No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Liberalism and world politics
Abstract
Building on a growing literature in international political science, I reexamine the traditional liberal claim that governments founded on a respect for individual liberty exercise “restraint” and “peaceful intentions” in their foreign policy. I look at three distinct theoretical traditions of liberalism, attributable to three theorists: Schumpeter, a democratic capitalist whose explanation of liberal pacifism we often invoke; Machiavelli, a classical republican whose glory is an imperialism we often practice; and Kant, a liberal republican whose theory of internationalism best accounts for what we are. Despite the contradictions of liberal pacifism and liberal imperialism, I find, with Kant and other democratic republicans, that liberalism does leave a coherent legacy on foreign affairs. Liberal states are different. They are indeed peaceful. They are also prone to make war. Liberal states have created a separate peace, as Kant argued they would, and have also discovered liberal reasons for aggression, as he feared they might. I conclude by arguing that the differences among liberal pacifism, liberal imperialism, and Kant's internationalism are not arbitrary. They are rooted in differing conceptions of the citizen and the state. © 1986, American Political Science Association. All rights reserved.
... According to Doyle (1986), Liberalism has its tenets around freedom, respect, foreign policy restraints, the intention of peace, and democratic development. Free will remains a centripetal viewpoint of Liberalism around which other values revolve. ...
... Free will remains a centripetal viewpoint of Liberalism around which other values revolve. Liberalism embraces the intertwined forces of peace and fundamental human rights, such as equality before the law, freedom of speech, freedom to own properties, free movements of individuals, and an open market economy alongside other civil liberty (Doyle, 1986). With all these human relations enhancements in place, Liberalists would see borrowing from external countries as the way to go. ...
... With all these human relations enhancements in place, Liberalists would see borrowing from external countries as the way to go. Human cooperations and intergovernmental relations which tend to shun wars and conflicts are also a promotion of the Liberalist perspective (Doyle, 1986). ...
One common economic phenomenon of third-world countries is the high tendency not to be able to financially sustain themselves. According to the Central Intelligence Agency (2022), a plethora of these countries like Nigeria, Ghana, Togo, Congo, Sierra Leone, and Equatorial Guinea, among others, tend to continually borrow funds from countries with developed economies and other global financial institutions. In other words, many African countries continue to depend on the Western powers for survival (Mhango, 2017). This has been a growing trend since many of the developing countries attained the status of political independence some four to six decades ago. There are realities around the core inability of the governments of developing countries to finance many state-owned projects, including recurrent expenditures. Since the genesis of Nigeria’s public debt in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the country has been through economic hardship with poverty and stagnation to show for the humongous loans taken year-in, year-out. Oftentimes, going by the Western powers’ analysis, fingers have been pointed at the country’s corrupt leadership, while feasible lessons from the soil have indicated colonialism, neo-colonialism, and imperialism of Western domination. Isiani et al. (2021) maintained that the most pressing position has been Nigeria’s economic linkage with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other instrumentalities of external loans that have over the years enmeshed the country in deeper debts through their imposed conditionality, and in addition submitted the example that the Structural Adjustment Program of IMF loans in the 1990s cemented Nigeria’s economic doom until today.
... In the context of turbulent borders and fault-lines between non-democratic and democratic nations, realist perspectives shed light on the underlying motives and dynamics driving these conflicts. On the other hand, liberal theorists such as Doyle (1986) 3 argued that democracies are more peaceful and cooperative in their interactions with other democracies. This democratic peace theory suggests that democratic nations are less likely to engage in conflicts with one another, but may face challenges and conflicts when dealing with nondemocratic counterparts. ...
... The competition for global influence, the spread of communism and divergent visions of post-war world order further fueled tensions between the two nations. 3 Doyle, M. W. (1986). Liberalism and world politics. ...
This research paper examines the intricate dynamics of conflicts between non-democratic and democratic nations. Through a series of compelling case studies such as the Cold War, the Korean War, the Iraq War, the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict and the China-Taiwan standoff;this paper explores the root causes, historical context and outcomes of these confrontations. By examining the clash of ideologies, power struggles and geopolitical interests at play, this study offers valuable insights into the complexities of international relations in an era marked by contrasting political systems. Through a comprehensive analysis of these case studies, it becomes apparent that the interactions between non-democratic and democratic nations are characterized by deep-seated tensions, conflicting values and competing visions of global order. This research paper therefore contributes to a deeper understanding of the challenges and opportunities inherent in the interactions between nations with divergent political ideologies, ultimately aiming to elucidate pathways towards peaceful coexistence and conflict resolution on the international stage.
... Bu kapsamda o dönemde stratejik çalışmalar olarak da anılan güvenlik literatürü nükleer silahlanma ve nükleer caydırıcılık gibi konulara odaklanmış, ilk vuruş yeteneği ve ikinci vuruş yeteneği gibi metodolojik anlamda da son derece pozitivist olan sayısal çalışmalar akademik yazında ve politika yapıcıların gündemlerinde oldukça fazla yer bulmuştur (Buzan & Hansen, 2007, s. xxvi;Buzan, 1998, s. 2;Bilgin, 2010;Sagan, 1983). Bu durumun oluşmasında özellikle 1960'lardan itibaren yaşanan davranışçı dalganın etkili olduğu söylenebilir Demokratik barışın ikinci temel oturağı ise demokrasilerin sahip olduğu değerler ve genel uygulamalar ile ilgilidir (Doyle, 1986;Russet vd., 1993). Bu yaklaşımda demokrasiden kastedilen sadece seçimlerin mevcudiyeti değil belli liberal değer ve uygulamaların da var olmasıdır. ...
... Bu yaklaşımların güvenlik kapsamında argümanları özetle belirtilecek olunursa "Cum huriyetçi Liberalizm, liberal demokratik yönetimler silahlı çatışmaları azaltır hipotezini; Ticari Liberalizm serbest ticarete dayalı karşılıklı bağımlılık silahlı çatışmaları azaltır hipotezini; Düzenleyici Liberalizm uluslararası kurumlar silahlı çatışmaları azaltır hipotezini test etmeye odaklanmak tadır"(Sarı, 2022, s. 26).Bu yaklaşımların argümanları daha ayrıntılı olarak incelenecek olunursa Cumhuriyetçi Liberalizmin, Demokratik Barış kuramı olarak da bilinen yaklaşımı ifade ettiği söylenebilir. Bu yaklaşım Kant'ın devletlerin yönetim şeklinin cumhuriyet olması gerektiği argümanına dayanmaktadır ve en temel argümanı demokrasilerin birbirleri ile savaşmayacağı şeklindedir(Doyle 1986(Doyle , s. 1156. Bu yaklaşımın aslında iki temel ayağı mevcuttur. ...
Uluslararası Güvenlik Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplinin ortaya çıkmasında kurucu bir role sahip bir çalışma alanıdır. Bu alan Uluslararası İlişkiler Disiplini içerisinde her zaman önemli bir yere sahip olmuştur. Bu çalışma Uluslararası İlişkilerde Güvenlik Kavramını geniş bir perspektiften incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu maksatla çalışmanın Uluslararası Güvenlik Kavramına farklı bakış açılarını içermesi hedeflenmiştir. Çalışma ilk bölümünde güvenlik tanımlaması üzerinde durmakta ve güvenliği tanımlamak için cevaplanması gereken beş temel soru öne sürmektedir. Bu sayede güvenlik tanımlamasına ek olarak farklı güvenlik yaklaşım ve kuramlarının bu sorulara verilen cevaplardaki farklılıklar üzerinden geliştiği ifade edilerek farklı güvenlik yaklaşımlarının irdelenebileceği de bir çerçeve ortaya konulmuştur. Çalışmanın ikinci bölümü Uluslararası İlişkilerde Güvenlik kavramının dönüşümünü ortaya koymaktadır. Bu bölümde özellikle Geleneksel Güvenlik yaklaşımının darlığından kaynaklanan tatminsizlik ve Eleştirel Güvenlik Çalışmalarının ortaya çıkması süreci güvenliğin derinleşmesi ve genişlemesi başlıları altında irdelenmiştir. Çalışmanın ana bölümünü oluşturan üçüncü bölümde ise Uluslararası İlişkilerde Güvenlik kavramına olan farklı kuramsal bakışlar ortaya konulmuştur. Bu bölümde, bir önceki bölümle uyumlu olarak öncelikle Geleneksel Güvenlik yaklaşımları olarak görülebilecek Realizm ve Liberalizm’in güvenlik kavramına bakışı açıklanmış sonrasında ise Yeni Güvenlik Çalışmaları kapsamında üç temek eleştirel güvenlik okuluna ve Feminist ve Postkolonyal Güvenlik yaklaşımlarına değinilmiştir. Son olarak farklı güvenlik yaklaşımlarının aynı konulara nasıl yaklaştığını somut olarak gösterebilmek maksadıyla çevresel güvenlik ve göç konularına güvenlik perspektifinden farklı bakış açıları ortaya konulmuştur.
... Kajian yang ada di dalamnya konsep tertentu yang menjadi fokus kajian seperti pemikiran politik liberal ini, adalah penting untuk diletakkan definisi yang jelas dan khusus untuknya agar lebih memudahkan pemahaman terhadap fenomena yang dikaji. "Pemikiran politik liberal" yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini merupakan satu konsep yang dirangkumkan didalamnya tiga bentuk pemikiran politik Smith, 2017;Doyle, 2012), iaitu: a) Liberalisme politik (political liberalism) yang mengatur dan mendominasi politik domestik AS. b) Teori keamanan demokrasi (democratic peace theory) yang merupakan salah satu teori hubungan antarabangsa liberal. c) Hegemoni liberal yang merupakan strategi agung (grand strategy) atau orientasi dasar luar AS pada pasca Perang Dingin, yang termasuk di dalamnya juga adalah polisi penyebaran demokrasi. ...
... Faktor lain yang menyebabkan AS sangat berminat untuk menyebarkan demokrasi adalah kerana polisi ini bukan sahaja untuk melindungi hak individu di negara lain akan tetapi strategi utama hegemoni liberal ini juga merupakan sebuah strategi yang baik untuk mengakibatkan wujudnya keamanan dalam kalangan negara-negara yang terlibat. Seperti mana yang difahami dalam kajian hubungan antarabangsa, logik keamanan antara negara-negara demokrasi ini mendapat asas intelektualnya daripada teori keamanan demokrasi (democratic peace theory), salah satu cabang teori liberal dalam HA (Rosato, 2011;Doyle, 2012;Mandelbaum, 2002). Negara liberal difahami tidak berperang dengan negara liberal yang lain kerana beberapa faktor, antaranya adalah kerana penekanan dan penghormatan negara-negara demokrasi liberal ini terhadap konsep hak individu (Doyle, 2012, hlm. ...
Kajian terhadap liberalisme dalam pengajian Islam, dengan objektif kajian yang pelbagai oleh para pengkaji yang berbeza, merupakan usaha-usaha yang telah banyak dilakukan dalam tempoh beberapa dekad kebelakangan ini. Walau bagaimanapun, kajian dalam keilmuan Islam berhubung peranan dan implikasi ideologi ini dalam ranah politik antarabangsa, khususnya dalam konteks hubungan kuasa Barat seperti AS dengan dunia Islam belum lagi dilakukan. Sehubungan dengan itu, kajian ini dengan berdasarkan kepada perbincangan liberalisme dalam buku Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities (2017) bertujuan untuk (i) mendiskripsikan pemikiran politik liberal dalam ranah domestik negara AS, (ii) pengaruhnya dalam dasar luar AS yang disebut sebagai "hegemoni liberal" yang antaranya bermatlamatkan menyebarkan demokrasi, (iii) dan kesannya kepada dunia Islam, khususnya negara-negara di Timur Tengah seperti Iraq dan Libya. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa pemikiran politik liberal mempengaruhi dasar luar AS seperti yang terlihat pada penekanan AS terhadap polisi mempromosikan demokrasi. Disamping itu, kertas kerja ini juga turut menjelaskan implikasi pemikiran politik liberal dalam dasar luar AS telah mendorong kuasa dunia liberal (liberal great power) tersebut untuk melaksanakan pendekatan tertentu seperti perubahan rejim dan campur tangan yang lain, sama ada atas faktor kemanusian (humanitarian) atau dijustifikasikan atas nama pendemokrasian. Kertas kerja ini menyimpulkan bahawa dasar luar hegemoni liberal AS ini selain bermatlamat mempertahankan hegemoninya, implikasi negatifnya terhadap Timur Tengah adalah wujud dari sudut kestabilan negara-negara Islam yang terlibat.
... We refer to this particular manner of framing international affairs as unitary actor (UA) framing. This language is common among certain scholars and theorists, too, as the positioning of states as singular, unitary actors tends to be a defining characteristic of neorealist political theory (e.g., see Kydd 2015 ). 1 The treatment of states as unitary actors has encountered a number of objections on theoretical grounds (see Doyle 1986 ;Milner 1997 ;Ikenberry 2001 ). Further, it should be acknowledged that such framing may occur for a variety of reasons, for example, as a habitual, parsimonious way of referencing states, as a device used strategically in the interest of simplifying complex international affairs, or as a deliberate technique for constructing compelling images of countries ( Herrmann et al. 1997 ). ...
... Other paradigms of international relations have long taken issue with various aspects of neorealism. Liberal and neoliberal theorists, for example, criticize neorealist approaches because the latter fail to take into consideration the ways in which domestic politics, subnational and transnational non-state actors, and international organizations shape state behavior in the international arena ( Doyle 1986 ;Milner 1997 ;Ikenberry 2001 ). Constructivists further criticize neorealists arguing that state interests are historically and socially determined and that norms, identity, and culture matter in explaining how states and other key actors behave in the international system ( Wendt 1992( Wendt , 1999Klotz 1995 ;Finnemore 1996 ;Katzenstein 1996 ). ...
A defining feature of public (and, often, scholarly) discussion of international affairs is the treatment of states as unitary actors, that is, akin to individual persons. Drawing upon social–psychological research, we theorize that such unitary actor (UA) framing increases the degree to which adversarial states are perceived as entitative—that is, as relatively united—and, thus, the perceived complicity of a country's people in their government's actions. We therefore hypothesize that UA framing increases citizens’ support for indiscriminate, coercive policies against target states. In a content analysis of US elite statements spanning three decades, we first establish that UA framing is exceedingly common, occurring in nearly two-thirds of all references to adversarial states. We then conduct a series of survey experiments on US adults, finding that, compared to frames in which a state is described as more factious and disunited, UA framing is associated with significantly greater willingness to impose harmful, indiscriminate economic sanctions and military strikes against target states. Our results highlight the utility and applicability of entitativity to political science research, and have important implications for the role of elite discourse in bolstering public support for hawkish foreign policymaking.
... Moreover, the aggressiveness of liberal states is always (albeit imperfectly and to varying degrees) constrained by internal checks and balances. In a liberal democracy, the executive cannot wage wars on a whim, and some form of the parliament's consent is usually required, whereas in autocracies, foreign policy choices are essentially at the discretion of the ruler (Doyle 1986). 11 Additionally, while liberalism can take up the form of liberal interventionism (Mearsheimer 2018, Walt 2018, it also has the potential for mitigating belligerence when developed into a doctrine of liberal anti-interventionism, a phenomenon deeply entrenched particularly in the Anglo-Saxon political culture and epitomised by the legacy of numerous movements from Manchester liberalism to the American Old Right (Rothbard 2007;Waltz 2018, pp. ...
The paper deals with the view of contemporary world politics presented by American libertarians. Specifically, it examines the claims of Murray N. Rothbard and his successors with regard to the role of the United States of America in the international arena. The article argues that since the Cold War, the libertarian account of international relations has been staunchly critical of the US, while exhibiting a soft spot for competing powers, particularly the USSR and the Russian Federation. As the article submits, this asymmetry is supported by two flawed theoretical contentions: the liberal imperialism thesis (LIT) and the American hegemony thesis (AHT). Moreover, the article shows how anti-Americanism impinges on libertarian analyses of contemporary Central- Eastern European politics, in particular the war in Ukraine.
... Neoliberalisme juga mengakui peran globalisasi dan interdependensi ekonomi dalam hubungan internasional, dimana peningkatan ketergantungan ekonomi antara negara-negara akan mempengaruhi keputusan politik dan memperluas ruang lingkup kerjasama internasional. Karena itulah, muncul Democratic-Peace Theory, yang meyakini bahwa jika negara-negara yang di dalam suatu kawasan menganut prinsip-prinsip demokrasi dan kebebasan individu, umumnya mereka cenderung memiliki jalinan hubungan yang lebih damai dan stabil (Doyle, 1986;Rosenthal & Ronnau, 2011). ...
This conceptual article will explain the role and position of religious entities in the debate on political studies and international relations, which were once marginalized. This situation cannot be separated from the strong dominance of secularism which provides strong legitimacy for the importance of material factors such as military power and economic-political interests in the development of global political economy. Religious factors and other identities are considered abstract and do not get a place in the mainstream debate. However, along with the development of the dynamics and complexity of global political economy and security, religious factors have again received great attention. By analyzing the historical roots and transformation of political studies and international relations, with a deeper emphasis in the context of Islamic religion, this article which is sourced from secondary data, lays the stronger basis for understanding the rise of Constructivism School of Thought, which finally concludes that religious entities and other identity factors have played a significant and fundamental role in determining the direction of the dynamics of socio-political, economic and international security developments.
... Therefore, those studies try to evaluate any developments in BRI by indexing them directly related to China's global strategies without focusing on the possibility of BRI's identity as an international institution by itself. For this branch, it can be said that any peaceful change in the international system can only happen without violating the rules-based liberal characteristics most probably because of the dominance and untouchability of the term liberal international order in their eyes (Doyle, 1986;Duckett, 2020;Harvey, 2011;Palley, 2020;Remington, 2023). On the other hand, as in the vast literature on the characteristics of the international system, it doesn't consist only of the rules of liberalization (Kalyanpur, 2023;Sheikh, 2016;Vázquez-Arroyo, 2008;Yan, 2018). ...
This paper examines whether an association emerges between the tendencies of BRI and the international system in terms of globalization which is a good signal for the main characteristic of the international system. The paper has three sections. The first analyzes the tendencies of the international system, the second analyzes the convergence of BRI corridors, and the third discusses the emergence of association between BRI and the international system and the case of non-participants of BRI but effective countries in the international system. The coefficient of variation is used to determine convergence through the KOF Globalization Index-2022 due to its very effective separation between markets and states to support globalization. The conclusion indicates that the international system and BRI have an association in a transformation from liberal globalization to realist globalization while Italy, Germany, and the United Kingdom have a reverse transformation with their recent critical positions to BRI.
... Ideological opposition and subaltern claims have tended to disrupt this alignment, the former foregrounding geopolitics and the latter expanded rights claims. As the LIO has increasingly aspired to broadening forms of legitimacy, as required by democratisation and human rights regimes and the subaltern claims they amplified (Fawcett, 2014;Doyle, 1986), this has made it difficult to maintain political will within the core states and allies of the LIO. The liberal order was based upon scholarship from a previous era, so was never broad-ranging enough in global terms or according to interdisciplinary analysis, nor up-to-date, or representative enough. ...
... In addressing these challenges in Middle East, "Democratic Peace Theory" provides a valuable perspective. This theory posits that democracies are less likely to engage in conflict with one another due to shared norms, economic interdependence, and institutional constraints on executive power (Doyle, 1986;Russett, 1993). The implementation of democratic principles and inclusive institutions can potentially mitigate the adverse effects of the resource curse by promoting transparency, accountability, and broad-based participation in economic and political processes. ...
This study examines the significance of oil resources in Northern Eastern Syria within the framework of energy security and international business. The research explores how control over these oil reserves impacts regional power dynamics, economic stability, and geopolitical strategies. Employing a mixed-methods approach, the study integrates qualitative and quantitative data to provide a comprehensive analysis. Key findings highlight the region's substantial oil reserves, which play a critical role in local and regional energy security. The research also delves into the geopolitical implications, demonstrating how these resources influence alliances and conflicts among regional and international actors. Furthermore, the study evaluates the economic impacts of oil resources on international business, emphasizing the potential for investment and growth in the region. By applying theories such as the Resource Curse and Democratic Peace Theory, the research offers valuable insights into the interplay between natural resources, governance, and regional stability. The findings underscore the importance of strategic planning and international cooperation to harness the full potential of these resources for sustainable development and peace in Northern Eastern Syria.
Keywords: Oil resources, Northern Eastern Syria, energy security, international business, regional power dynamics, economic stability, geopolitical strategies, Resource Curse, Democratic Peace Theory, regional stability, sustainable development, Middle Eastern Studies, Kurdish Studies, Oil Economy.
... Key questions focus on how peace is conceptualised, what are considered to be the root causes of conflict, and hence, what type of remedy can peacebuilding programming offer (Rigual, 2018). Liberal peace projects adhere to the assumption that democratic states tend to be more peaceful, and hence attempt to introduce democratic institutions into post-conflict settings (Doyle, 1986;Newman, Paris and Richmond, 2009;Paris, 2010). Following political economists, many conflict scholars focus their attention on economic development and struggles against poverty as key pathways to conflict prevention and post-conflict recovery (Collier et al., 2003;Krause and Jütersonke, 2005). ...
... La oposición ideológica y las reivindicaciones subalternas han tendido a perturbar esta alineación, en cuanto que la primera pone en primer plano la geopolítica y la segunda amplía las reivindicaciones de derechos . A medida que el OIL ha ido aspirando a formas de legitimidad cada vez más amplias, como exigen los regímenes de democratización y derechos humanos (Fawcett, 2014;Doyle, 1986), se ha dificultado el mantenimiento de la voluntad política dentro del núcleo y los aliados del OIL. Esto se basaba en investigaciones de una época 9 Algunos ejemplos serían la opresión tamil por la mayoría Sinhala en Sri Lanka, la discriminación contra musulmanes por el gobierno supremacista hindú de Narendra Modi, o la persecución de los rohinyás por la junta nacionalista de Birmania en Myanmar. ...
Con la publicación de Agenda para la Paz en 1992, el sistema de Naciones Unidas abrió sus intervenciones de paz a críticas que finalmente permitieron una tímida incorporación de enfoques etnográficos, feministas y basados en los derechos al Orden Internacional Liberal (OIL). Sin embargo, los esfuerzos posteriores por reformar la Arquitectura Internacional de la Paz (IPA), mucho más amplia, han sido limitados. Las reivindicaciones políticas legítimas ajenas a la concepción occidental del establecimiento de la paz pronto quedaron marginadas, a pesar de la creciente importancia de los discursos no occidentales. Del orden internacional liberal surgió una idea importante: la idea de que las capacidades coercitivas del estado debían ser limitadas por una alianza entre los actores internacionales y la sociedad civil para permitir el florecimiento de una paz sostenible. En un orden multipolar emergente, este alineamiento liberal parece haberse roto. Este artículo describe y compara de forma crítica dos modelos de orden internacional y sus epistemologías y herramientas de pacificación relacionadas: el modelo alineado bajo la hegemonía liberal, que surgió después de 1990, y el modelo multipolar desalineado del siglo XXI. En el orden alineado ha surgido una dinámica no violenta de pacificación estancada, mientras que el orden desalineado suele generar una paz opresiva e inestable. Aunque en última instancia ambos patrones congelan los conflictos en lugar de resolverlos, existen diferencias significativas entre ellos. Los instrumentos desarrollados por potencias emergentes como muchos de los BRICS, incluidas China y Rusia, dejan sin respuesta las críticas feministas, etnográficas, poscoloniales, medioambientales y posliberales (aunque parezcan apoyar discursivamente algunas de estas críticas). Además, el argumento de la paz liberal apenas se aplica en condiciones de multipolaridad. Metodológicamente, el documento presenta un análisis crítico inductivo de la pacificación contemporánea, comparando la alineación del orden internacional liberal con la desalineación en el orden multipolar emergente. En primer lugar, se explica cómo los estudios avanzados y las demandas de la sociedad civil presionan a la arquitectura internacional de la paz para que vaya más allá del paradigma de la gestión de conflictos y amplíe sus herramientas de intervención. Sin embargo, este documento pone de relieve las limitaciones de las críticas académicas. Además, analiza por qué la arquitectura internacional de la paz ha fracasado en última instancia a la hora de transformar fundamentalmente sus políticas y herramientas. Mediante la elaboración de la "alineación liberal", esta investigación explica por qué los intentos de reducir el poder estatal adquirieron importancia a principios del período posterior a la Guerra Fría, por qué esta alineación podría haber proporcionado una plataforma para avanzar hacia una paz emancipadora, pero también cómo se rompió la alineación. Tras analizar los mecanismos que condujeron al colapso del "alineamiento liberal", el documento investiga el "desalineamiento" emergente del establecimiento de la paz en un orden internacional de transición. Identifica dos vertientes del orden desalineado: Una vertiente internacional y otra decolonial, que parecen incompatibles. Por último, el documento evalúa lo que esto significa para una revisión crítica de las prácticas de pacificación y de la teoría de la paz.
... The study is conducted from the perspective of institutional liberalism (Doyle, 1986(Doyle, , pp. 1151(Doyle, -1169. This assumes that most states make rational policy choices that induce them to cooperate because the benefits of cooperation are superior to the benefits of military competition and territorial conquests (Rosecrance, 1986). ...
This book argues that a resilient region should act reactively and proactively in the face of shocks and disruptions and asserts that the institutionalization of regional cooperation may be the answer to development challenges in times of uncertainty and instability.
It considers regional, transregional, and subregional cooperation initiatives for building regional resilience and critically examines a broad spectrum of issues, such as international security and trade, economic development, value chains in production, and social welfare. Adopting the concept of resilience allows for a holistic, dynamic, and systematic approach to the studies on the regional process of institutionalization, responsiveness, and adaptability to challenging circumstances. The economic and social indicators of the countries in the region are examined alongside an analysis of the regional institutional architecture.
The reader is acquainted with the essence of resilience concerning each category of challenges and the mechanisms of its achievement and strengthening through regional integration. The interdisciplinary character of the book makes it suitable for usage not only by economists but also by lawyers. As such, the book will be helpful to scholars and students of international economics, international security, and policymakers.
... The study is conducted from the perspective of institutional liberalism (Doyle, 1986(Doyle, , pp. 1151(Doyle, -1169. This assumes that most states make rational policy choices that induce them to cooperate because the benefits of cooperation are superior to the benefits of military competition and territorial conquests (Rosecrance, 1986). ...
... For example, one of the most prominent theorists of democratic peace, Michael W. Doyle underlined that from the 18 th century onward, a zone of peace came into being among the European states and the United States. By stressing that liberal states act peacefully toward one another, he argues that realist theories are inadequate in explaining the zone of peace created among liberal states (Doyle, 2005). Doyle argued that the strength of liberalism derives from its claims that can be tested in the empirical examination (Doyle, 1997). ...
The wars in Ukraine and Gaza poignantly reveal the inadequacy of the current international system in maintaining peace. The United Nations faces major limitations due to the absence of enforcement mechanisms and disagreement among permanent members of the Security Council. Stronger global cooperation to enhance the international system's ability to prevent and resolve wars and conflicts seems like a utopia, but it is necessary for the sake of humanity. The world needs a reimagined international system that prioritizes diplomacy and mediation over military intervention. There is a pressing need for new visions of peace and a closer dialogue between International Law and IR. This review essay critically examines the dialogue between the two disciplines since the interwar period. It highlights that liberal internationalism constituted an important intersection point between the two disciplines during the interwar period. Although the two disciplines grew apart after World War II, the post-Cold War period has witnessed a renewed interdisciplinary dialogue. However, despite this dialogue, scholars of both disciplines lack conversations on novel visions of peace. The complex and evolving challenges of our time urgently require new perspectives on peace beyond mainstream theories and methods. The essay concludes by suggesting that scholars of both disciplines should combine their experience and perspectives to develop innovative ideas for peace.
... International organisations that are composed of democracies, and consider democracy one of their shared core values, form international communities of democratic values (Risse-Kappen, 1996). If the values that constitute its collective identity come under threat, we should expect the international organisation to defend them as they define an "in-group" of fellow liberals and an illiberal "out-group" that can no longer benefit from the presumption of amity (see also Doyle, 1986Doyle, : 1161. Moreover, the community ethos of a democratic international organisation also increases the legitimacy of calls for measures to defend shared values, which makes it difficult for member states that profess adherence to these values to oppose such measures (Rittberger and Schimmelfennig, 2006). ...
... Il principale punto di riferimento del dibattito accademico concernente il rapporto tra parlamenti e guerra è senza dubbio la neo-kantiana "teoria della pace democratica" (Doyle 1986), secondo la quale le democrazie non si fanno la guerra tra loro. Una delle possibili spiegazioni di tale regolarità (che naturalmente dipende fortemente dalla definizione che forniamo sia di "democrazia" che di "guerra") riguarda proprio le istituzioni domestiche, percepite -in quanto espressione della volontà dell'opinione pubblica -come vincolo nei confronti dei governi rispetto all'uso della forza. ...
In che modo i parlamenti influenzano le scelte dei governi in merito all’impiego delle forze armate all’estero? La letteratura di Relazioni Internazionali – che per molto tempo ha dedicato scarsa attenzione al tema del rapporto tra assemblee legislative e politica di difesa – ha provato a fornire una risposta a tale quesito. Il caso dell’Italia, uno dei paesi maggiormente impegnati in operazioni militari internazionali, è stato di recente al centro di studi volti a valutare il ruolo che i parlamenti possono avere nel condizionare – o meno – le scelte dell’esecutivo in materia di difesa.
Il caso italiano è particolarmente interessante per due motivi. Il primo attiene proprio al grande dinamismo militare post-Guerra Fredda che ha visto Roma schierare le proprie truppe in decine di operazioni – dal peacekeeping alla controinsorgenza, dalle missioni anti-pirateria ai bombardamenti aerei – in tutte le principali aree di crisi regionali e finanche globali degli ultimi tre decenni. Pertanto, anche alla luce del paradossale limitato interesse verso la difesa italiana da parte della letteratura (nazionale e internazionale), appare fondamentale comprendere in primo luogo le caratteristiche di tale impegno. Il secondo elemento che illustra l’importanza del caso italiano è dato proprio dalla complessa evoluzione della disciplina che ha regolato l’invio delle forze, la lenta trasformazione della modalità con la quale è stato normato (ed interpretato) il ruolo del parlamento in merito alla decisione di intraprendere operazioni oltre confine, nonché al tipo di controllo esercitato da Camera e Senato su tali operazioni. Offrire una chiara prospettiva su tale processo consente sia di contribuire al crescente dibattito riguardante il rapporto tra assemblee legislative e guerra, sia di fornire un quadro dettagliato su uno degli asset principali della politica estera italiana, appunto le missioni militari.
L’articolo si divide quindi in due parti. Nella prima sezione – dopo aver fatto brevemente accenno ai principali risultati della vivace riflessione accademica in marito al ruolo dei parlamenti in politica estera – viene descritta l’evoluzione della disciplina sulla partecipazione italiana alle missioni internazionali. La seconda parte illustra invece le principali caratteristiche delle operazioni militari condotte nello scenario post-Guerra Fredda, individuando alcuni periodi chiave della storia della recente difesa italiana.
... Although Wilson made no confession regarding his inability to carefully translate the German language, Uwizeyimana (2013:168) argues that it was highly impossible to have mistranslated the language since Wilson must have had foreign language translators in his administration era. Other scholars, like Riggs (1964) and Doyle (1986), developed an argument against Wilson, stating that "politics and administration are not only closely intertwined but that administrative actions are scarcely conceivable except as the implementation of general politics is formulated by political means". Hence, Wilson still maintained that administrative development may exist in the political vacuum. ...
Politicians should not find themselves entangled in the affairs wholly assigned to administrators. This scourge hinders the local government's capacity to deliver services effectively and efficiently. The politics-administration dichotomy model is used to explain the conundrum between politics and administration. Methodologically, this study adopted qualitative research approach and heavily relied on secondary data. The study gathered data from accredited scholarly journals, published peer-reviewed journal articles, scholarly books, legitimate online government bulletins and trustworthy academic websites, government legislative frameworks, and credible databases. The systematic procedure was used to review, clean, and verify data through critical doctrinal examination and interpretation based on viewpoints and arguments on politics-administration divide and interface. Data was then analysed using the document analysis technique in order to develop empirical knowledge and find existing loopholes in the complex issue of politics-adminstration divide and interface within South African municipalities. Among others, the findings reveal that some municipal officials bend the law and take sides to achieve 162 favourable political outcomes; there is also a tendency among some political office bearers to willingly disregard the voice of the accounting officers even when they act according to policy; and political partisanship and/or patronage breed corruption within several municipalities. Therefore, there is a need for a bold step to educate, train and equip councillors with knowledge of legislative frameworks to understand and respect both the political and administrative spheres. This study further contributes to the process of transforming the politics-administrative divide and interface by advocating for a solid and context-based approach to help improve working relations between politicians and administrators.
... Akibatnya, setiap negara berlomba-lomba mengusahakan kedua hal itu semaksimal mungkin dengan berbagai cara. Doyle (1986) menambahkan pendapatnya bahwa ciri khas dari teori ini adalah perang sebagaimana ciri endemik kehidupan internasional. Artinya, jika menghadapi suatu permasalahan yang memprovokasi kekuatannya jalan keluarnya adalah dengan perang. ...
Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis studi kasus Honduras yang memutus hubungan diplomatik dengan Taiwan dan mulai meresmikan hubungan bilateral dengan Tiongkok dalam waktu yang berdekatan berdasarkan perspektif neorealisme. Dari berbagai sumber yang telah penulis baca, diketahui bahwa Honduras telah menjalin hubungan dengan Taiwan lebih dari 80 tahun. Sehingga putusnya hubungan diplomatik ini sangatlah menarik perhatian. Sebelum itu, Honduras merupakan negara berkembang di Amerika Tengah. Secara tidak langsung, Honduras menggantungkan hidupnya kepada negara maju untuk bertahan hidup. Artinya, Honduras akan oleng ketika mendapat serangan dari negara maju tanpa adanya perlindungan dari negara maju yang lainnya. Hal ini sejalan dengan pemikiran neorealisme yang diungkapkan oleh Mearsheimer (2007), yaitu mencapai tujuan, menjadi penguasa, dengan saling bersaing satu sama lain. Singkatnya, negara maju akan melakukan suatu entitas yang disebut dengan istilah “balancing” untuk mempertahankan kekuasaannya. Lain halnya jika negara tersebut negara berkembang. Maka mereka akan melakukan hal yang disebut “bandwagoning” atas negara maju (Wardhana 2023). Sebagaimana yang dilakukan Honduras, setelah mengetahui bahwa Taiwan dan Tiongkok mengalami konflik, Honduras memilih mengakhiri hubungan dengan Taiwan dan memulai hubungan dengan Tiongkok guna mencari aman. Berhubungan dengan hal tersebut, penulis akan membuktikan bahwa jalan yang diambil Honduras merupakan cara bertahan hidup secara neorealisme (bandwagoning) atas anarkinya sistem sosial. Untuk lebih jelas bagaimana perspektif neorealisme memandang studi kasus tersebut, penulis akan mengelaborasinya pada bagian selanjutnya. Sebagai informasi, artikel ini akan memuat beberapa bagian, diantaranya adalah kerangka teori neoliberalisme, analisis pandangan perspektif neo marxisme terhadap studi kasus terjalinnya hubungan Honduras dengan Tiongkok atas Taiwan , dan kesimpulan.
... Betrachtet man demokratische Staaten und ihr Verhalten in Kriegen, ist festzustellen, dass die Anzahl von bewaffneten Konflikten zwischen Demokratien seit dem Jahr 1816 statistisch gesehen gegen Null geht (Doyle, 1986(Doyle, , 1153Russett, 1993) und es eine Art liberale Friedenszone gibt. Diese Beobachtung führt erneut zu Kant und den Demokratisierungstheorien. Sie basieren auf der Annahme, dass die Herausbildung und Förderung der Demokratie als außenpolitisches, friedensbringendes Mittel genutzt werden kann, wenn Demokratien keine Kriege gegeneinander führen. ...
... An architectural inversion is, then, a methodological approach principally designed to explore global health governance at the boundaries of the liberal episteme running through much of that governance architecture (Deudney and Ikenberry, 1999;Doyle, 1986;Keohane, 1998;Park, 2018). Most of the institutions foregrounded in the study of global health governance embody liberalism's belief in the value of international organizations -as platforms for addressing global (health) challenges in an increasingly interdependent world (Jahn, 2018: 48; see also Ikenberry, 2018). ...
COVID-19 has exposed profound governance challenges that demand more diverse and creative approaches to global health governance moving forward. This article works towards such a pluralization of the field by foregrounding the vital role played by heterodox actors during the pandemic. Heterodox global health actors are backgrounded actors who improve health in different parts of the world, but who remain politically marginalized – and epistemically invisibilized – because they depart in crucial respects from the liberal orthodoxy pervading the field of global health governance. The article analytically foregrounds those heterodox actors through an architectural inversion – a relational approach to the study of global health governance that builds upon recent methodological insights from postcolonial studies, infrastructure studies, and science and technology studies. The article then harnesses that methodological approach to empirically investigate the COVID-19 activities of three different heterodox actors: rebel groups providing public health in the borderlands of Myanmar, a women’s vigilante movement stitching face masks in the Czech Republic, and a maverick scientific platform for the international sharing of viral sequence data. Performing that architectural inversion begins to loosen the dominance of the liberal episteme within the practice and study of global health governance. It further visibilizes how that field is continually co-produced by the background activities of many such heterodox actors. It also lays conceptual foundations for a more heterodox future research agenda on global health governance – and arguably global governance more broadly – in response to the numerous unresolved challenges revealed by COVID-19.
... In spite of the fact that it has become a well-documented fact that democracies rarely if not at all, go to war with each other, the fact has not been proven that they are more peaceful or peace prone than nondemocratic states (Doyle 1986, Maoz and Abdolali 1989, Maoz and Russett 1991, 1992, Rummel 1983, 1985, Russett 1989, Agara & Ibebunjo 2021. As a matter of fact, several scholars have contended that "the closest thing we have to a law in international politics" is that of democratic peace (Maoz and Russett 1991, Ray 1992, and Levy 1988. ...
... While liberals over the past centuries would all tend to share these ontological and teleological assumptions about human behavior, international relations, and security, Michael Doyle points out that there is "no canonical description of liberalism" (Doyle, 1986(Doyle, , p. 1152. In other words, there is no single, definitive version of the liberal worldview. ...
While much of the study and practice of international relations is anchored in the centuries-old tradition of realism, this chapter explores the important contributions that another theoretical tradition, liberalism, has made to the study of international security and the role of military power. Emerging from Enlightenment beliefs about the rationality of individuals and the potential for progress in human affairs, liberal theories and policy ideas have focused on offering alternative means for states seeking security, alternatives that might break the endless competition and warfare that realists see as inevitable in an anarchic world. Liberal theories emphasize how rules and institutions can help self-interested states achieve mutual interests, they see economic interdependence as a potent incentive for states to avoid war, and they argue that democracies enjoy more peaceful relations with other democracies. The chapter traces the history of liberal international relations theory as it matured in response to the mass violence and chaos of the twentieth century, and it examines a number of examples – like European integration, the post-World War II global economic order, and the control of nuclear weapons – to showcase how liberal ideas in practice might reduce the dangers of war and enhance the prospects for global cooperation.
This study examines the dynamics of political regimes as pivotal factors shaping bilateral military alliances (BMAs) in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) from the aftermath of the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) to 2003. Using data from the Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions (ATOP) and the Polity IV databases, the research investigates statistical correlations between the formation of military alliances, their typologies, and political regime-type dynamics. Research questions include exploring the key characteristics of BMAs, the political regime nature of dyads, correlations between alliance durability and democracy levels, and the impact of regime changes on alliance phases. A sample of 88 BMAs is analysed, exploring hypotheses on relationships such as alliance duration, political regime congruity, member asymmetry, treaty provisions, and changes pre- and post-Cuban crisis. Key findings indicate that less democratic dyads tended to sustain longer alliances, while the hypothesis on political regime congruity in military alliances received partial support. The study contributes to understanding how political regime dynamics influence alliance formation and longevity in a region historically shaped by the Cold War geopolitical dynamics.
The article focuses on the role regional organizations play in regional peace-building within the theoretical framework of liberalism. Using a critical analysis of some of the key organizations, including but not limited to, the United Nations, European Union, African Union, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, this study looks at how liberal cooperation, multilateralism, and institutional governance help in efforts to prevent regional conflicts. The performance of these organizations in managing conflicts in the diverse regional context identifies their successes and shortcomings. The region of study particularly shines the light on how challenges have arisen from applying Western liberal frameworks in regions that were supposed to be non-Western and takes into consideration historical, cultural, and political conditions that require more adaptability and inclusiveness in peace-building interventions. This article argues that though liberalism remains the most significant tool in contemporary peace building, however its future requires a more fluid and multilevel engagement aimed at bringing local, national, and regional actors together in work toward sustainable peace.
This article provides an overview, implications, and challenges that arise at the intersection of international political, economic, social, and environmental dilemmas that intervened in Haiti's efforts to build the stability of its democracy during the pre-Cold War period until recently. By providing United States Agency for International Development (USAID)'s trend of democratic assistance to the Latin American region and the presidential leadership model that may explain Haiti's failure to combat political instability, this article has positioned the Haitian government as a contributor to Haiti's permanent crisis, with the role of an elite society taking control of the interim government system and the civil society as the party to bear the consequences. The occurrence of a devastating earthquake has tested Haiti and resulted in more and more Haitians migrating to the United States. This condition exacerbated Haiti's status as a "failed state" and the need for sustained commitment and long-term international stabilization efforts. By applying the analytical explanatory method, the results show that if Haiti is to escape its permanent political instability, a more comprehensive policy-making paradigm shift is needed beyond just democratic assistance from USAID. Keywords: Democratic Aid, Haiti, USAID, Democracy, Foreign Aid. Artikel ini mengulas ikhtisar, implikasi, dan tantangan yang muncul di persimpangan dilema politik, ekonomi, sosial, dan lingkungan internasional yang mengintervensi Haiti dalam upaya membangun stabilitas demokrasinya selama periode sebelum Perang Dingin hingga baru-baru ini. Dengan menyediakan tren bantuan demokratis Badan Pembangunan Internasional Amerika Serikat (USAID) ke wilayah Amerika Latin dan model kepemimpinan presiden yang mungkin bisa menjadi alasan atas tidak berhasilnya Haiti melawan ketidakstabilan politik, artikel ini telah menempatkan pemerintah Haiti sebagai kontributor krisis permanen Haiti, dengan peran masyarakat elit yang mengambil alih kontrol sistem pemerintahan sementara masyarakat sipil menjadi pihak menanggung akibatnya. Adapun terjadinya gempa bumi dahsyat telah menguji Haiti dan mengakibatkan semakin banyak penduduk Haiti yang bermigrasi ke Amerika Serikat. Kondisi ini kemudian memperburuk status Haiti sebagai sebuah "negara gagal" dan perlunya komitmen berkelanjutan serta upaya stabilisasi internasional berjangka panjang. Dengan menerapkan metode eksplanatif secara analitis, hasil menunjukkan bahwa jika Haiti ingin melepaskan diri dari ketidakstabilan politik permanennya, diperlukan pergeseran paradigma pembuat kebijakan yang lebih komprehensif daripada hanya sekedar bantuan demokratis dari USAID. Kata-kata kunci: Bantuan Demokratis, Haiti, USAID, Demokrasi, Bantuan Luar Negeri.
Este artigo visa compreender as múltiplas possibilidades hermenêuticas do cosmopolitismo na discussão teórica das Relações Internacionais, de modo a criticar a hegemonia compreensiva que se tem desta discussão no liberalismo. Como muito do que é discutido nesse campo de estudos, o ideal cosmopolita é algo anterior às Relações Internacionais, sendo debatido, centralmente, na Filosofia Política e no direito internacional. Ao absorver tal debate, as Relações Internacionais tendem a demonstrar no liberalismo a herança do cosmopolitismo, contudo, tanto a Escola inglesa quanto a teoria crítica têm espaços dedicados à tal questão. Assim, ao apontar os déficits normativos da apreensão liberal na formulação de uma proposta cosmopolita às Relações Internacionais, defende-se uma concepção cosmopolita mais próxima destas outras duas escolas supracitadas, as quais conseguem avançar questões mal trabalhadas pela tradição liberal.
A teoria de que democracias não guerreiam entre si, denominada Paz Liberal, chegou a ser considerada o mais próximo de uma lei empírica nas Relações Internacionais. Leituras críticas demonstram, porém, que esta tese está ancorada no que Inayatullah denomina “retorno ao colonialismo”: justificar intervenções contra Estados anteriormente colonizados através de potenciais benefícios da interferência externa. Mesmo assim, a expansão de democracias liberais segue sendo defendida como a solução mais viável para os problemas políticos atuais. Como o liberalismo retorna em termos tão triunfalistas? O presente artigo sugere o trabalho de Michael Doyle como ponto de partida para explorar esta pergunta. Doyle é um dos principais formuladores da Paz Liberal, mas a elabora não como lei empírica, mas como dilema. Por isso, este artigo mobiliza uma leitura derridiana para compreender como os dilemas de Doyle informam a relação do autor com o retorno ao colonialismo. Tal análise pretende elucidar como posições aparentemente moderadas abrem caminho para versões de si mesmas que seriam, a princípio, extremas. Destarte, o artigo propõe que o pensamento de Doyle depende de um retorno pragmático ao colonialismo: deslegitimar experiências não-brancas para afastar questionamentos sobre a Paz Liberal como única alternativa adequada à realidade internacional.
This article aims to analyse how the theory of economic and institutional liberalism applies to the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and its Investment Fund (3SIIF), particularly in the context of Ukraine, which was attacked by Russia in February 2022. The study integrates theoretical perspectives from security studies, political science, and international relations with the practical implementation of the 3SI and 3SIIF. It uses scholarly literature on liberalism along with official 3SI and 3SIIF documentation. By comparing the theoretical principles of liberalism with the operational practices of the 3SI, the article draws conclusions about the alignment of these practices with liberal theory. The findings indicate that the theory of liberalism can be used to explain and describe forms of regional cooperation such as the 3SI, which reflects its relevance across various operational and conceptual dimensions. The acceptance of Ukraine as a participating 3SI partner was one of the signals to Russia that Ukraine is a part of the Western world, where goals are achieved through voluntary integration, trade and investment cooperation, free market, and democratic principles, and not through dependency, violence, and military action. Finally, the paper illustrates the application of liberalism theory to the geopolitical realities of the 3SI and draws attention to its effectiveness in achieving economic and regional security goals. The research may influence future regional policies and strategies, especially in the context of Ukraine’s integration into Western structures.
Dalam pengajian Islam, kajian terhadap liberalisme dapat diperhatikan antaranya dalam aspek historiografi ideologi ini. Walau bagaimanapun, kajian sejarah ideologi ini dalam dimensi politik antarabangsa, khususnya dalam konteks dasar luar kuasa Barat pada hari ini-khususnya Amerika Syarikat-masih belum dilaksanakan dalam pengajian Islam. Sorotan dari sudut literatur mendapati bahawa bahawa topik tersebut sama ada hanya diulas secara ringkas atau tidak menjadi fokus dalam kajian sama sekali. Sehubungan dengan itu, untuk mendiskripsikan sejarah dan perkembangan "liberal internasionalisme" dalam dasar luar Amerika Syarikat semenjak era kemerdekaan Amerika Syarikat dan sehinggalah era pasca Perang Dingin, kajian ini dengan menggunakan kaedah kualitatif-kajian dokumen dan kajian pensejarahan-akan menganalisis sumber-sumber daripada literatur hubungan antarabangsa. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa liberalisme dalam bentuk tradisi dan ideologi dasar luar Amerika Syarikat dapat dilihat dalam agenda dan usaha Washington yang berusaha untuk mempromosi dan mempertahankan demokrasi di seluruh dunia dalam sejarah dasar luarnya.
Kata kunci Historiografi, liberal internasionalisme, amerika syarikat, promosi demokrasi
In Islamic studies, the study of liberalism can be observed among other aspects in the historiography of this ideology. However, the study of the history of liberalism in the dimension of international politics, especially in the context of the foreign policy of Western powers today-especially the United States-has not yet been implemented in Islamic studies. A review of the literature found that the topic was either only commented on briefly or was not the focus of the study at all. Therefore, to describe the history and development of "liberal internationalism" in the foreign policy of the United States since the era of independence and until the post-Cold War era, this study will use qualitative methods-document research and historical research-to analyze sources from international relations literature. This study found that liberalism in the form of the tradition and ideology of the United States foreign policy can be seen in the agenda and efforts of Washington that seeks to promote and defend democracy around the world in the history of its foreign policy.
Defence diplomacy within the sphere of statecraft is experiencing rapid growth due to the geopolitical and geo-economic interests of rising power blocs around the world. This paper aims to provide a comprehensive historical background of significant activities undertaken in modern defence diplomacy. The central research question explores how the activities in defence diplomacy have shaped the landscape of international relations. It is found that defence diplomacy activities like military exchanges, exercises and cooperation with roots in antiquity, have continuously adapted to shape history and remain relevant in today’s complex international relations.
This paper investigates trade cooperation dynamics across the expansive Eurasian region, with a specific focus on the theoretical underpinnings of the democratic peace concept. It delves into the evolving trade and political relationships between 26 Eurasian countries and two prominent global actors - China and the European Union, spanning the period from 2007 to the Ukrainian crisis in 2022. Through an examination of statistical correlations between trade variables - namely, export and import - and factors such as free trade agreements, shifts in political regime types, institutional stability of Eurasian nations, and their membership within economic alliances, this research provides a nuanced perspective on the evolution of interactions between EU/China and Eurasia. The findings underscore a notable expansion in trade cooperation among the analysed cases since 2007, despite occasional tensions and divergent geopolitical interests involving China and the EU. Statistical analyses further reveal that the dynamics of export and import between the EU and Eurasian countries align with the stability of political regimes in Eurasia. Conversely, in the case of China, moderately negative correlations emerge. Importantly, trade patterns exhibit variations among individual countries, irrespective of their political regime dynamics, institutional stability, or membership in economic alliances - a phenomenon warranting in-depth exploration within the confines of this paper. The paper concludes by discussing how the findings challenge the postulates of commercial liberalism as part of democratic peace theory in the Eurasian context. The analysis clearly demonstrates that, with the EU and China as the two main global economic actors, these ideas need to be theoretically redefined to accurately capture the dynamics at play in the region in future.
21.yüzyılda uluslararası güvenliğin gündemi küresel politikada yaşanan gelişmeler çerçevesinde bütünüyle yeni bir görünüm kazanmıştır. Uzun yıllardır realizm merkezli ve gelenekselci bir yorumlamayla devlet egemenliği ve askeri güç bağlamında değerlendirilen uluslararası güvenlik Soğuk Savaş’ın sonuyla beraber bir paradigma değişimi geçirerek devletin yanında birey güvenliği, göç, salgın hastalıklar, ulus ötesi suçlar, etnik çatışmalar ve diğer birçok konunun öncelik verildiği bir alana evrilmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı güvenlik kavramına ilişkin paradigma değişimine ve ortaya çıkan yeni tehdit formlarıyla 21.yüzyılda uluslararası güvenliğin gündemine açıklık getirmektir. Bu çerçevede, çalışmada ilk olarak uluslararası güvenlik teorileri arasındaki tartışmalar ekseninde güvenlik paradigmasının dönüşümü açıklanmıştır. Çalışmanın devamında mevcut güvenlik gündeminin en önemli üç maddesi olarak sınıflandırılabilecek liberal uluslararası düzenin devamlılığına karşı ortaya çıkan tehditler, teknoloji-güvenlik ilişkisi ve çevresel tehdit konularının 21.yüzyılda uluslararası güvenliğin gündemini nasıl ve hangi yönleriyle şekillendirdiği tartışılmıştır.
This Element applies a new version of liberalism to international relations (IR), one that derives from the political theory of John Locke. It begins with a survey of liberal IR theories, showing that the main variants of this approach have all glossed over classical liberalism's core concern: fear of the state's concentrated power and the imperative of establishing institutions to restrain its inevitable abuse. The authors tease out from Locke's work its 'realist' elements: his emphasis on politics, power, and restraints on power (the 'Lockean tripod'). They then show how this Lockean approach (1) complements existing liberal approaches and answers some of the existing critiques directed toward them, (2) offers a broader analytical framework for several very different strands of IR literature, and (3) has broad theoretical and practical implications for international relations.
With the diffusion of power in global affairs, a convergence of multiple threats began to intersect and challenge ‘the liberal international order’. On the one hand, the US, the sole hegemon, has been frequently abusing the rules and institutions of ‘the liberal international order’. Besides, ‘the post-Cold War US grand strategy of liberal internationalism’ has been under pressure from ‘the revisionist states such as Russia and China’ and the right-wing populist leaders in advanced Western democracies. On the other hand, the global society is witnessing the return of great power politics, imperial ambitions, and Moscow’s desire to gather Russians and re-establish a Russian sphere of influence in its neighbourhood by unleashing war against Ukraine. These geopolitical challenges aggravate the great powers’ competition, undermining the American dream of the universal liberal order. With the return of ‘the tragedy of great power politics’, the United States needs to maintain a strategy of coexistence rather than confrontation. Washington ought to prefer stability over democracy promotion, shore up its democratic alliance, and shred its imperial character such as NATO enlargement to preserve the rules of the liberal international order.
Devlet kavramının sosyal bilimlerin farklı disiplinlerince kabul edilmiş
genel bir tanımı bulunmamaktadır. Siyaset bilimi, sosyoloji, tarih, antropoloji
ve uluslararası ilişkiler gibi disiplinlerin her biri, içinde bulundukları koşullara
göre farklı “devlet” kavramsallaştırması yaptı. Asıl sorun ise‘devlet nedir?’
sorusuna her kuramın farklı bir cevap vermesidir (Yalman, 2012: 69). Sosyal
bilimlerin çeşitli alanlarında devlete ilişkin yapılan tartışmalar John M.
Hobson’a (2000: 2) göre, iki genel analiz çerçevesinde sürdürülmektedir: arzu
edilen bir devlet anlayışını yansıtan normatif teoriler ve devletin davranışları;
vedevleti kimin veya hangi güçlerin kontrol ettiğini analiz etmeye çalışan
açıklayıcı teoriler. Dolayısıyla, devlet üzerine yapılan tartışmalar ve bir
metafor olarak devlete bakış, uluslararası ilişkiler disiplininde kuramsal
ayrışmaya neden olan parametrelerden birini oluşturmuştur.
Uluslararası ilişkiler disiplininde “devlet” analiz birimi olarak merkezi bir
yer edinmiş olmasına rağmen, disiplinin bir devlet teorisine sahip olup
olmadığı tartışmalıdır. Yine de, modern ulus-devletin 1648 Westphalia
Antlaşması ile oluşmaya başladığı diğer disiplinlerde olduğu gibi, uluslararası
ilişkiler disiplininde de genel kabul görmektedir. Bir retorik olarak
Westphalian devlet tahayyülü, aynı zamanda modern ve egemen devlet
düşüncesini yansıtmaktadır. Uluslararası ilişkiler disiplinin temel analiz
düzeyi ve analiz birimi olarak görülen devlet, Realizm ve Liberalizm/İdealizm
gibi geleneksel teoriler ve hatta bunların “Neo” versiyonları tarafından
herhangi bir ontolojik sorgulamaya tabi tutulmadan a priori kabul edilen
stratejik, rasyonel ve soyut bir varlıktır. Uluslararası ilişkiler disiplininde
modern devlet, ulus-devlet veya Westphalian devlet biçimlerinde soyut,
rasyonel ve stratejik bir varlık olarak metaforik bir kavram biçiminde
düşünülmüştür.
The modern international system has been shaped by long-standing historical practices of unequal power relations, which have positioned the Western world at the center of the political universe. Due to the centrality of the Global North in the international system, any IR theory that aims to portray a true picture of the “globe” necessarily situates the West at the center of scientific inquiry. Furthermore, the form of universality generated by Western hegemony has been diffused throughout the world over centuries, spreading Western political institutions, economic structures, and ideological norms in an uneven setting. As a result, the social structures of the Global South have developed through an uneven form of relationship and dialectical interaction with the West. Therefore, homegrown IR theories, which uncover local political, philosophical, or cultural motives as sources for theory-making, in fact, concentrate on stratified forms of the universal reality that is diffused through the uneven spread of Western social structures. In this sense, there is a Western-centric moment in any homegrown IR theory. Accordingly, this article develops a scientific realist account of the structure/agent relationship in order to analyze the material grounds of Westerncentrism in the field of international politics and to evaluate the role of non- Western actors. Additionally, it critically evaluates distinctive homegrown theories produced on three different continents to reveal the aforementioned Western-centric moments in these theoretical initiatives. Namely, the Dependency School of Latin America, the Chinese School of International Relations, and the African School are respectively scrutinized to disclose the embedded Westerncentrism in these theoretical initiatives
This research seeks to critically analyze the international efforts, particularly the United States of America, in transforming authoritarian and non-democratic states into democratic ones, and clarify to what extent the US seeks to achieve real democratic change in non-democratic countries, especially Iraq, and whether their main goal is to achieve stability and their vital interests or democratic change and reform. It argues that although spreading democracy and human rights in the Middle East has become, especially after the end of the Cold War, one of the main goals of the US, but, in reality, the US is not ready to sacrifice its vital interests in the region at the expense of spreading democratic values, as well as reducing its strong security and economic relations with its non-democratic allies, or even applying the required pressure on them. Consequently, this increases doubts about the credibility and seriousness of the US in achieving its goal of spreading democracy in the Middle East in general, and Iraq in particular.
The Russian war against Ukraine is an attack on liberal values. This essay bases itself on the critical analysis of few selected exponents and defenders of modern liberalism in International Relations, which recently appeared in some media outlets and academic reviews. It critically engages with this International Relations’ theory and offers the advantages and limitations, interpretations, and outlook on it considering the aggression in Ukraine. Most of all, it discusses the advantages – security concerns, principles of ethics, defence of national independence, spread of democracy – and the disadvantages – security threats, fallacy of trade, geopolitical return of Russia, lack of State-level analysis – liberalism’s spectacles entails. Liberalism is convincing in analyzing the facts and has a good theoretical frame for exploring historical and geopolitical events. However, it risks being too naïve and incomplete in its diagnosis.
Bir Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramı olarak liberalizmin en önemli savlarını Liberal/Demokratik Barış Tezleri (LDBT) oluşturmaktadır. Kuramsal kökenleri Immanuel Kant’ın ‘Ebedi Barış’ tezine kadar götürülebilecek LDBT bugünkü Uluslararası Hukuk ve küresel organizasyonların da bir bakıma felsefi temelini oluşturur. LDBT üzerine yazan teorisyenler üç önemli unsura vurgu yapmışlardır. İlk unsur yönetenlerin halka karşı sorumluluğunun daha fazla olduğu cumhuriyetçi anayasalara sahip -ya da LDBT’nin modern yorumlarında demokrasilerin- savaşmak konusunda daha az eğilimli olduğu ile ilgilidir. İkinci unsur serbest ticaret ile ulus-ötesi ilişkilerin arttığı bir uluslararası arenada savaşların azalacağı düşüncesidir. Son husus ise Uluslararası Hukuk ile uluslararası kurumların güçlendiği bir dünyada devletlerin savaşa eğiliminin azalacağı varsayımıdır. Kant ve Kant’ın ardılı bazı düşünürler bu argümanları LDBT’nin temel dayanakları olarak görmüşlerdir. Bu çalışma spesifik olarak söz konusu üç önemli unsurdan biri olan serbest ticaret ve ulus-ötesi ilişkiler konusunun Rusya ve Ukrayna arasındaki çatışmada oynadığı role odaklanmaktadır. Çalışma Rusya-Ukrayna çatışmasını LDBT perspektifinden değerlendirirken Rusya’ya uygulanan ekonomik yaptırımların ve bu ülkede faaliyet gösteren çok uluslu şirketlerin olası bir barış doğrultusunda sahip oldukları rolü irdeleme gayesindedir. Çalışmanın amacı hükümetlerarası örgütlerin ve uluslararası hukukun savaşı önleyemediği bir uluslararası sistemde küreselleşmenin güçlendirdiği devlet dışı aktörlerden olan çok uluslu şirketlerin otoriter rejimleri müeyyidelendirmede olası etkisini normatif olarak değerlendirmek olacaktır.
Researchers have repeatedly found that corruption has a wide range of negative consequences, not least in developing countries where corruption typically constitutes an endemic part of people’s lives. However, much less is known about the prevalence and effects of corruption in mature democracies. While such states regularly find themselves at the top of anti-corruption rankings, they are not immune to corruption scandals related to, for instance, recruitment to public positions, procurement, the issuance of permits, etcetera.
Against this backdrop, some scholars have argued that the size of the corruption problem in mature democracies may be underestimated. One common and underlying argument is that corruption in these settings takes on hidden and ‘sophisticated’ forms that are difficult to expose, hard to prosecute, and therefore, difficult to measure. Accordingly, corruption in mature democracies has largely been downplayed or overlooked, and hence constitutes a blind spot for most practitioners and corruption scholars. That said, when scholars have paid attention to corruption in mature democracies, the tendency has been to focus on theoretical discussions rather than rigorous empirical research. As a result of measurement problems and data limitations, scholars have found it difficult to assess the extent of corruption in settings characterised by more sophisticated forms of corruption.
As a means of addressing this research gap, the overarching purpose of this thesis is to apply research strategies that allow us to quantify the prevalence and potential effects of corruption risks at the micro level in the context of a mature democracy – Sweden. This is achieved by employing large-scale administrative data combined with statistical methods that measure corruption risks at the granular level of individuals, firms, and processes. I maintain that the approaches employed in the thesis have at least two advantages vis-á-vis the lion’s share of existing corruption research: 1) it makes it possible to detect corruption risks in areas where the presence of corruption has previously been downplayed or unknown; and 2) it estimates corruption risks at the micro level, which allows for a more granular understanding of variations in corruption risks, between both municipalities and organisations.
Ultimately, the results of the thesis show the prevalence of corruption risks in the Swedish public sector in the areas of recruitment to public sector jobs, the rental housing market, and public procurement. Moreover, the thesis also shows that perceived corruption in Swedish municipalities is associated with lower levels of entrepreneurship. In line with a decent amount of previous research, the thesis’s main findings support the notion that subnational variations in institutional quality and impartiality are relevant even in mature democracies.
Employing a most-similar case design, the study examines Finland’s and New Zealand’s soft power actions to answer the question, why did Finland use more soft power than New Zealand during 1995–2010? The article focuses on geopolitical threat to reveal why Finland is such a high soft power user, and New Zealand is not, when these two countries should have exhibited similar levels of soft power use. The qualitative analysis finds that a strong perception of a geopolitical threat boosted Finland’s soft power use, while the absence of a similar threat for New Zealand led to a low soft power use.
Introduzione
Sin dall'Ottocento, l'economia politica dei classici ha prodotto modelli del commercio internazionale per spiegare tanto i vantaggi derivanti dall'apertura agli scambi, quanto la struttura dei flussi commerciali tra i diversi paesi. A tutt'oggi, gli assunti avanzati dal modello ricardiano del commercio internazionale e dal modello Heckscher-Ohlin-Samuelson, che spiegano i flussi di scambi commerciali rispettivamente basandosi sui concetti di vantaggio comparato e di dotazione di risorse, forniscono strumenti ampiamente utilizzati nella spiegazione dell'insorgenza e del mantenimento di rapporti commerciali tra stati. A differenza della letteratura economica, che si è concentrata in buona misura sulle cause dell'apertura commerciale e sulla spiegazione delle direzioni dei flussi di scambio, spesso limitandosi a individuare i fattori costanti nelle politiche protezioniste o liberiste degli stati, la letteratura politologica ha puntato il proprio interesse sulla spiegazione delle variazioni nella scelta degli stati di promuovere, oppure limitare, il grado di apertura agli scambi con l'estero.
Intellectual eminence apart, what did Kant, Clausewitz, Marx and Engels, and Tolstoy have in common? Professor Gallic argues that they made contributions to 'international theory' – to the understanding of the character and causes of war and of the possibility of peace between nations – which were of unrivalled originality in their own times and remain of undiminished importance in ours. But these contributions have been either ignored or much misunderstood ; chiefly because, as with all intellectual efforts in unexplored fields, they were often imperfectly expressed, and were also overshadowed by their author's more striking achievements. Professor Gallic has sorted out, compared and contrasted, criticised and re-phrased the teachings of his chosen authors on peace and war.
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
This article has two purposes. The first is to show how some of the central principles of classical Greek political theory became anachronistic as a result of massive transformations in the underlying structure of European society. These principles, it is argued, were originally dependent on an empirical premise that the polity is a "whole" encompassing individual "parts," or (stated differently) that the polity is identical with total society. This whole/part schematization of the polity seemed plausible in the ancient city since most sectors of polis life had political connotations or overtones. The same schema, however, became an archaism in modern Europe, chiefly because of the emphatic emergence of a distinction between state and society--one aspect of a more general increase in the structural differentiation of society. The second and closely related purpose is to explore the feasibility of a claim once advanced by Benjamin Constant: that the organizational transformations involved in the modernization of European society have created a novel rhetorical opportunity, the possibility of defending tyranny in the name of freedom and democracy.
Many liberals of the nineteenth century, and their predecessors of the middle eighteenth, thought the natural condition of men to be one of harmony. Dissension and strife do not inhere in man and society; they arise instead from mistaken belief, inadequate knowledge, and defective governance. With the evils defined, the remedies become clear: educate men and their governors, strip away political abuses. This is one theme in the history of liberal thought. Urged by humane philosophers and supported by pacifistic economists, its appeal in Western society is immense and enduring.
There is in liberal thought another theme as well, which is often obscured though it goes back to the earliest philosophers who can fairly be called liberal. Montesquieu, Adam Smith, and Kant made no easy assumptions about the rationality and goodness of man. Among men in nature and states in a world of states, they found not harmony and peace but hostility and war to be the natural condition.
Most quantitative researchers had agreed that regime type and war involvement are not significantly related to each other until Rummel recently challenged this consensus. According to Rummel, libertarian or democratic states are less intensively involved in foreign conflict and tend to participate in wars less often than do other states. Rummel's assertion is disputed in this article. Relying on various definitions of war and compilations of data for the 1960s and 1970s, it is demonstrated that democracy and war involvement are not consistently and significantly correlated with each other. Only in the late seventies did democracies succeed in avoiding involvement in wars. Unfortunately, this period seems rather exceptional.
This analysis compares the incidence of war involvement by countries with comparatively more and less political freedom. It examines the proposition that political freedom promotes peace, as suggested by R. J. Rummel, in its monadic form. Its results indicate that this proposition tends to be contradicted or unsupported, if we focus only on monadic relationships, if we refer to wars from a more distant past, if we include wars of an extrasystemic nature (i.e., colonial and imperialist wars) or if we assess political freedom cross-sectionally (i.e., comparing a country's political conditions with those of its contemporaries). On the other hand, it is suggested that this proposition tends to be confirmed, if we focus only on dyadic relationships, if we refer to the more recent past, if we exclude extrasystemic wars, or if we assess political freedom longitudinally for each country (i.e., comparing a country's freedom status in terms of its own present or past political conditions). Thus some of the discrepant findings in the literature can be explained by these different analytic choices.
This study is concerned with the relationship between the domestic and foreign conflict behavior of nations. Specifically, it is postulated that two key variables, type of nation and nature of conflict, determine the nature of this relationship. A population of 74 nations are divided into three groups, personalist, centrist, and polyarchic. A correlation analysis is then performed on these groups for all possible pairs of domestic conflict behavior dimensions - 'turmoil', 'revolutionary,' 'subversive' - and foreign conflict behavior dimensions - 'war,' 'diplomatic,' 'belligerency.' Stage 2 of the analysis, using raw data and covering a period from 1955 to 1960, facilitat s the investigation of time lags as a possible additional factor. The results of the study indicate that the postulated relationships do exist, with joe of nation constituting perhaps the key element in the nature of this relationship.
Based on theory and previous results, three hypotheses are posed: (1) Libertarian states have no violence between themselves. (2) The more libertarian two states, the less their mutual violence. (3) The more libertarian a state, the less its foreign violence. These hypotheses are statistically tested against scaled data on all reported international conflict for 1976 to 1980; and where appropriate, against a list of wars from 1816 to 1974, and of threats and use of force from 1945 to 1965. The three hypotheses are found highly significant. Tests were also made for contiguity as an intervening variable and were negative. Finally, two definitions of “libertarian” are tested, one involving civil liberties plus political rights, the other adding in economic freedom. Both are highly positive, but economic freedom is also found to make a significant added reduction in the level of violence for a state overall or between particular states.
The literature on hegemonic stability commonly assumes that American hegemony has drastically declined in recent years. Is that assumption justified? If one distinguishes between power base and control over outcomes, the American position regarding the latter, in particular, has not declined substantially, and especially not if one considers security goods as well as economic goods. The substantial continuity of outcomes in the post-World War II era stems in large measure from the degree to which the goods provided have been private goods that particularly benefit the United States rather than collective goods, as is widely assumed. These benefits, especially those from “cultural hegemony,” have helped the United States to sustain much control over outcomes.
Machiavelli's New Regime
- Mansfield