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‘Let’s Get Together’: Perspectives on Multiculturalism and Local Implications in Denmark
Abstract
Multiculturalism is — as both a descriptive and a normative term — frequently conceptually framed as relating to the policies of the nation-state. This chapter focuses on aspects of multiculturalism in Denmark, a relatively small Scandinavian country. It looks at past and present implications of multiculturalism, and, further, includes a dynamic perspective on state and municipal understandings of multiculturalism. Denmark can, on a state level, be seen as a strong opponent to multiculturalism, but such views are highly contrasted by local policies, most notably within the capital of Copenhagen. As with other ‘world cities’ (Massey 2007), Copenhagen’s city administration seeks to attract highly skilled labour, capital and tourists through the marketing of ethnic diversity. Ethnic and other aspects of social diversity are celebrated in the central squares of Copenhagen and stand at the centre of the city’s integration policies, particularly as a means to access the resources of its citizens and to prevent ethnic tensions. The second part of the chapter discusses these dimensions of Copenhagen’s multiculturalist policies, based on ethnographic fieldwork in Nørrebro, one of the city’s most ethnically diverse neighbourhoods. As such, the chapter calls for a multilayered social analysis of policies and practices (in this case, state and municipality) to understand multiculturalism as policy and conviviality (Gilroy 2004).
... They can even be shocked by their directness in actions. They are focused on completing the task without distractions and are just as direct and open when expressing their views to management (Schmidt, 2013;Hervik, 2004). ...
This article aims to highlight the aspects of intercultural communication in the virtual environment, mainly focusing on the interaction of virtual teams composed of carriers of different cultures. The methodology is based on principles of impartiality, tolerance, and cultural relativism. The primary research focuses on the interaction of cultures in virtual teams engaged in project tasks and the advantages and challenges of intercultural virtual communication. When working in virtual teams, attention is focused on cultural characteristics, referring to the methodology proposed by Geert Hofstede and his colleagues. Using the 5-D model of national culture, examples from India, France, China, Denmark, the USA, and Brazil were analysed to understand the specifics of cultural diversity and its potential for virtual communication to ensure practical international cooperation. Particular attention was paid to cultural differences and their impact on intercultural interaction. Among the general aspects of intercultural virtual communication, we highlighted cultural differences and their impact on intercultural interaction, and using these differences to enhance the effectiveness of team virtual work and create a comfortable virtual environment; explicit (visible) and implicit aspects of culture; differences in time zones affecting organisational moments and the need to consider cultural differences when planning synchronous and asynchronous communication formats; differences in workplace culture (organisation of the virtual office). For successful intercultural communication, it is necessary to clearly understand cultural diversity and cultural relativism, avoid cultural appropriation, and communicate with carriers of different cultural traditions and social groups for one's cultural enrichment.
... Introductory programmes perform the added function of mitigating the risks of refugees becoming endlessly unemployed and, thus, long-term recipients of welfare assistance (see e.g. Valenta and Bunar, 2010;Brochmann and Hagelund, 2012;Schmidt, 2013;Myrberg, 2017). The shift to TRPs, as discussed above, is a clear reflection of the risk that refugees may become permanent inhabitants depending on social welfare in a context where many citizens experience their welfare state as threatened due to constant budget cuts, privatisation, and lowered taxes. ...
Summer 2015. While the beaches of Greek islands received boat after boat
of refugees, a large part of the space of the central station in Copenhagen
was occupied by young Danish volunteers who distributed sandwiches,
drinks, blankets, and second-hand clothes to crowds of people on the
move, most fleeing wars in Syria and Afghanistan. Locals bought train
and bus tickets so the travellers could continue their journey onwards to
Sweden and beyond. Across the strait forming the Swedish–Danish border,
the Sound (hereafter Öresund), in Malmö, Swedish volunteers were doing
the same as their Danish counterparts. Only a few weeks later did Malmö
municipality and the local branch of the Swedish Migration Agency send
some of their employees to meet those who were on the move. The asylum
seekers were slowly registered and accommodated by different authorities.
After their encounters with police and border patrol agents, they met case-
workers from the Migration Agency, healthcare professionals for medical
check-ups, employees and managers from refugee camps, schoolteachers
for their children, and many more representatives of the welfare state.
Those encounters were to shape and form their experiences from that point
onwards.
... This was not so in Denmark. Here, conversely, the impetus for implementing MTI differed since multiculturalism was never embraced as official state policy (e.g., Lӕgaard 2013;Schmidt 2013). Accordingly, the question of organizing MTI surfaced not as a way of meeting the demands of ethnic activists or autochthonous minorities, but rather, as a facet of labor politics (Hegelund 2002). ...
This article investigates mother tongue instruction (MTI) in Sweden and
Denmark in a historical, comparative perspective, with a view to accounting for key differences in language policy enacted in educational fields. Whereas in Sweden, MTI is offered to linguistic minority children irrespective of their linguistic and ethnic backgrounds, in Denmark the right to state-sponsored MTI has been abolished for children of non-European descent. Moreover, while the policies of both states
devalue skills in mother tongues other than the legitimate language of each society, this position is more pronounced in the Danish context. The article explores the two state’s position on MTI, as expressed in policy as well as in discourse produced in the political and academic field of each state. It subscribes to Pierre Bourdieu’s framework, within which state policy is conceived as the product of historical struggle and cross-field effects. The analysis shows that the national differences in MTI exist because of the differing ways in which agents from the academic vis-à-vis the political field have succeeded in imposing their visions in the bureaucratic field from which policies are produced. Ultimately, this circumstance explains why the Swedish discussion on MTI may be characterized as having been academically founded, while the Danish discussion has remained a matter of political consideration. In the
latter case, we argue, it is particularly tangible that MTI is a politicized object of struggle, where agents seek to control the exchange rate of linguistic resources and, in effect, the social worth of different speakers.
Due to unfavourable demographic trends and increased emigration of Croatian citizens, resulting in a reduced active workforce, the Republic of Croatia has witnessed a growing number of immigrants in recent years, including a significant influx from India. This study aims to examine the drivers and motivations behind these migration trends and analyse the integration process of Indians into Croatian society. Migration drivers are explored in relation to the push-and-pull factor theory (Lee, 1969), which identifies economic, political, environmental (climatic), social, and cultural reasons as key drivers of migration (Mesić, 2014: 161). Integration is a prolonged and complex process through which immigrants become part of the host society (cf. Heckmann, 2006; Penninx, 2007; Penninx and Garcés-Mascareñas, 2016). It is also a two-way, interactive process between migrants and the host community. In designing interview questionnaires, the study adhered to three dimensions of integration: legal-political, socio-economic, and cultural-religious, and three levels of integration: individual, organisational, and institutional (Penninx and Garcés-Mascareñas, 2016: 14–17, 18). The research utilised qualitative ethnological and cultural anthropological methods (Zapata-Barrero and Yalaz, 2018). Nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with four women and five men, aged 21 to 45, who had been living and working in Zagreb or Zagreb County for periods ranging from one to six years. Among the participants, five hold bachelor’s or master’s degrees and work as engineers in the automotive industry, possessing EU Blue Cards; one has a polytechnic degree and works in a delivery company, while three have completed secondary education and are employed in agriculture. Preliminary interviews revealed that the EU Blue Card and the associated rights create stratification and hierarchies among migrant workers (e.g., Blue Card holders work in positions aligned with their qualifications). The interviews, conducted in English, were recorded and transcribed. The collected ethnographic material was coded and thematically analysed (Braun and Clark, 2006). Interlocutors with secondary and polytechnic degrees frequently cited financial difficulties in India, unemployment, and a lack of prospects as push factors for emigration. The research highlights the presence of a migration culture in India. All highly qualified interlocutors emphasised their desire for professional advancement and international work experience in the European Union as their primary motivation for migration. As significant pull factors, they identified the opportunity to experience European work culture, a better work-life balance, and an enhanced quality of life. All interlocutors secured employment before arriving in Croatia through recruitment agencies, social media platforms − particularly LinkedIn – or migrant networks. This recent trend of immigration from India to Croatia should be viewed within the broader context of the increased employment of workers from the Global South in Global North countries (Sajed, 2020; Haug, Braveboy-Wagner and Maihold, 2021), facilitated in Croatia by the new Aliens Act, adopted in 2021. Although this migration is relatively recent, the research highlights the emergence and significant role of social migrant networks. These networks, beyond familial and friendly connections, are increasingly formed through social media platforms. For the interviewed Indian migrants, obtaining residence and work permits, along with visas, and preparing for relocation to Croatia took between three and seven months. The research reveals the absence of an adequate institutional or governmental framework for the integration of migrants. This role has been assumed by employers, who implement it to varying extents. For all interviewees, employers arranged and secured their (initial) accommodation and provided administrative support, such as assistance with residence and work registration, opening bank accounts, and obtaining health insurance. The company employing the engineers developed an Englishlanguage handbook and offers Croatian language courses for its employees. For all interlocutors, knowledge of the Croatian language has not been a requirement for finding or performing their jobs, nor during their leisure time. The primary language of communication is English, so most of them do not speak Croatian. Although there are opportunities for free language courses, agricultural workers and delivery personnel are generally unaware of such programmes, even though they express a desire to learn Croatian. All interlocutors emphasised the cultural heterogeneity of Indians, both in India and in Croatia, particularly in terms of language and religion. The interviewed Indians speak various mother tongues, including Marathi, Hindi, Kannada, Allar, and Tamil, and come from different states (Maharashtra, Goa, New Delhi, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu). The biggest challenge cited by all interviewees is food. However, the research indicates that this immigrant community is expanding, evidenced by the recent opening of an Indian food store in addition to existing Indian restaurants in Zagreb. Six of the interlocutors are Hindus, while three are Muslims. For the Hindu interviewees, visiting the temple in Zagreb is not a matter of great importance, as they practice their religious rituals at home. The research shows that Muslim women are adapting to the host society by abandoning traditional clothing and headdresses (hijabs) that they wore in India. Hindu women occasionally wear traditional clothing, mostly during festival celebrations (e.g., Diwali), which they celebrate at home, inviting both Indian and Croatian friends. One Hindu interviewee wears a bindi on her forehead, which symbolically represents a “third eye”. Employers accept the religion of the interviewed migrants and, when needed, provide flexible working hours for prayer. Given the significant diversity among Indian nationals – across religion, language, caste, education, and family status – further research on a larger sample would be valuable to assess the impact of these factors on integration. Additionally, attention should be paid to the preservation and celebration of traditional customs and practices. All interlocutors socialise with Indians, other foreigners, and Croatians. Some have developed very close, “family-like” relationships with colleagues from work. They typically meet other Indians at the workplace or during recreational activities, namely cricket. Although the Croatian–Indian Society has been active in Zagreb since 1994, the interviewed Indians are unaware of its existence. Instead, they are members of social media groups on platforms such as Facebook (Indians in Croatia, Indians in Croatia (official)) and WhatsApp. The interlocutors spoke about positive experiences of living in Croatia, with most denying having faced negative experiences. Only one mentioned poor living conditions, challenges at work, and an incident where security guards refused to allow Indians into a nightclub in Zagreb. While most interviewees are satisfied with their living and working conditions in Croatia – particularly in terms of working hours and safety – their decision to remain in the country depends largely on professional and family plans, such as providing care for parents and starting a family. The research, conducted on both highly skilled and moderately skilled workers, reveals significant disparities in integration opportunities and future plans, influenced by migration and integration policies. These differences stem from whether migrants hold an EU Blue Card, given that different statuses entail varying rights. Blue Card holders, for instance, may immediately apply for family reunification upon the approval and registration of their residence in an EU member state, unlike those without the card. This highlights that, at the institutional level, permanent settlement in the EU – and, by extension, in Croatia – is not supported for lower- and medium-skilled labourers. The lack of a comprehensive migration policy in Croatia, the reliance on employers to recruit (inexpensive) labourers, and the absence of integration policies suggest that the objective is for foreign workers to remain in Croatia temporarily, with no long-term projections for their future. The findings indicate an urgent need for Croatia to develop and implement immigration and integration policies.
This article presents an ethnographic analysis of how young middle-class Muslims in Copenhagen create convivial narratives of their city. The article builds on Paul Gilroy’s idea of conviviality by bridging it with Saba Mahmood’s concept of agency. I argue that widening the conversation on urban conviviality to include a perspective on agency allows us to expand the sociological imagination to one that combines both phenomenological and critical theory in urban analysis. In the context of Denmark, middle-class Muslims’ convivial narratives can be understood as an agency to navigate Islamophobic or racist experiences, enabled by their spatial mobility and class positioning. The article concludes that Muslims’ conviviality is contingent on an intersectional understanding related to racialisation, gender and socio-economic position. This approach allows an appreciation of how socially mobile Danish Muslims can construct convivial narratives to evade racism and Islamophobia in everyday life.
This chapter focuses on the degree of legal protection afforded Danish vis-à-vis linguistic minority groups who do not speak Danish as their native language, i.e., the official minority language (German) and widely spoken immigrant languages (Arabic, Urdu, Polish, Somali). In Denmark, a large segment of the population seems to feel threatened by the arrival of immigrants, mainly because they appear to fear that immigration inflicts cultural and linguistic deterioration, harming Danish as the majority language of Denmark. Growing negative feelings toward immigration in Denmark have become associated with the growing number of Muslim immigrants and their descendants, leading to the passing of a wide array of laws with provisions that have increasingly hampered the language rights of non-Western immigrants in the areas of naturalization and education, including laws that promote mainstream Danish language and culture in the educational system from kindergarten to high school and disregard the languages and cultures of immigrant children. These laws greatly restrict or outright ban mother tongue education for immigrant children from non-Western countries. Other laws make excessive demands in Danish proficiency for non-Western (mostly Muslim) immigrants seeking to obtain residence or naturalization but establish no such language requirements for Western immigrants working at universities and international companies.
This article discusses how migrant businesses actively contribute to the negotiation of everyday coexistence in a Finnish provincial city. It focuses on oriental barbershops to unpack the interplay between place, power, and social imagination. Against the trope of the ethnic business that reproduces assumptions framing migrant activities in terms of community formation, looking at these salons from the perspective of people’s existential need for emplacement reveals how the dynamics of belonging and marginalization are experienced, navigated, and contested by the barbers of Tampere. While the identity-centredness in the definition of diversity and the social hierarchies implied by the discourses of integration force them to negotiate their presence from the margins, the barbers also compose counter-narratives of coexistence. Grounded in an aspiration for recognition, their stories cast a social imaginary that, without ignoring difference, shifts its emphasis towards an ethics of mutuality, thus unlocking a pathway to challenge essentialization and inequalities.
From halal food to the veil, this article analyses the relationship between Islam and the Danish state. It finds a coexistence of two modes of dealing with Islam: an official approach dominated by denial of the existence of Islam within Danish society and an unwillingness to recognise Muslim religious practices; and a pragmatic approach, mostly found at the local level, that focuses on finding practical solutions. This article argues that the official resistance to recognising Islam makes it comparatively harder for the Danish state to influence the country’s Muslim religious sphere.
One of the most striking genre conventions to emerge in Danish cinema in
recent years is the gangster motif. Replete with gritty social realism, urban decay,
and tribal warfare between different ethnic groups, these films reflect a growing
discontent in the Danish welfare state, particularly regarding multiculturalism and
inclusion. This article follows these trends from the mid-1990s, focusing specifically
on the themes of ethnic division in four films: Nicolas Winding Refn’s Pusher (1996), Michael Noer’s Nordvest (2013) [Northwest], Omar Shargawi’s Gå med fred, Jamil (2008) [Go With Peace, Jamil], and Michael Noer and Tobias Lindholm’s R (2010) [R: Hit First, Hit Hardest]. The article explores racial division in these films by examining how they reflect
or subvert cultural and political approaches towards diversity in Denmark over the
last two decades.
This chapter examines Denmark’s language legislation, especially laws with provisions that protect the language rights of the Danish-speaking majority and hinder the language rights of immigrants. Growing negative feelings toward immigration in Denmark have become associated with the growing number of Muslim immigrants and their descendants, leading to the passing of a wide array of laws with provisions that have increasingly hampered the language rights of non-Western immigrants in the areas of naturalization and education, including laws that promote Danish mainstream culture and language in the educational system from kindergarten to high school, and disregard the languages and cultures of immigrant children. These laws greatly restrict or outright ban mother tongue education for immigrant children from non-Western countries but offer it to children from EU member states, the EEA area, and the Faroe Islands and Greenland. Other laws make excessive demands in Danish proficiency for non-Western (mostly Muslim) immigrants seeking to obtain residence or naturalization but establish no such language requirements for Western immigrants working at universities.
This article investigates mother tongue instruction (MTI) in Sweden and
Denmark in a historical, comparative perspective, with a view to accounting for key
differences in language policy enacted in educational fields. Whereas in Sweden,
MTI is offered to linguistic minority children irrespective of their linguistic and ethnic
backgrounds, in Denmark the right to state-sponsored MTI has been abolished
for children of non-European descent. Moreover, while the policies of both states
devalue skills in mother tongues other than the legitimate language of each society,
this position is more pronounced in the Danish context. The article explores the
two state’s position on MTI, as expressed in policy as well as in discourse produced
in the political and academic field of each state. It subscribes to Pierre Bourdieu’s
framework, within which state policy is conceived as the product of historical struggle
and cross-field effects. The analysis shows that the national differences in MTI
exist because of the differing ways in which agents from the academic vis-à-vis the political field have succeeded in imposing their visions in the bureaucratic field from
which policies are produced. Ultimately, this circumstance explains why the Swedish
discussion on MTI may be characterized as having been academically founded,
while the Danish discussion has remained a matter of political consideration. In the
latter case, we argue, it is particularly tangible that MTI is a politicized object of
struggle, where agents seek to control the exchange rate of linguistic resources and,
in effect, the social worth of different speakers.
This Introduction sets out different ways of engaging with the history of the Scandinavian countries to create a framework of the themes and positions regarding egalitarianism in Scandinavia that is pursued in the following chapters. After briefly discussing egalitarianism as a theoretical possibility, it is explored in relation to the ideological and social construction of Scandinavian welfare states, investigating in particular the role of civil society and politics. Then is shown how, in historical terms, egalitarian popular movements have become institutionalized and tied to state policy. One characteristic of this region appears to be that egalitarian movements in Scandinavia have largely been picked up, co-opted by, and made part of the state and its institutions. Then a further elaboration on what egalitarianism as a cultural and social value in Scandinavia may mean, and an exploration of its institutionalization in this context are given. In the final section, how the political project of egalitarianism has been pursued in an era of migration is discussed.
Denmark is an example of a country where the idea of historical ethnic homogeneity stands strong. This article challenges this historical presentism: the scholarly and societal tendency to understand social phenomena within a limited contemporary framework, neglecting possible effects and similarities embedded in and established through human history. This will be done via an historical and ethnographic study of the Copenhagen neighbourhood of Nørrebro. The article underlines the ethnic heterogeneity of Danish history and further shows how combining historical and ethnographic methods in studying a neighbourhood can grant us important insights into the changing incorporation of immigrant groups and the changing meanings of ‘the immigrant’.
This article explores differences among EU and non-EU migrants in accommodating to the Danish flexicurity labour and welfare regime during times of economic crisis. We build our findings on a quantitative survey followed by semi-structured qualitative interviews conducted with EU and non-EU migrants who moved to Denmark during the recession period (2008–2013). We argue that the lack of multicultural policies triggers individualised strategies of accommodation rather than ethnic or national group base integration, favouring a more homogenous group of high-skilled and educated group of workers and students of postgraduate/higher education, whom we describe as a ‘flexicurity diversity group’. Through patterns of conviviality, individual socialisation is based here on common interests, needs and lifestyles and not on pre-defined ethnic and/or cultural traits. The transition from diversity to conviviality that is initiated by this group remains however incomplete in light of the unequal opportunities and the differentiated scheme of rights that apply to EU and non-EU immigrants. Danish flexicurity has thus not had the desired inclusive effects but discriminates in terms of facilitating easy access to the labour market for all, and ‘securing’ social benefits and offering rights and protection only to the privileged group of EU migrants.
In this chapter I reflect on the possible meaning and significance of multiculturalism in relation to developments in Denmark.1 This should immediately be qualified in a number of ways. First, I am more concerned with anti-multiculturalism than with multiculturalism, since the Danish state has never adopted an official multiculturalism policy and criticism of multiculturalism has been dominant in public discourse for more than a decade. Second, I will draw attention both to the quite different possible meanings of multiculturalism and to the different ways in which it might find expression and the levels at which this might happen. My point is that it makes little sense to assume that there is one singular assessment about what multiculturalism means in Denmark (or any other country). Third, an important focus of the chapter will be the apparent change in the official Danish attitude towards multiculturalism heralded by the new centre-left government that came into power in late 2011, relative to the former centre-right government, which had been in office for three consecutive terms since 2001. Finally, I will sketch some theoretical considerations which can explain why these conceptual distinctions and empirical developments are normatively significant. In so doing I will consider what is really at stake in debates about multiculturalism in a country such as Denmark, suggesting that multiculturalism controversies are not only, or primarily, about the actual policies adopted but concern the way in which policies are framed, the terms in which they are debated and the ‘symbolic meaning’ with which they are thereby associated.
Building on the scholarship that theorises the restructuring of cities within neoliberal globalisation, this article calls for a comparative scalar approach to migrant settlement and transnational connection. Deploying a concept of city scale, the article posits a relationship between the differing outcomes of the restructuring of post-industrial cities and varying pathways of migrant incorporation. Committed to the use of nation-states and ethnic groups as primary units of analysis, migration scholars have lacked a comparative theory of locality; scholars of urban restructuring have not engaged in migration studies. Yet migrant pathways are both shaped by and contribute to the differential repositioning of cities. Migrants are viewed as urban scale-makers with roles that vary in relationship to the different positioning of cities within global fields of power.
Indhold: Introduktion – Folket og de andre – Diskursanalysen – et strategisk greb – Staten og den politiske kultur – Den danske stats anerkendelsespraksis – Jøder på den politiske dagsorden 1903-45 – Da muslimerne kom til Danmark – Sammenfatning og konklusion.
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In Denmark, the practice of transnational arranged marriages among immigrants has stirred debate on several levels of society. One effect of the debate is a tightened regulation of family formation migration, seen as an effective means both of limiting the number of immigrants and of furthering processes of social integration. Within media-based and political debates, transnational marriages are frequently described as practices destructive both to individual freedom and to Danish national identity. Nonetheless, it is a practice in which both minority and majority citizens engage, one that frames both their family lives and their lives as citizens. This article analyses the dynamic relationship between public discourse and practices of transnational marriage. The first part describes how political and legislative perceptions of transnational (arranged) marriages are situated within a discussion of ‘Danishness’. The second part describes how second-generation immigrants from Turkey and Pakistan, all of whom have married someone from their country of origin, articulate how public discourse on transnationally arranged marriages affects their lives. This part particularly focuses on the informants' expressions of autonomy and choice and their adaptations of such concepts to understandings of social belonging, inclusion and identity formation vis-à-vis the Danish nation-state.
Methodological nationalism is understood as the assumption that the nation/state/society is the natural social and political form of the modern world. We distinguish three modes of methodological nationalism that have characterized mainstream social science, and then show how these have influenced research on migration. We discover parallels between nationalist thinking and the conceptualization of migration in postwar social sciences. In a historical tour d’horizon, we show that this mainstream concept has developed in close interaction with nation–state building processes in the West and the role that immigration and integration policies have played within them. The shift towards a study of ‘transnational communities’— the last phase in this process — was more a consequence of an epistemic move away from methodological nationalism than of the appearance of new objects of observation. The article concludes by recommending new concepts for analysis that, on the one hand, are not coloured by methodological nationalism and, on the other hand, go beyond the fluidism of much contemporary social theory.
Arrangerte ekteskap og tvangsekteskap i Norden
- Anja Bredal
Opening speech at the Danish parliament
- Lars Rasmussen
- Løkke
- LL Rasmussen
Muslim i Danmark, muslim i Verden (‘Muslim in Denmark, Muslim in the World’)
- Garbi Schmidt
Ændrede familiesammen føringsregler: hvad har de nye regler betydet for pardannelsesmønstret blandt etniske minoriteter? SFI Report 09:28
- G Schmidt
- B K Graversen
- V Jakobsen
- T G Jensen
- A Liversage
Venstre-profiler: Integration er passé
- Marchen Gjeltsen
- Christian Lee
- Lemann
Besvarelse af spørgsmål nr. S 1649 stillet af folketingsmedlem Martin Henriksen (DF) til ministeren for flygtninge, indvandrere og integration den 20
- Birthe Hornbech
- Rønn
- BR Hornbech
Arild (1596) Danmarks Riges Krønnike: Christian den II’s historie
- Huitfeldt
Københavns Kommunes Integrationspolitik
- Copenhagen Municipality
Jøderne i København efter Folketællingslisterne af 1906
- Cord Trap
Krisen baner nye veje i udlændingepolitikken.’ Berlingske Tidende
- Birthe Hornbech
- Rønn
Det er under vores værdighed
- Lise Richter
Prostitution i København
- Marcus Rubin
The Good Life is a Life of Conformity: The Impact of the Lutheran Tradition on Nordic Political Culture The Cultural Construction of Norden
- H Stenius
Indvandrer i 1500-tallet’ Nyt fra Lokalhistorien, nyhedsbrev for Dragør lokalarkiv
- Lise Thavlov
De russiske jøder i København 1882-1943
- Morten Thing
- M Thing
Den slesviske, svenske og russiske indvandring til København 1850-1914.’ Historiske meddelelser om København. Copenhagen: Copenhagen City Archive and the Municipality of Copenhagen
- Richard Willerslev
- R Willerslev
Den glemte indvandring. Den svenske indvandring til Danmark 1850-1914
- Richard Willerslev
- R Willerslev
Det norske sett med nye øyne
- Marianne Gullestad
- M Gullestad
Selvfølgelig er det diskrimination. Interview med Bertel Haarder,’ Weekendavisen
- Arne Hardis
Answer to § 20 question S 658
- Poul Rasmussen
- Nyrup
Arrangerte ekteskap og tvangsekteskap i Norden. Temallord 1999: 604. Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers
- Anja Bredal
- A Bredal
Migration Incorporation and City Scale: Towards a Theory ofLocality in Migration Studies. Willy Brandt Series of Working Papers in International Migration and Ethnic Relations 2/07
- Glick Schiller
- A Caglar
- N Glick Schiller
Muslim i Danmark, muslim i Verden (‘Muslim in Denmark
- Garbi Schmidt
- G Schmidt