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Can the Spanish Diccionario Panhispánico de dudas serve as a Model for a
Cross-Dialectal Igbo Dictionary?
Purity Ada Uchechukwu
Department of Modern European Languages
Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka
Abstract
The need for a cross-dialectal Igbo dictionary has always been felt. The signs of this can be
found in Koelle’s Polyglotta Africana (1854) and in Armstrongs’s wordlist (1967) amongst
others, which contained words from several Igbo dialects. However, inspite of the gradual
increase in the number of Igbo dictionaries (Echeruo 1998; Igwe 1999), none of them can be
described as cross-dialectal. There is therefore a need to reflect on how a cross-dialectal
dictionary of the Igbo language can be developed. The paper summarizes the history of the
development of the Spanish Diccionario panhispánico de dudas (The Panhispanic Dictionary
of Doubts) as an analogy to explore the possibilities of a cross-dialectal Igbo dictionary. The
conclusion is that the Spanish Diccionario panhispánico de dudas (Panhispanic Dictionary of
Doubts) could serve as a model for the development of a cross-dialectal Igbo dictionary,
without one however losing sight of the peculiarities of the Igbo language.
1. Introduction
At the beginning of the 18th century, the Spanish State became personally involved in the
promulgation of language policies. The centralistic nature of the reigning monarchy was
expressed in the language question through the imposition of one language, Castilian and the
founding of a language academy whose sole purpose was the preservation of the selected
language. The rest of the paper is arranged as follows: section 2 gives a brief historical
account of the political developments in Spain during the 18
th
and 19
th
centuries. Section 3
explains the reform measures undertaken by the Real Academia Española (RAE) in the 20
th
century. The collaborative effort between Spain and Latin America is the focus in section 4.
In section 5, attention is on the development of Igbo lexicography. Section 6 examines the
stages in the development of standard Igbo. Section 7 forms the summary and conclusion.
2. Status Planning in the 18
th
Century
Inspired by the system of political centralism in France, the Bourbon king, Philip V of Spain,
envisioned a unifying national language as a reflection of national unity similar to what
2
partained in France. The idea of Castilian
1
as la lengua nacional, the national language,
influenced the States’s desire for status planning. The idea of status planning is described by
(Mar-Molinero, 2000) as “an attempt to promote the role of a selected language or language
variety by increasing its use, influencing attitudes to it and supporting it with resources” (p.
131). The Castilian dialect was selected amongst the other regional languages in Spain and
imposed in all sectors of the Spanish society through a process known as ‘castilianisation’. To
further promote the hegemony of Castilian, the Spanish State also promulgated language laws
to ensure the language is used in education and adminstration. The next step taken was the
fixation of the Castilian dialect in the dictionaries. The ideal institution for this task was
founded towards the middle of the 18th century, the Real Academia Española, otherwise
known as the Royal Spanish Academy (RAE)’.
The RAE was founded as an institution for the care and preservation of the Spanish
language and modeled after the Italian Language Academy, Academici della Crusca and the
French Académie Française. By the royal Order of 1714, the motto limpia, fija y da esplendor
‘purify, fix and give splendour’ was chosen. This devise formed the basis of the activities of
the RAE with the aim of “stabilising the Spanish language through fixing the norm in an
attempt at its immortalization” (Fries, 1984). The steps taken towards this objective included
the production of a dictionary, the Diccionario de la Lengua Castellana ‘Dictionary of the
Castilian Language’, better known as Diccionario de Autoridades ‘Dictionary of Authorities’
(DRAE).
2.1 The Diccionario de Autoridades (DRAE) and its Selection Criteria
Haensch (1990) claims that because “dictionaries play a central role in the establishing of a
national variety of a language” (p. 1743), the publication of a dictionary was one of the aims
of establishing the RAE. This was all the more necessary, as Spain, when compared with its
neighbours, France and Italy, had no other significant dictionary work to call its own since the
publication of the Spanish Tesoro by Covarrubias in 1611. The recourse was therefore to the
Italian dictionary, the Vocabulario degli academici della Crusca and the French dictionary of
the Académie Française.
While the previous dictionary works of Nebrija, Covarrubias and Oudin served as
source materials for the vocabulary, the fixing of the graphic representation of the words in
use. The DRAE was published in six volumes in the period 1726-1793.
1
The term Castilian is used based on the region of Castile from which the dialect originates. The export of
Castilian across the shores of Europe to the Americas, where, in becoming a nationa language, no longer bore the
association with its region of origin, Castile: Castilian or castellano, became español/ Spanish.
3
In choosing the words that were to be entered into the DRAE, regionalisms were
randomly and arbitrarily selected. Concurrently, the spoken Spanish in Latin America was
tagged americanism; a feature described by Stewart (1999) as “biased because it characterised
only the lexical items that appear in the Latinamerican countries in that manner. On the
contrary, items that were known and used only in Spain, but were unknown in Latinamerica
were not tagged españolismo” (p. 24).
The selection criterion by the DRAE was put to its first test with the attainment of
independence by many Latin American countries. Discussions arose amongst the intellectual
class in the American continent on the language norm (see Rosenblat, 1960; Dessau, 1987;
Staib, 1991; Brumme, 1993), leading to the search for an alternative institution to the RAE of
Spain. This, in the words of Brumme (1993) would mean “a separation from the norm of the
Iberian Peninsula and recognition of their (own) national varieties” (p. 343). This normative
discuss created angst in Spain and the Spanish authorities took measures to check what they
feared would lead to a fragmentation of the Spanish language.
3. Reform Measures in the 20
th
Century
The search for alternative institutions to the RAE was strongest in Argentina, Mexico and
Columbia. This trend of thought gave rise to feelings of “a drifting of the Spanish language
towards the end of the 19th century” (Staib, 1993, p. 589). To halt this trend, the authorities in
Madrid were compelled to make some concessions. as explained in the subsections below.
3.1 The Founding of the Associación de Academias de la lengua Española
In 1960 the RAE founded the Asociación de Academias de la lengua española ‘Association of
Academies of the Spanish Language’. These Academies, 22 in all, were established in Latin
America with the aim of involving all Latin American countries in the continuous reworking
of the DRAE. In this way, the produced work would have a greater chance of being accepted
by all speakers of the Spanish language in the Iberian Peninsula as well as in the Latin
American continent.
However, certain characteristics remained unchanged in the dictionary entries, and as a
matter of fact, López (2006) claims that “till the 1970s there were neither new entries in the
DRAE nor any improvements in its microstructure” (p. 191). The consequence of this state of
affairs was tension between actual language use and codification because the DRAE excluded
the regional, social and specialized levels of vocabulary. Critical voices within and outside
4
Spain forced the RAE to introduce further reforms. The first of which was a change in the
name of the dictionary.
3.2 The Diccionario de la Lengua Española
According to Garcia & Figueroa (2003), the RAE’s efforts at recognition of the spoken
Spanish in Latin America were reflected through “a change in name of its dictionary to
Diccionario de la Lengua Española ‘Dictionary of the Spanish Language’ in place of
Diccionario de la lengua Castellana ‘Dictionary of the Castilian Language’ used in the
previous editions” (p. 210). That this step did not go far enough was once more reflected in
further critic.
Schmitt (1990) declared that a change in name of the dictionary was ‘cosmetic’
because “the replacing of castellano with español only revealed a change of etiquette and
nothing more as the hegemony of the European Spanish was not contested” (p. 29). Giving
more credence to Schmitt’s claims is also the fact that the DRAE remained the only
authorised dictionary of the RAE right up to the 20th century without any clear recognition of
the varieties of the spoken Spanish in Latin America. This rigid attitude was unfortunate
because Latin American literature experienced a boom in the 20
th
century with subsequent
rise in the prestige of the Latin American varieties of spoken Spanish (Butt & Benjamin,
2000, p. vii).
In the light of this happening, the attitude of the RAE towards the dialects of the
Spanish spoken in Latinamerica underwent a drastic change in the 21th century. The result is
a collaborative work with its Latin American Academies in the form of a panhispanic
dictionary, Diccionario panhispánico de dudas or ‘Panhispanic Dictionary of Doubts’.
4. Consensus in the 21st Century
The Panhispanic Dictionary of Doubts, Diccionario panhispánico de dudas was published on
10th November, 2005. The purpose of the dictionary is to guide its users through the proper
use of the Spanish language by providing examples extracted from real texts originating from
the databases of the RAE. Thereby providing clear answers to the doubts about correct speech
and writing in Spanish. This lexicographic work can be seen as a form of consensus to the
Spanish varieties spoken in Latin America because “no hacen a espaldas de los
hispanohablantes” ‘the [dictionary] was not witten without the cooperation of the Spanish-
speakers in the world’. On the contrary, it is a collaborative work between the RAE and all 22
Latin American Academies that seeks to maintain a fundamental balance between the
5
varieties spoken in many different regions, while at the same time trying to preserve the
linguistic unity of the Spanish language.
Furthermore, all 22 Academies and the RAE in Spain involved in the Project were
much concerned with the norm question as it has become clear that “... a language can only
fulfil its function as a means of communication and interaction when its signs are accepted
and used by the society in general” (Oksaar, 1968, pp. 67-68). The dictionary incorporated
most frequently used words from other variations of Spanish in addition to solutions to
various grammatical problems. Thus, the non-inclusion of specialised vocabulary, lack of
explanations and non-recognition of Spanish varieties which critics such as Stewart (1999),
Schmitt (1990) and López (2006) pointed out in the earlier editions of the DRAE, have been
addressed in the Panhispanic Dictionary of Doubts.
It therefore appears that the “rational principle of understanding” in the sense used by
Bartsch (1987) as the highest norm of communication is finally being practiced by Spain and
Latin America through mutual adoption, fixing of the norm and oral transmission in language
use. What does this historical background of recognizing the varieties of a language mean for
the Igbo language? This is the focus in the next section as attention is turned to Nigeria and
the development of Igbo lexicography.
5. The Historical Development of Igbo Lexicography
In the words of Uchechukwu (2006), “the term Igbo-Lexicography encompasses all types of
preocupation with the Igbo language with the aim of producing reference works whose access
structure contains an alphabetical order” (p. 16). One such preocupation with the Igbo
language had its beginnings in the 18th century when it appeared in the form of wordlists. A
summary of early efforts in in Igbo lexicography is presented in Table 1 below.
Early Dictionaries
Author Title
Crowther
(1882) Vocabulary of the Ibo language [first Igbo dictionary]
Schön
/
Crowther
(1883) Vocabulary of the Ibo language II
Ganot
(1904) English-Ibo and French Dictionary
Zappa
(1907) Essai de dictionnaire Français-Ibo ou Français-Ika
Northcote
(1913/14) Anthropological report on the Ibo-speaking peoples of
Nigeria.
Part 2: English-Ibo language, English-Ibo
T.J. Dennis
(1923) Dictionary of the Ibo language, English-Ibo
Ọ
gbal
ụ
(1959); (1959) Igbo-English Dictionary
Table 1: Overview of early lexicographic works (adpt. from Uchechukwu, 2006, p. 12)
6
Table 1 (above) gives an indication that the first Igbo dictionaries only appeared towards the
end of the 19th century. Ọgbalụ‘s 1959 Igbo-English Dictionary was the first Igbo dictionary
from a native Igbo speaker. Three years later, this dictionary received an Igbo title, ọkọwa-
okwu Igbo-English―Igbo-English Dictionary. Ganot‘s (1904) work distinguished itself from
all others by being the first trilingual dictionary. Nine years after Ọgbalụ‘s Igbo-English
Dictionary, the first learner’s dictionary with a learner’s manual from Welmers & Welmers
appeared in 1968. This was followed by Williamsons Igbo English Dictionary in 1972.
Although a wordlist, Koelles Polyglotta Africana (1854) had the first evidence of
some Igbo dialects. The dialects of the language were not registered in all the other wordlists,
including the first Igbo dictionaries. In this method, the native speaker dictionary writers did
not differ from their Europeans counterparts, whose method they simply adopted. This was
still the case even into the 70s, a time when according to DeLancey (1972) learners of the
language were having difficulties because of the absence of a multi-dialect dictionary.
Only towards the end of the 20th century did two lexicographic works from native
speakers appear. These are Echeruo‘s (1998) Igbo-English Dictionary and Igwe‘s (1999)
Igbo-English Dictionary. Both Authors introduced some dialectal varieties of the Igbo
language in their eintries. While there was a lot of debate on the non-inclusion of dialects in
the orthography (see Nwachukwu, 1983; Achebe, 1984), the problem of non-registration of
the dialects in the dictionaries seemed to go unnoticed. A better understanding of the situation
of the Igbo dialects can be found in the history of the development of Standard Igbo.
6. The Development of Standard Igbo
That the Igbo language is ‛multidialectal’ (Ugorji, 2003, p. 149) and that “...dialect loyalty is
real among Igbo communities...” (Emenanjọ, 2002), refers to the fact that a common Igbo
language does not exist. That which today is referred to as Standard Igbo, had its origins in
different Igbo dialects. This development can be divided into three periods according to Ọraka
(1983)
2
: The Isuama Period (1766-1900), The Union Igbo Studies (1900-1929) and The
Standard Igbo Period (1972). The explanations of the different periods in the subsections
below are based on Ọraka (1983, pp. 20-57).
2
Emenanjọ (1995: 225-226) divides this period into five.
7
6.1 The Isuama Period (1766-1900)
The earliest attempt at a codification of the Igbo language was undertaken by Protestant
missionaries and freed Igbo slaves in Sierra Leone. The Isuama Igbo arose through their
collaborative efforts on a dialect of Igbo which the freed slaves had retained as a cultural
heritage in memory of the Igbo they once spoke. In 1828, the Quaker educationist, Mrs.
Hannah Kilham compiled specimens of African languages spoken in the colony of Sierra-
Leone to serve as a language of instruction for the children of freed slaves before teaching
them the English language (Ọraka, 1983, p. 65). The Isuama dialect also formed the basis for
the first book in Igbo, Isoama – Ibo Primer, a text book produced by Ajayi Crowther and
Simon Jonas in 1857. The Isuama dialect was however not popular amongst the Igbos in their
homelands who could neither understand nor recognize this dialect. At the end of the day, the
Isuama dialect was “failing the Niger Mission” (Ọraka, 1983, p. 66) because of its non
acceptance by the majority. This is however understandable from the linguistic point of view
of the phenomenon of archaism as a result of language drift. The Isuama dialect finally went
into oblivion with the death of Simon Ajayi Crowther in 1891.
6.2 Union Igbo Studies (1900-1929)
The second attempt was the Union Igbo, which was based on five dialects of Bonny, Owere,
Onicha, Arochukwu and Uwana. The term ‘Union Igbo’ in the words of Ọraka (1983), refers
to “the version of Igbo developed by the C.M.S. and aimed at binding or writing all the
dialects of Igbo” (p. 28). The lessons from the Isuama Igbo experience made it necessary that
the dialect chosen for any translation work would be acceptable to all. The Union Igbo was a
compromise dialect, especially for the translation of the Bible into the Igbo language. The
problem that arose in this case was the fact that these dialects were not homogeneous. The
attempt was therefore regarded as synthetic and comparable with Esperanto (Achebe 1972 cit.
in Uwalaka 2001). Nevertheless, the Union Igbo found its way into the Bible register of the
Protestant church. It is today accepted and understood by all Protestants.
6.3 The Standard Igbo Period (1972)
The assignment of developing a Pan-Igbo-Dialect or Standard Igbo Dialect was taken up by
Ida Ward and others (Ọraka, 1983, p. 35). This time around, the geographical location of the
spoken dialects played an important role. Standard Igbo comprises the dialects that are
spoken in the central geographical regions in Igboland. This method of approach had the
advantage that the northern dialect and the dialects spoken at the boundaries of the
neighbouring regions with the central dialects share a lot of similarities. The only opposition
8
this time around was the Roman Catholic Mission with its headquarters in Onicha. Because
the Roman Catholic Mission used the Union Igbo in its Mission work and Bible translation, it
intended to determine the dialect that should be regarded as Standard Igbo (Ọraka, 1983, p.
37). It appeared as if the search for a Standard Igbo would suffer a similar fate as the
orthography controversy (Ọraka, 1983, pp. 33-40). This was however avoided when the
Society for Promoting Igbo Language and Culture (SPILC) took the task upon itself.
6.3.1 Society for Promoting Igbo Language and Culture (SPILC)
The idea of a Society for Promoting Igbo Language and Culture (SPILC) arose in 1948, at a
time when the Igbo language was riddled with controversies
3
. Especially in opposition to the
proposed Central dialect of Ida Ward, Frederick Chidozie Ọgbalụ, a lecturer, in Dennis
Memorial Grammar School played an important role in the founding of a society that would
promote the Igbo language and culture. SPILC was officially founded in a chemistry lab of
the above-named school in 1950 as “a national, non-denominational voluntary association
open to all irrespective of race, ethnic consideration or creed, so long as one shares its main
aim- to cherish and preserve the Igbo cultural heritage” (Ọraka, 1983, p. 43).
SPILC did not stand in direct opposition to the developed Central dialect of Ida Ward
as such, but against the particular chosen dialects. The Roman Catholic Mission favoured the
Onicha dialect while others who felt their own dialect were being ignored, proposed their own
dialects. On the contrary, SPILC had the idea of a Standard Igbo Dialect that would include
all dialects.
First, a Standardization Committee was organised in 1972. Its duty was to enrich the
lexicon of Ida Ward’s Central Igbo, by incorporating borrowed words from other dialects
outside central Igboland. In addition, where Igbo equivalents were available, borrowed words
from the English language would be adopted into the Standard. Thus, the Standard Igbo
arose, “… designed to be spoken and understood by every Igbo man, because it is more
flexible than the Isuama, Union or the Central dialect and is a cross-pollination and diffusion
of dialects” (Ọraka, 1983, p. 56).
In the face of these efforts by SPILC it is therefore not comprehensible that the
dialects of the Igbo language have hardly found their way into the dictionaries. Should one
compare the role of the dialects in Igbo lexicography with their presence in Igbo grammar
works, it is clear that in the latter area quite some achievements have been made. The Igbo
3
Orthography controversy, central dialect, church politics/rivalry (see Ọraka, 1983, pp. 33-40).
9
grammar for secondary schools (Ọfọmata, 1995) in which dialectal representations are given
their standard Igbo equivalents is highly commendable. It is in the face of this situation that
Echeruo‘s 1998 Igbo-English Dictionary should be seen despite all justified critics (see
Uchechukwu, 2001; Cookey, 2003) as a just beginning of the inclusion of Igbo dialects in its
entries.
7. Summary and Conclusion
The reflections in this section are concerned with only those aspects of the Spanish
development that may serve as possible approaches for the planning and production of a
cross-dialectal Igbo dictionary.
To have a clearer picture of the effects of non-recognition of the varieties of a
language I shall on the one hand, place the varieties of Latin American Spanish on the same
level with the Igbo dialects. Standard Igbo on the other hand, is placed on the same level as
European Spanish.
While according to Emenanjọ (2003) “it may never be possible to say, with any degree
of certainty how many Nigerian languages there are...” (p. 89). A look at how Castilian, once
a regional language was elevated to the level of the official language in Spain, has been traced
to its historical past. We have on the other hand, a foreign language, English, functioning as
the official language in Nigeria. This state of things in Nigeria is also traceable to Nigeria’s
colonial history and the fact that the Nigerian State never acquired full powers to fix the norm
in the language question as was possible in Spain of the 18
th
century. The dream of a national
language proposed by some Nigerians like Banjo (1992) will therefore most probably not
emerge because of the official and practical role of the English language in Nigeria.
Another point of comparison is that the totally of events which took place between
Spain and the Latin American countries is not really necessary before the dialects of the Igbo
language can be accorded their place in an Igbo dictionary. This is because Igbo is recognized
by the Nigerian state as one of the three major languages in the country. It is also placed as
mother tongue (L
1
) in the most important language laws of the country portrayed in the
National Policy on Education (NPE)(1977, 1998, 2004), Nigeria‘s Constitution (1979, 1999)
and in the Cultural Policy in Nigeria (1976) (see Ugorji, 2003, p. 161). In addition, Igbo is a
regional language not only in five major states of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo,
but also in three other states of Delta, Rivers and Edo. What this implies is that the Igbo
language needs no conflict resolution as was the case between Spain and the Latin American
10
countries, because the Igbo dialects can be developed to any level without any constraints at
the national level, despite skepticism from some quarters (see Igboanusi, 2002, p. 104).
Looking at the dialectal issue from a historical perspective, SPILC would have been
the most ideal body to take on this work based on its efforts at the development of Standard
Igbo and its organisational structure. The structural organisation of SPILC in national,
divisional, institutional and foreign branches already had all Igbo speaking regions involved
in the process. SPILC had created a committee to work on a standard Igbo dictionary (S.I.D)
as far back as 1978. Hand in hand with this was also a plan for the founding of two Institutes
of Igbo Studies in two major Igbo states of Imo and Anambra, with the possibilities of
expansion into two non-major states (Old Bendel State now made up of Delta and Rivers
States).
However, SPILC like many other organizations was also confronted with a lot of
problems ranging from financial, lack of government support, and the attitude of the Igbo to
their language and culture (see Ọraka, 1983, pp. 60-64).
Returning to the issue of dialectal representations in Igbo dictionaries, one can observe
that the founding of a similar academy such as RAE in Spain for the Igbo language may not
be necessary if the effort is to further and build upon the original structure and organs of
SPILC as present in the Igbo Studies Association (ISA) with the goal “... uniformity,
consistency, regularity, acceptability of the language by all people and regions using it as a
means of communication” (Cookey, 2003, p. 387).
In this manner, not only the original S.I.D Project would be realised, but also a cross-
dialectal Igbo dictionary or a Pan-Igbo Dictionary, in which all dialectal varieties of the Igbo
language can find their deserved recognition and acceptance. Also additional institutions
similar to the Asociación de Academias in the non-major states would make for better
coordination and organisation of the ernomous work. It is only in this sense that the Spanish
Diccionario Panhispánico de dudas, the Panhispanic Dictionary of Doubts can serve as a
model for a cross-dialectal Igbo dictionary.
11
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