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Social differences — understood here as differences in human potential, population quality, and standard and way of living — are especially pronounced in territorially large countries characterized by inequality between regions and ethnic diversity. All these characteristics are intrinsic to Russia, which is why social diversity within the country is vast.
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... 2. Социально-экономическая репрезентативность. Согласно типологии «четырех Россий» Н. В. Зубаревич [Zubarevich, 2013], все населенные пункты можно разделить на четыре типа по уровню социально-экономического развития: ...
The article substantiates a
new method of subjective assessment of
well-being based on the data of user online activity in social media. The method
has its advantages (quick research, low
costs, large scale, detailed information)
as well as certain shortcomings (covering only “digital” population, technical
diffiulties studying densely populated
megacities, etc.). The article presents
the results of an empirical study on user
activity in Vkontakte social network. Subjective well-being index is calculated for
43 Russian regions across 19 indicators
embracing economic, political and social
aspects of quality of life. Index is based
on the analysis on user online activity in
1,350 most popular Vkontakte regional
and urban communities. The study was
carried out in 2018, throughout the entire year.
... According to economic geographer Natalia Zubarevich, regional contrasts in Russia are so dramatic that it is necessary to speak of 'four Russias' not one. 9 The 'first Russia' comprises the big post-industrial cities with relatively high living standards, advanced education systems, and significant whitecollar employment. These urban centres concentrate social groups that have fared relatively well during the transition to the market economy since the early 1990s and continue to benefit from the country's integration into global markets. ...
This essay explores the dynamics of political polarization in Russia with a particular focus on class. We find that the divide between the pro-reform camp and the left-nationalist opposition in the 1990s had a distinctly class character. In the 2000s, the polarization in society receded – both due to the objective factors (sustained economic recovery) and Vladimir Putin’s clever symbolic politics. However, the price to pay was widespread political apathy and the emergence of an authoritarian regime. In the 2010s, this regime was challenged by a new mass movement demanding fair elections and political liberties. The spell of depoliticization was broken, yet the new opposition politics had a rather narrow social base in the educated urban middle class. Furthermore, we find that the movement itself became the site of class formation, creating a common identity for the highly educated, yet often economically struggling intelligentsia and the successful private-sector professionals and entrepreneurs.
In the subsequent years, the regime attempted to politicize its own supporters through conservative and nationalist propaganda, especially after the annexation of Crimea in 2014. During this period, the Kremlin pitted its loyal electorate in the rural and small-town ‘heartland’ against the ‘big city liberals’ who joined the opposition movement. Thus, the Russian regime acquired the familiar features of right-wing populism. Nevertheless, the Kremlin stopped one step away from creating its own loyalist street movement as it feared that such movement could eventually escape control and become dangerous for the regime itself. At the same time, Alexei Navalny, who by 2017-2018 assumed the leading role in the opposition movement, himself turned to populism, widening the movement’s social base and geographical scope. Currently, the regime struggles to maintain legitimacy, frequently resorting to repression. The opposition coalition is far wider than it was ten years ago, yet its populist politics is incoherent and contradictory. The Russian left, on the contrary, has a consistent set of programmatic commitments, yet it suffers from organizational weakness, ideological blind-spots and strategic mistakes. Nevertheless, both the opposition movement and its left wing carry on despite the constantly increasing pressure from an authoritarian state.
This essay considers how the tensions inherent to authoritarian politics structure urban governance in the city of Moscow. The focus here is on urban development policy and the housing renovation programme introduced in 2017. The essay demonstrates a flexible governance arrangement that responds to the interests and ideas of the country’s leadership and involves city-level bureaucratic decision-making, the accommodation of economic interests and expert opinion, and consultations with the public. Such consultations have recently become more significant because of intensive protests paired with the city administration’s belief in participatory urban governance.
The present paper assesses the impact of general urbanization and urbanization patterns (the number of cities of a certain size in the region) on different phases of the regional innovation process: knowledge creation, implementation, and production of innovation production. Knowledge creation is measured by patent statistics, knowledge implementation – by the share of innovative organizations, innovation production – by the volume of innovation production produced by industrial organizations. We apply the dynamic panel data model technique by using data from the period of 1998 to 2016. Our results suggest that general urbanization has a positive influence on every stage of the innovation process, while the impact of different urbanization patterns varies depending on its stage. Million plus cities affect knowledge creation in the region but have no considerable impact on knowledge implementation and innovation production. At the same time, the presence of cities with a population from 0.5 million to 1 million people in the region positively influences more mature stages of the innovation process: knowledge implementation and manufacturing of innovation production. So far as the effective innovation development demands complete innovation cycle, not only million-plus cities should be considered as the main drivers of innovation, but cities of lower size (at least with population from 0.5 million to 1 million people) as well should attend the innovation agenda.
Using the Big Mac Index, we offer a simple measure to study the real income inequality. We provide a multidimensional real income inequality analysis by exploring the Coefficient of Variation and the Big Mac Affordability of households across all income deciles of 28 countries for the years 2000 to 2013. We look more into a few of the most interesting countries in our analysis in order to have explanations for the wide range of income inequality we observe. We compare Denmark and Mexico as representatives of the “more equal” and “less equal” countries in our analysis, and we find a visible difference in the share of each decile to the top decile of income between the two countries. However, we observe that, although a more equal country, Denmark has been exp eriencing a rise in income inequality while a less equal country (Mexico) has been experiencing a reduction in income inequality. We also focus on the United States and study how it compares to Russia, a country that shows a different direction of income inequality compared to the U.S.A. We find that while the wage income inequality in Russia has been correlated inversely with its growth, in the U.S.A., the overall growth and wage income inequality have been positively correlated.
The expanding cities of the developing world present one of the major global challenges related to energy, climate, and human wellbeing. Green infrastructures (GI) are often very poor or lacking; particularly in low-income areas. The field of GI however demands revising or expanding in the light of the more recent topics of climate, emissions, and public health. Rapid urbanisation in developing countries is where the largest increases in energy use and climate emissions are occurring; and the urban heat island effect risks making many cities virtually unliveable. To integrate environmental and human/social goals we consider the following infrastructural amenities: water, sanitation, energy, ventilation, indoor and outdoor urban environment, health, and community. There is a need firstly, to combine – and integrate – conventional GI concepts with newer considerations of energy, emissions and health. Since GI is most often applied in relatively affluent contexts, a second need addressed is the potential for simple, low-cost GI solutions for underdeveloped urban areas. This study thus advocates an integrated perception of relatively well-known elements. We, thus, also argue that GI deserves greatly increased attention in the light of progress in the ecological sciences and technologies, the urban heat island problem, and today’s understanding of urban sustainability.
This chapter discusses the methodology and lays the foundation for the empirical analyses in this book. After presenting a detailed view of the data used in this work (in Sect. 5.2), two methodological perspectives on the research question are provided. Section 5.3 takes a Tobit regression model approach in order to determine and compare the impact of different factors on spatial entrepreneurial activity in Russia. In contrast, Sect. 5.4 describes the development of a prediction model for entrepreneurial entry in Russia’s regions based on Brieden and Gritzmann’s (SIAM Journal of Discrete Mathematics, 26(2), 415–434, 2012) innovative geometric clustering approach.
Based on more than 100 interviews in European Russia, this article sheds light on the bottom-up dynamics of Russian nationalism. After offering a characterization of the post-2012 “state-civilization” discourse from above, I examine how ordinary people imagine Russia as a “state-civilization.” Interview narratives of inclusion into the nation are found to overlap with state discourse on three main lines: (1) ethno-nationalism is rejected, and Russia is imagined to be a unique, harmonious multi-ethnic space in which the Russians ( russkie ) lead without repressing the others; (2) Russia’s multinationalism is remembered in myths of peaceful interactions between Russians ( russkie ) and indigenous ethnic groups ( korennyye narodi ) across the imperial and Soviet past; (3) Russian culture and language are perceived as the glue that holds together a unified category of nationhood. Interview narratives on exclusion deviate from state discourse in two key areas: attitudes to the North Caucasus reveal the geopolitical-security, post-imperial aspect of the “state-civilization” identity, while stances toward non-Slavic migrants in city spaces reveal a degree of “cultural nationalism” that, while sharing characteristics with those of Western Europe, is also based on Soviet-framed notions of normality. Overall, the article contributes to debates on how Soviet legacies and Russia’s post-imperial consciousness play out in the context of the “pro-Putin consensus.”
The article presents the results of the analysis of online activities in Vkontakte groups for followers of Alexei Navalny, the opposition politician. Online activities were measured at times of elections in all Russian regions: the State Duma of the Russian Federation elections of 18 September 2016, and the presidential elections of 18 March 2018. An Online Activity Index was introduced to measure online activities of the opposition supporters. We determined that online activities of opposition supporters are mostly concentrated in the largest economic hubs of the Russian Federation like Moscow, St. Petersburg, Krasnodar Kray, etc. Online activities of Navalny’s supporters tend to change significantly. In 2016 there was a visible 24 decline of online activities after the State Duma elections (as compared to their activity prior to the elections), however, in 2018 we have seen the dramatic 268 growth of activity among Navalny’s supporters after the presidential elections.
The relevance of our topic comes from the fact that, in terms of urban planning, the development of design activities in Russia is easier to learn by analyzing separate local studies than by looking for its manifestations in a real dimension. This article, using mass media, assesses the factors and their influence on design activities of the USSR and later Russia, and the reasons for the desolation and destruction of cities that were densely populated in the middle of the 20th century. According to the authors, government agencies should take measures to achieve positive changes in the development of domestic design, which could result in an improvement in the state’s economic situation. They cite the economic indicators of developed countries where the designer is able to translate ideas into material form, to translate scientific and technical achievements into the language of consumers’ values.
Today, the internet has become a very fragmented research object that can be understood differently depending on contexts, research goals and methods. However, the internet [in this text, we write “internet” with a lower case “i”, following the process of decapitalisation of this term. The logic behind this process is that we understand internet as “computer network connecting a number of smaller networks” rather than as “the global network that evolved out of ARPANET, the early Pentagon network” (Herring S. Should you be capitalizing the word “internet”? Wired, 2015)] of a particular country is often treated by researchers as an umbrella term combining heterogeneous phenomena and practices. In this chapter we propose an alternative way of analysing the internet in Russia’s regions. Contrary to the concept of RuNet as common space, we explore diversity of what the internet is in different localities in Russia. The cases of five cities aim to illustrate the variety of histories and usage patterns of the internet in particular locations, such as in cities in Russia’s regions. Qualitative data consisting of interviews, observations, digital ethnography and archival documents have paved an additional (to more conventional quantitative data) way to explore the internet as a complex phenomenon rooted in previous development, local cultural and societal norms and political and economic situations. In particular, we stress the significance of the early internet, the diversity of basic and alternative platforms, the access and infrastructure divide as objects that are important to understand the development of the internet in a particular location.
initial key competitive indicators, including those reflecting the regional resource potential. Methodology: The usage of the proposed methodological approach provides model systematization of data based on selected indicators of competitiveness, reflecting the effectiveness of socio-economic processes in the development of regional space and indicators of resource provision in the region, determining the development of competitive advantages. Result: The most important condition for ensuring the sustainability of socio-economic systems is competitiveness. The processes of globalization have increased attention not only to the cross-country component of competitiveness but also to the formation, evaluation, and development of the competitive advantages of individual regions. Due to the fact that it is the complex of various competitive advantages of a region that predetermines its competitive position among other regions and provides attractiveness in the context of the main target groups whose inflow the region needs for further development, it becomes very important to compare competitive advantages based on their quantitative and qualitative measurement. Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Differentiation of the Regions of the Central Federal District of the Russian Federation According to the Level of Competitive Advantages is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.
Egalitarianism is one of the key elements of the communist ideology,
yet some of the former communist countries are among the most
unequal in the world in terms of income distribution. How does the
communist legacy affect income inequality in the long run? The goal of
this article is to investigate this question by looking at a sample of subnational regions of Russia. To be able to single out the mechanisms of
the communist legacy effects more carefully, we look at a particular
aspect of the communist legacy – the legacy of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union (CPSU). We demonstrate that the sub-national
regions of Russia, which had higher CPSU membership rates in the
past, are characterised by lower income inequality. This, however,
appears to be unrelated to the governmental redistribution policies;
we link lower inequality to the prevalence of informal networks.
Strong institutions and good governance are instrumental for success in the global economy. While the quality of national governance has positive effect on a country's economic performance, it is not a necessary condition. Poor governance can be offset with the country's comparative advantages; however, such advantages are likely to be geographically concentrated. We argue that in present-day Russia weak institutions and low quality of national governance make most regions unable to compete in the global economy.
Russian urbanization has been a fascinating process shaped by a unique set of geographical, economic, and political constraints. The settlement pattern and the speed at which urban hierarchies have changed hold the mark of Soviet policies but also that of a gigantic territory endowed with numerous resources. Nowhere in the world had such a rapid industrialization and urban growth been met in the mid-twentieth century. However, since the 1990s, the transition to capitalism and a significant demographic shrinkage once again put Russian cities in a position of unprecedented evolution. In this chapter, we use two databases and a generic set of analytic tools to describe and model this urban evolution and analyze the impact of the transition on Russian cities. We do so quantitatively by looking at factors of growth and shrinkage before and after 1991 and qualitatively by looking at the specific features of cities in the post-Soviet world. We discuss the challenges that Russian cities face with respect to sustainability in the years to come and conclude with a discussion of multiscale governance.