT; ADGER, 2007;
ADGER et al., 2014). Bearing in mind the likelihood that
climate change will impact the primary sectors of the
economies of the different countries (in the process of
development), as well as their respective indicators of
income levels and quality of life, it may contribute to
possible conflicts (UNITED NATIONS, 2009). However,
there it is impossible to work out an empirical identification
of the consequences of climate change for the different
states, regions and international systems (LEMAITRE;
FENGER, 2001).
On the other hand, the construction of climate
change as a non military threat is associated to natural
disasters such as torrential rain, hurricanes, heat waves,
rising sea level, and other events. Climate change is
capable of increasing the intensity of the above mentioned
natural events, giving rise to colossal human and material
damages (UNITED NATIONS, 2005; ROUTLEDGE,
2014; ALCANTARA, 2014). It happens that, some of
the phases of the disasters led to social conflicts and
waves of violence, as for example, in New Orleans
(TIERNEY; BEVC; KULIGOWSKI, 2006) and in the
Philippines (ROUTLEDGE, 2014; INTERNATIONAL...,
2014), when the Armed Forces had to be deployed in the
"during" and "post-disaster" phases. Thus, independent
of whether climate change is a military or a non military
threat, because of its connection to conflicts, disasters and
environmental issues, it is understood that climate change
can be included in the category that Etchegoyen (2015)
calls "sovereignty deficit generator", as the management
capacity of the states is put to test.
Besides the above considerations, it should be
noted that in their security strategies the United States
of America (UNITED STATES, 2015a), the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NORTH..., 2010) and the European
Union (EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, 2012) have included
climate change in the list of military and non military
threats.
The state to be protected in this process of
securitization is among the referent objects identified
in this paper. On this issue, it was evidenced that the
economic and political interests have been linked to the
above mentioned referent object to reinforce the concept
of climate change as a direct or indirect threat to national
and international security, to regional and global economy
and to sustainable development. Two good examples
are the Stern (2007) and Solana (2008) Reports, where
concern about the negative impacts of climate change
on the European economic interests and on those of the
other economic blocks can be evidenced.
In Table 1, the origin of most of the discourses
is found in the political agenda, confirming the necessary
legitimacy of the securitizing agent to voice the political
discourse (speech action of political decision ) about the
existence of the threat (BUZAN, 1999).
As previously mentioned, the origin of climate
change (as a threat) entered the international political
agenda as it started to be linked to environmental issues.
Notwithstanding, there are topics that came up in the
public agenda, and subsequently migrated to the political
one, to ultimately enter the security agenda.
One of the milestones of this process was the Eco
92, when global consensus was reached on the warnings
issued the scientific community about global warming
(SOROMENHO-MARQUES, 2015a). The action of the
Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) mobilized
public opinion, increasing their influence on the agenda
of subjects in the political domain (SCHMIDT; NAVE;
GUERRA, 2010). Subsequently, the economic aspect
drove forward the political acceptance of the financial
losses deriving from the consequences of climate change,
thus reinforcing the threatening role to global economy
(STERN, 2007) and, consequently to security (SOLANA,
2008).
However, when the existence of the participation
by the academic community, through the reports and
papers of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change,
and the actions of the NGOs that drove the CC subject
into the political agenda are identified, the topics examined
add strength to one of the criticisms to the Copenhagen
School about the legitimacy of the securitizing agent. The
exclusive role of the speech act and ensuing actions would
be assigned only to the political actor (BUZAN, 1999;
GUZZINI, 2015). Notwithstanding, Buzan (2008) already
envisages the possibility that, particularly after the 9/11
attacks, in 2001, a mix of actors and referent objects is
now involved in securitization.
As to the functional actors, a trend can be
detected to initially assign to military capacity the
responsibility of “acting in face of the threats” and, later
on, to a partnership between military and civil capacities.
In the case of climate change as a military threat related
to the conflict it has catalyzed, guidance was found about
the need to increase the capacity of military sectors (the
military bias). As a non military threat, climate change is
related to more destructive disasters requiring expansion
of military capacity to act more frequently in the future.
From the analysis of the topics, it is also evidenced the
Latin American countries have been working on studies
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on the subject of climate change and security, especially
on the AF, departing from the traditional procedure of
importing European and United States security models
and theories (HERZ; LAGE, 2015). Goods examples of
this fact are the events, such as seminars and congresses,
organized by the AF and the academic communities that
contribute to further the studies on climate change,
disasters and the armed forces.
Once the first component of the process of
securitization was discussed, that is the actual existence
of threat and its conceptual relations (based on Table 1),
the two final components proposed by the Copenhagen
School (BUZAN; WÆVER; DE WILDE, 1998) that enable
legitimizing the resulting actions: emergency actions and
rupture of normal situation, will now be discussed.
4.3 Legitimizing resulting actions
Bearing in mind that securitization will only
happen when the subject enters the security agenda,
thus rendering the emergency actions to face the
threat legitimate and acceptable (including the use of
military force), it can be inferred that the abnormality
situation excludes the normal mechanisms that would
be used to handle it. As a result, securitization enables
total concentration of decision making powers in the
hands of the securitizing agents, which are normally the
government actors (WÆVER, 1995).
As previously underlined, climate change was
included into the leading Western strategies, both as a
military and a non military threat. CC was placed at the
same level of threat as the weapons of mass destruction
and terrorist attacks in the strategies of the United State
of America, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
and the European Union (UNITED STATES, 2015a;
NORTH..., 2010; EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, 2012).
Thus, it is suggested that a possible alignment between
the leading political and armed Western blocks of the
North hemisphere came into being in the process of
climate change securitization.
In the specific case of the United States,
government guidance was provided on the increase of
military capacity of the United States Africa Command
(AFRICOM) and of the United States Southern Command
(SOUTHCOM) to act in conflicts catalyzed by climate
change and the use their AF in natural disasters (UNITED
STATES, 2011). It is our understanding that this suggests
the existence of increased attention of the United States
to Africa and South America, coinciding with the warnings
issued in the Stern (2007), Solana (2008) and IPCC (2014)
reports. The same inference applies to NATO (2010).
The United States attention to Africa increased after the
reports were released by the CNA Military Advisory
Security (2007 and 2014). The report issued in 2014 states
that climate change added environmental stress factors
to the ethnical conflicts in Africa, increasing the burden
on local government in recent years. As a result, the Al
Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, that had been previously
confined to the North of the African continent managed
to expand its area of action. In its reports this agency
rates CC as a catalyst of conflicts, and indicates that an
increasing number of catastrophic weather events will
generate increased demand for deployment of American
troops in different regions of the globe (CNA MILITARY
ADVISORY BOARD, 2007; 2014).
This type of event has already occurred in the
Philippines, after the Haiyan typhoon, when the US and
European forces were called to act in the region. Questions
were raised about the capacity of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to act as regional
security agent, calling attention about the future demand
for AF action (ALCANTARA, 2014; ROUTLEDGE, 2014).
Additionally, some of the American and European armed
forces started to deal with the climate change subject as
a threat, and consequently, they started to redesign or
increase their military capacity. As in the case of Spain
(2005) and Portugal (2014), some of the European
armed forces have established specific military units
to act in disasters. The question, however, about this
possible alignment of blocks, would be associated to a
growing mistrust about unilateral policies to meet specific
interests, as for example, access to natural resources. The
creation of beliefs about threats is not new when it comes
to legitimize unilateral and military actions. According to
Walzer (2003), practically in all wars there are arguments
capable of justifying warfare either as morally acceptable
or as illegitimate.
A recent example of this fact is the Iraq War
(2003). According to Duque (2008), the successful
securitization of the subject "terrorism" was decisive to
enable the use US military forces in that war, legitimizing
the invasion of Iraq, on March 19, 2003, without UN
Security Council sanction. Notwithstanding, the weapons
of mass destruction were never found and democracy was
not exported to that region, generating world's mistrust
about the United States interests in that conflict.
In an action aimed at the desecuritization of CC,
a few months after the release of the National Security
Strategy of United States of America (UNITED STATES,
2015a), the Head of the Vatican State published the
Encyclical On Care for our Common Home (FRANCIS,
2015), where subjects like the internationalization of the
Amazon, climate changes, wars for natural resources,
sovereignty of States, conflicts and migrations are
approached.
It is important to note that the moment is
important to securitizing agents that can make efforts
towards a desecuritization of climate change because of
the 21st Conference of the Parties (2015). One of the
major challenges event participants will be required to
face is the need to revalidate the "principle of joint and
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CLIMATE CHANGE AND SECURITIZATION: THE CONSTRUCTION OF CLIMATE DETERRENCE
Coleç. Meira Mattos, Rio de Janeiro, v. 9, n. 36, p. 607-617, set./dez. 2015
several liability”9 once, historically, there are different rates
of GHG emissions and different industrial development
levels, among other indicators, that foster debates about
the past, present and future liability of the countries.
5 CONCLUSION
The last phase of a process of securitization
of a given subject is the acceptability of emergency and
exceptional measures to tackle the threat that has been
construed. In the specific case of climate change, its higher
status is evidenced in the Western discourses along the
second decade of the 21st century, politically formatted in
the international agenda as one of the most serious future
threats.
From the analysis of the selected topics, under
the point of view of securitization the results that have
been discussed suggest that inclusion of climate change
(in the list of threats) in the leading Western security
strategies is part of a political alignment with various
interests. In this respect, we see the possibility of climate
change becoming a "potential generator of sovereignty
deficits" in developing countries.
In case the process of securitization happens to
be completed, the attempts to stop the threat we have
been discussing may be used to legitimize future actions
against the sovereignty of more fragile countries. This
would mean shaping climate change as a military threat
requiring increased action by the armed forces in the
conflicts arising out of the disputes for scarce resources
(water, agriculture, energy and other), or threats to the
atmosphere of the planet.
If the subject is not fully securitized (or just
partially desecuritized), climate change will be construed
as a non military threat with reflexes on the armed forces
that are required to act in natural disasters worsened by
climate change.
Thus, independent from securitization or
desecuritization, the subject of climate change creates
conditions for the rise and reinforcement of a new
component in the security agenda: climate deterrence,
when the amount of power and the interests of the states
will tip the scales when the time comes to make decisions
on the subject.
Last, it must be said that climate change does
not lead to conflict, climate change just aggravates latent
situations. The leading cause of human conflicts is linked
to the inability of the states or international bodies to
manage the existing crises, desecuritizing threats.
9 Stated in the Rio Declaration on the Environment and Development (UNITED
NATIONS, 1992), with roots on Stockholm 1972, this orinciple has been cons-
tantly discussed at the meetings of the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change.
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Received on October 02, 2015
Accepted on November 23, 2015
Indication of Liability
The concept of authorship adopted by Meira Mattos
Collection is based on substantial contributions to each of
the persons listed as authors, following the categories below:
(1) Conception and Research Planning or Data interpretation;
(2) Composing;
(3) Relevant critical review;
Based on these criteria, the contribution of the authors of this
manuscript was:
Raul Kleber de Souza Boeno - 1, 2 e 3
Renate Kottel Boeno - 2
Viriato Soromenho-Marques - 3
... The objectives of the present work are: to excite the discussion about the securitization of climate changes [1] -before COP 21, discussing its relation with disasters and conflicts; and to identify items which have constructed the current status of climate change in political and security agendas, highlighting the contribution of COP 21. Thus, the aim is to contribute to the proposed questions, which have been insufficiently discussed at the conceptual and operational levels. ...
... In the case of CC as a military threat, guidance from NATO and the USA, among others, was found about the need to increase the capacity of military sectors (military bias). As a non military threat, CC is related to more destructive disasters, requiring the expansion of military capacity to act more frequently in the event of disaster in the future [1]. ...
... Climate Change and Securitization. Source: the Authors, expanded from Boeno et al.[1]. ...
Conference Paper
The Paris Agreement (COP 21) indicates an effort of nations towards the creation of a worldwide mechanism to control climate. Estimated to enter into force in 2020, the Agreement recognizes that countries may be affected not only by climate changes, but also by the impact of the actions taken in response to those changes. The objectives of this paper are: to excite the discussion about securitization of climate change, discussing its relation with disasters and conflicts; and to identify items which have constructed the current status of climate change in political and security agendas, highlighting the contribution of COP 21. For that purpose, a corpus formed by 51 items, produced between the beginning of the Cold War (1945) and July 2016, has been examined according to the analysis units proposed by the Copenhagen School, mainstream for this research. The results obtained indicate: (i) construction of climate change as a threat to international security (linked to conflicts and disasters); (ii) building of financial mechanisms, among others, to align the conduct of countries in a political agenda; and (iii) increase of military sector participation in the debate about climate change and preparation for increased action in disasters. This study makes two contributions to the existing literature. First, it provides a framework of items which clarify the securitization process of climate change and its relation with security, disasters and the armed forces. Second, through this analysis, it underlines the inclusion of the military sector in the relation between climate change, security and disasters.
... Whereas other scholars note that colonialists have always used nonhuman agencies, including diseases, flora, fauna, invasive pests and weeds, as proxies in colonial projects or in ecological imperialism designed to subjugate indigenous people (Crosby, 1986;Crosby et al, 2004;, some scholars like Clark (2010) celebrate the deconstructive agency of nonhuman nature. Thus, noting ways in which empire is moving beyond Derridean humanistic deconstruction to a modality wherein nonhuman nature is also mobilised to deconstruct indigenous African states, societies and cultures, we argue that climate change is in fact a manifestation of Euro-American efforts to deconstruct African nationalism, nation states (Swyngedouw, 2010;Kelly, 2012;Jagerskog, 2011;Boeno, 2015;Dupont, 2018;Kurt, 2012;Marshall, 2015), societies and cultures that would otherwise pose problems for the constitution of the One World Government. Global capital would want to be free to move or flow across an open world and so discourses on climate change and on the need for a One World Government would serve global capital that also sponsors researches on climate change, catastrophism and apocalypse Global governmentality or the One World Government would be constituted on the basis of the perceived need to control climate change and global warming on a global scale; in order to ensure that indigenous people relinquish control over and sovereignty and autonomy over their resources, ideologies that put human beings and nature at the same level or plane would be propagated such that human beings will have no claims to ownership and control over their local resources; in order to reverse indigenous people's sovereignty over their resources, ideologies around relationality and flat ontologies would be propagated (Hamilton, 2017;Simons, 2017;Smith, 2017;Nhemachena & Warikandwa, 2019;Nhemachena et al, 2019). ...
... Whereas other scholars note that colonialists have always used nonhuman agencies, including diseases, flora, fauna, invasive pests and weeds, as proxies in colonial projects or in ecological imperialism designed to subjugate indigenous people (Crosby, 1986;Crosby et al, 2004;, some scholars like Clark (2010) celebrate the deconstructive agency of nonhuman nature. Thus, noting ways in which empire is moving beyond Derridean humanistic deconstruction to a modality wherein nonhuman nature is also mobilised to deconstruct indigenous African states, societies and cultures, we argue that climate change is in fact a manifestation of Euro-American efforts to deconstruct African nationalism, nation states (Swyngedouw, 2010;Kelly, 2012;Jagerskog, 2011;Boeno, 2015;Dupont, 2018;Kurt, 2012;Marshall, 2015), societies and cultures that would otherwise pose problems for the constitution of the One World Government. Global capital would want to be free to move or flow across an open world and so discourses on climate change and on the need for a One World Government would serve global capital that also sponsors researches on climate change, catastrophism and apocalypse Global governmentality or the One World Government would be constituted on the basis of the perceived need to control climate change and global warming on a global scale; in order to ensure that indigenous people relinquish control over and sovereignty and autonomy over their resources, ideologies that put human beings and nature at the same level or plane would be propagated such that human beings will have no claims to ownership and control over their local resources; in order to reverse indigenous people's sovereignty over their resources, ideologies around relationality and flat ontologies would be propagated (Hamilton, 2017;Simons, 2017;Smith, 2017;Nhemachena & Warikandwa, 2019;Nhemachena et al, 2019). ...
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O livro analisa a situação da Educação Ambiental e para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável (EA/EDS) a partir de dois inquéritos nacionais – um aplicado à totalidade das escolas do ensino básico e secundário, outro a um conjunto de organizações não escolares (estatais, privadas e associativas). Os dados inéditos recolhidos permitiram discutir e avaliar a EA/EDS que se faz hoje em Portugal (incluindo o seu percurso histórico) e o papel que ela tem desempenhado na formação de uma cidadania preparada para a(s) crise(s) ambiental global e outras. De acordo com os resultados, a EA/EDS caracteriza-se por ser mais ‘vertical’ do que ‘transversal’, permanecendo demasiadas vezes confinada à turma sem envolver a comunidade escolar (auxiliares de acção e ducativa, professores, alunos) e muito menos a comunidade extra-escolar (pais, autarquias, empresas locais). Isto apesar de alguns bons exemplos, que existem e poderiam ser replicados. Este livro foi lançado no Dia Mundial da Água, sendo este um dos temas mais trabalhados nos projectos de Educação Ambiental (77,1%) – só ultrapassado pela questão dos RSU com 77,6%, e logo seguido pela conservação da natureza (71,4%). Em contrapartida, temáticas tão relevantes para o desenvolvimento sustentável como as da saúde ou da solidariedade social, tendem a ficar de fora. Importa também realçar, no que toca aos grupos-alvo dos projectos, o peso esmagador dos estudantes mais jovens (Ensino Pré-escolar, 1º Ciclo do Ensino Básico e 2º Ciclo do Ensino Básico) face aos estudantes do secundário. Esta “infantilização” dos projectos de EA/EDS aponta para o carácter essencialmente recreativo e lúdico que tende a revestir estas actividades em Portugal. A este facto não será alheia a dificuldade de integração da EA/EDS nos programas escolares, que em parte resulta duma desarticulação institucional persistente entre os vários ministérios envolvidos. Um outro problema tem a ver com a falta de continuidade dos projectos de Educação Ambiental. Entre a crónica falta de recursos e a descontinuidade de políticas de apoio e incentivo, o esquema de mobilidade no trabalho dos professores do ensino público leva a que, frequente, com a saída de determinado professor, o projecto acabe por se extinguir. Em resumo, defende-se neste livro que as escolas deveriam tornar-se verdadeiros exemplos de inteligência ambiental, conferindo à Educação Ambiental o carácter transversal e mobilizador que pode e deve ter. Tal implica uma reforma a vários níveis, incluindo o das infra-estruturas. Sem surpresa, são as escolas que dispõem de mais equipamentos – laboratórios, ginásios, bibliotecas – as que desenvolvem maior número de projectos de EA/EDS. A actual dinâmica de reconstrução e melhoria de equipamentos nas escolas seria, pois, um momento oportuno para uma tal viragem.
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Abstract The first half of the Review focuses on the impacts and risks arising from uncontrolled climate change, and on the costs and opportunities associated with action to tackle it. A sound understanding of the economics of risk is critical here. The Review ...
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Joseph S. Nye, Jr., is Chairman of the Editorial Board and Sean M. Lynn-Jones is Managing Editor of International Security. 1. A 1966 survey found that political scientists formed the largest group in the field. See Roy E. Licklider, The Private Nuclear Strategists (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1971), p. 95. Although Licklider predicted that "the study of strategy and disarmament will make the shift from an interdisciplinary field to a specialty area of political science," (p. 117), most observers continue to see the field as interdisciplinary, even if political science is held to occupy a central role. For a discussion of the central role of political science in international security studies, see Robert Jervis, Joshua Lederberg, Robert North, Stephen Rosen, John Steinbruner, and Dina Zinnes, The Field of National Security Studies: Report to the National Research Council (Washington, D.C.: 1986), p. 2. Colin Gray argues that: "strategic studies lacks integrity as a field of study let alone as a discipline, in that it makes no sense considered apart from international relations (another non-discipline) and political science." See Colin Gray, Strategic Studies: A Critical Assessment (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1982), p. 13. 2. See Richard Smoke, "National Security Affairs," in Fred I. Greenstein and Nelson W. Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 8, International Politics (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1975), p. 251. 3. On the nonmilitary aspects of international security, see Richard H. Ullman, "Redefining Security," International Security, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Summer 1983), pp. 129-153. An additional term that delineates an area of inquiry but that has not gained wide usage is "military politics." As defined by Samuel P. Huntington, military politics includes the military but not the nonmilitary aspects of security and also extends to the political activities of the military in domestic affairs. See his "Recent Writing in Military Politics—Foci and Corpora," in Samuel P. Huntington, ed., Changing Patterns of Military Politics (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1962), p. 237. 4. Arnold Wolfers, Discord and Collaboration (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1962), ch. 10. 5. See Smoke, "National Security Affairs," p. 251. See also Barry Buzan, People, States and Fear (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1983), pp. 1-9. 6. Colin S. Gray, Strategic Studies and Public Policy (Lexington, Ky.: University Press of Kentucky, 1982), p. 46. In recent years, several histories of thinking about nuclear strategy have appeared. See Lawrence Freedman, The Evolution of Nuclear Strategy (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981); Gregg Herken, The Counsels of War (New York: Knopf, 1985); and Fred M. Kaplan, The Wizards of Armageddon (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1983). In addition, James E. King has written an unpublished history of nuclear strategy entitled The New Strategy. More works are needed on questions of conventional warfare and theories of international security. 7. The first two civilian efforts to address the issues raised by atomic weapons were William Borden, There Will Be No Time: The Revolution in Strategy (New York: Macmillan, 1946); and Bernard Brodie, ed., The Absolute Weapon: Atomic Power and World Order (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1946). 8. The classic realist work is Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Knopf, 1948 and later editions). See also George F. Kennan, American Diplomacy, 1900-1950 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951); and Robert Endicott Osgood, Ideals and Self-Interest in America's Foreign Relations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953). 9. For a discussion of the political dimensions ignored by the realist approach, see K. J. Holsti, The Dividing Discipline: Hegemony and Diversity in International Theory (Winchester, Mass.: Allen and Unwin, 1985), and Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism," World Politics, Vol. 40, No. 2 (January 1988). 10. See Bernard Brodie, Strategy in the Missile Age (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959); Albert Wohlstetter, "The Delicate Balance of Terror," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 37, No. 2 (January 1959), pp. 211-234; Herman Kahn, On Thermonuclear War (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); William Kaufmann, ed., Military Policy and National Security (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956); Henry A. Kissinger, Nuclear Weapons and...
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It has long been understood by disaster researchers that both the general public and organizational actors tend to believe in various disaster myths. Notions that disasters are accompanied by looting, social disorganization, and deviant behavior are examples of such myths. Research shows that the mass media play a significant role in promulgating erroneous beliefs about disaster behavior. Following Hurricane Katrina, the response of disaster victims was framed by the media in ways that greatly exaggerated the incidence and severity of looting and lawlessness. Media reports initially employed a “civil unrest” frame and later characterized victim behavior as equivalent to urban warfare. The media emphasis on lawlessness and the need for strict social control both reflects and reinforces political discourse calling for a greater role for the military in disaster management. Such policy positions are indicators of the strength of militarism as an ideology in the United States.
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