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History Teaching and the Perpetuation of Memories: the Northern Ireland Experience
Abstract
Teaching history in a society that has experienced violent and on-going conflict, at least partially as a consequence of contested views of national identity, presents significant challenges for educators. This is particularly true in Northern Ireland, where the continued existence of two parallel educational systems often has been implicated in the perpetuation of community divisions, and where new directions in education are regularly promoted as important contributors to peace and reconciliation (Murray, Smith and Birthistle, 1997). This chapter examines the role of formal history instruction in Northern Ireland schools and points to some of the ways history teaching may help to overcome — or perpetuate — perceptions of community antagonism rooted in the past. In particular, we explore whether an emphasis on evidence-based inquiry and the avoidance of questions of identity, provides the most appropriate balance of historical approaches in a setting such as Northern Ireland.
... The second alternative to the critical thinking approach also starts with the observation that what is most lacking is curiosity on behalf of the students to really get to understand the perspectives of the other. From the perspective of researchers who have studied history teaching in Northern Ireland (McCully 2003, 2005, 2012, Barton & McCully 2010, this lack of curiosity is reproduced by a type of history teaching that avoids provoking emotional reactions. In order to make a difference, they argue, teaching should leave the 'comfort zone' ...
... several studies(Barton & McCully 2010, McCully 2003, McCully 2012, McCully & Reilly 2017 have come to the conclusion that approaches focusing on the promotion of a rational critique alone are not sufficient to sever the strong emotional ties students have to particular cultural positions they share with members of their respective communities. Very much in line with these insights, a study from Israel has shown how deeply the way students read and perceive textbook accounts is affected by their political background and that of their parents(Porat 2004). ...
... While there is some truth to all these claims, less attention has been given to how contested identities or the 'politics of difference' are transmitted and maintained through processes of remembering. Halbwachs' fascination with the role and agency of familial ties and relationships in shaping our inherent sense of self and other has been succeeded by studies focusing on the influence of peers, historic events and formal education (Barton and McCully 2003). Karl Mannheim's 1923seminal work 'The Problem of Generations' (1972 argued that significant social and political incidents had the power to shape the memory of generations, as they create a nexus of shared experience particularly potent during formative years. ...
... Additionally, emphasis has also been placed on the role of 'active educational processes', specifically in history instruction, to challenge myths and stereotypes and address emotionally laden contemporary events and issues of social identity (Barton and McCully 2003). Education to prevent conflict fits the wider 'peacebuilding' platform, which is calling for school curricula and reconciliation groups to encourage non-violence, cultural plurality and greater understanding of those outside of our perceived social groups. ...
Lebanon’s urban landscape, littered with derelict houses, bullet-scarred walls, sectarian war symbols, posters and effigies of fallen fighters/martyrs, continues to be one of the most enduring reminders of the country’s violent and bloody past. For Lebanese author Jean Said Makdisi, ‘physical landmarks’ evoke memories of personal pain and sorrow, and provide intimate spaces in which the past can be inhabited and relived. Yet equally, for sixteen-year-old high school student Alain, generational distance does not lessen the power or salience of these remnants of war. In his mind they still evoke images, narratives and emotions that bring the past to life. "I was born 1990 when it all ended, but I hear all the stories...I have pictures of the war and I have memories of the buildings and what happened there. Sometimes when we drive through an area, I am reminded of the past, the violence and destruction, it still shouts out to you." (Alain, Dekwaneh, 2006)
While Aristotelian tradition affirms the practice of transferring memory to solid material objects and places, it may be more accurate in historian Robert Bevan’s words, to understand the built environment as ‘merely a prompt, a corporeal reminder of the events involved in its construction, use and destruction’ (2006: 15). Visual prompts therefore are invested with mnemonic power and meaning through the interpretative forces of narrative tradition (the story) and spatial practice (the lived experience and use of space), which remain subject to contestation and reinvention over time. These historic traces cannot be limited to what can be seen; for Alain they are also to be found in the silences, empty spaces and voids that dominate Beirut’s downtown and still punctuate the Khutut al-tammas (line of fire), or ‘Green Line’ delineating east and west. Sites of displacement are just as salient as the visible traces of the war and indeed offer creative space for forms of emplacement through which Lebanese can redefine themselves and their relationships to others (Flynn 1997). Both tangible sites and spaces of absence help establish a dynamic memoryscape of multilayered social histories and personal (re) imaginings. In this chapter I will explore how Lebanese youth negotiate and interpret the visual legacy of war. How are physical sites of memory and displacement significant in the construction of identity, boundaries and ideologies of difference? How are remembrances affected by space, interaction and intimacy, and how are they mediated and understood across changing social spheres?
... At the same time, scholars exploring classroom practices with textbooks in many different countries raise serious doubts about their effectiveness to bring home their message to their readers. Studies on Northern Ireland (McCully 2003;Barton and McCully 2010;McCully 2012;McCully and Reilly 2017) come to the conclusion that textbooks trying to present a more rational and multi-perspectival approach to the conflict in line with official efforts at bringing about reconciliation clearly fail to sever the strong emotional ties students have to the partisan accounts from their respective religious communities. The same seems to hold true for the treatment of the civil rights movement in the United States, where the stories of violent exclusion told in films seem to take much stronger roots in students' minds compared to the "sanitized" narrative offered in textbooks, which tend to focus on the victims of racial segregation while remaining silent about perpetrators. ...
Where it has been dealt with systematically, populism as a concept has
found little agreement surrounding it.
Paul A. Taggart, Populism
In this chapter, we intend to examine the appropriateness of under-
standing the current surge of a strong right-wing political movement in
Brazil centered around the persona of Jair Bolsonaro (president since
January 1, 2019) through the lens of the concept of populism. We
test major tenets of the concept against the case in hand, and contend
that grasping his communication strategy is crucial to understanding
the Bolsonaro phenomenon. After surveying key contributions to the
conceptual debate on populism and to the study of populism in Brazil
... At the same time, scholars exploring classroom practices with textbooks in many different countries raise serious doubts about their effectiveness to bring home their message to their readers. Studies on Northern Ireland (McCully 2003;Barton and McCully 2010;McCully 2012;McCully and Reilly 2017) come to the conclusion that textbooks trying to present a more rational and multi-perspectival approach to the conflict in line with official efforts at bringing about reconciliation clearly fail to sever the strong emotional ties students have to the partisan accounts from their respective religious communities. The same seems to hold true for the treatment of the civil rights movement in the United States, where the stories of violent exclusion told in films seem to take much stronger roots in students' minds compared to the "sanitized" narrative offered in textbooks, which tend to focus on the victims of racial segregation while remaining silent about perpetrators. ...
Studies on populism have been devoted not only to conceptual debates
but also to the place occupied by this phenomenon within liberal repre-
sentative democracies. After all, most countries in today’s world adhere
to this political regime, one that has recently found itself under pres-
sure in the wake of political actors that are deemed populist. Populism
has been studied from a plethora of approaches, some more concerned
with political institutions and others more sociological, but most of
them acknowledge the central role played by discourse in its consti-
tution, something that we can also term the communicative aspect of
populism. Importantly, communication is a crucial aspect of democratic
politics, be it conceived as an electoral competition among candidates
for the preferences of voters or as a product of a complex and sociall
... The 1998 Good Friday Agreement marked the beginning of peace-building after civil conflict. Five years later, Barton and McCully (2003) found that students were encouraged to think critically about evidence, to see events from different perspectives, and to reach conclusions based on con- sideration of different interpretations. Four years after that, the history curriculum was considered to encourage the discussion of contentious issues so as to foster tolerance (see Kitson, 2007). ...
The civil war between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended in 2009, with total defeat of the LTTE and many thousands of civilian casualties. The country is now engaged in peace-building. Key elements of the secondary school curriculum – truth-seeking, social cohesion and active citizenship – may contribute to this. Six state secondary schools serving different ethnic and religious groups were selected for qualitative research into how far this is the case. Data was collected on the application of knowledge, skills and values in lessons, extra-curricular programmes and whole school culture. The analysis suggests that truth-seeking is weak, with no teaching about the historical roots of the conflict or contemporary issues. There are efforts to build leadership skills and impart democratic values, but the critical thinking and discussion skills necessary for social cohesion and active citizenship are largely absent. The findings are discussed in relation to evidence from Uganda, Cambodia and Northern Ireland
... Even in cases, such as that of Northern Ireland, whose violent past stretches back centuries, there have been peaceful periods in between the violence that are easily overlooked(Barton and McCully 2003). To shift the focus from violence and conflict between national groups to 'conviviality'(Nowicka and Vertovec 2014) and to elements of a 'shared identity' helps to re-establish postconflict trust and subsequently encourage more cross-national engagement (seeDembinska 2010;MacDonald 2013).9 ...
This book is open access under a CC BY 4.0 license.
This book provides a profound insight into post-war Mostar, and the memories of three generations of this Bosnian-Herzegovinian city. Drawing on several years of ethnographic fieldwork, it offers a vivid account of how personal and collective memories are utterly intertwined, and how memories across the generations are reimagined and ‘rewritten’ following great socio-political change. Focusing on both Bosniak-dominated East Mostar and Croat-dominated West Mostar, it demonstrates that, even in this ethno-nationally divided city with its two divergent national historiographies, generation-specific experiences are crucial in how people ascribe meaning to past events. It argues that the dramatic and often brutal transformations that Bosnia and Herzegovina has witnessed have led to alterations in memory politics, not to mention disparities in the life situations faced by the different generations in present-day post-war Mostar. This in turn has created variations in memories along generational lines, which affect how individuals narrate and position themselves in relation to the country's history. This detailed and engaging work will appeal to students and scholars of anthropology, sociology, political science, history and oral history, particularly those with an interest in memory, post-socialist Europe and conflict studies.
... Sabina's story touches on one central topic of research connected to memory, the transmission of (collective) memory, which at this point deserves a more lengthy discussion. In the tradition of Durkheim 9 and Halbwachs, anthropologists have paid special attention to the phenomenon of the transmission of memories downwards through generations, from old to young, stressing the way that collective identity is main-8 Even in cases, such as that of Northern Ireland, whose violent past stretches back centuries, there have been peaceful periods in between the violence that are easily overlooked (Barton and McCully 2003). To shift the focus from violence and conflict between national groups to 'conviviality' (Nowicka and Vertovec 2014) and to elements of a 'shared identity' helps to re-establish postconflict trust and subsequently encourage more cross-national engagement (see Dembinska 2010;MacDonald 2013). ...
This chapter analyses the Post-Yugoslavs generation, who experienced the 1992–1995 war in Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina, as children. Due to their young age during the war, the Post-Yugoslavs perceive themselves as less affected by it than the older generations do. This chapter shows how their discursive tactics are characterised by dissociating their lives from wider societal (national) experiences. Although the Post-Yugoslavs do not engage fully in the dominant public discourses when it comes to their lives, they have to a large degree accepted Mostar’s division along ethno-national lines as primordial, as is presently promoted within the school curriculum. A vital discussion in this chapter centres on the counterpart of remembering, silencing, and on the transmission of (collective) memory.
... At the same time, scholars exploring classroom practices with textbooks in many different countries raise serious doubts about their effectiveness to bring home their message to their readers. Studies on Northern Ireland (McCully 2003;Barton and McCully 2010;McCully 2012;McCully and Reilly 2017) come to the conclusion that textbooks trying to present a more rational and multi-perspectival approach to the conflict in line with official efforts at bringing about reconciliation clearly fail to sever the strong emotional ties students have to the partisan accounts from their respective religious communities. The same seems to hold true for the treatment of the civil rights movement in the United States, where the stories of violent exclusion told in films seem to take much stronger roots in students' minds compared to the "sanitized" narrative offered in textbooks, which tend to focus on the victims of racial segregation while remaining silent about perpetrators. ...
This volume brings together world-class scholars to explore international studies pedagogy. The first section focuses on worldviews and teaching worlds. Chapters in this section expose readers to different worldviews and methods that enable a more diverse set of considerations when thinking about the international and demonstrate a set of pedagogical practices that center and value non-Western perspectives. Beyond simply enabling broader literatures, contexts, and experiences to enrich the study of the international, it also is a critical component of humanizing pedagogies where care, inclusion, and compassion are modeled. Thoughtful engagement of our students in constructing the learning environment is fundamental to enabling a broader set of worldviews and teaching worlds to emerge. The second section focuses on teaching and learning inside and outside the classroom, addressing strategies and lived experiences, and how they relate those experiences either to their own positions or how they’ve understood them to be effective. Their focus on practice is embedded in a set of values around equity, diversity, inclusion, and reconciliation. Ultimately, accepting the way we teach matters, this volume seeks to empower those teaching international studies to engage their students and prepare them to understand and work within a complicated and challenging international system.
This chapter further considers the role of collective memory in the construction and reproduction of senses of belonging and identity specifically within loyalists and republican communities. It reflects on the expressions of belonging as articulated through performance and popular memory and popular culture. Collective memory is central to this, rooted in as it is in people’s justification and reflection of their actions and connected through social practices to other community members. The performance of memory is activated and acted upon by communities to reinforce their identity and to guide community goals.
This article is based on the premise that the constructed image of the national self is a fundamental criterion shaping the conceptions of history teaching in the Turkish educational system. In this regard, I argue that examining how particular ethno-religious groups are discursively positioned in relation to the idealised self-image can reveal whether and how history textbooks can be revised. Having described the historical and political context for the only curriculum revision occurred in 2013 concerning a non-Muslim community, the Assyrians, the article demonstrates that specific discursive strategies are used to position the Assyrian community in relation to the favourable national self-image, rather than a fixed categorization for non-Muslim communities. Adopting the methodological framework of critical discourse analysis, the author examines the portrayal of the Assyrian community in the secondary school Turkish history textbooks taught over the last three decades and identifies how the topoi of justice and tolerance, as well as allegiance and betrayal allow a particular group to be a member of the larger body of ‘acceptable citizens.’
This short introduction briefly examines the connection between populist discourse, claims to authenticity and the role of educational media—notably school textbooks—as discursive nodal points that link various knowledge spheres as well as media resources.
The sense of historical victimhood is indubitably a focal part of the Jewish and Israeli historical legacies. Three such legacies are reviewed: Victimhood as a perpetual density; victimhood as imposing supremacist separateness from non-Jews, and victimhood that necessitates caring for the oppressed ' strangers.' These varied and often incompatible legacies entail four existential and moral obligations (following Yehuda Bauer, 2002). They are: Never be a passive victim; Never forsake your brothers; Never be a passive bystander; and Never be a perpetrator. These moral directives, which range from exclusive concern for the security of the ingroup even at the expense of outgroups, to the protection and correct treatment of ingroup enemies even at the expense of the ingroup's security and well-being, are clearly at odds with each other, and they are unequal in their prominence and prevalence in Israeli society today. Many of the dramas in Israel public life can be characterized as a function of the interplay between these conflicting victimhood-born obligations. Four such cases would be mentioned: The persistent annihilation anxieties, the ambivalence towards the Diasporas, the treatment of African asylum seekers, and the dealings with the Palestinians.
Collective memories can form a barrier to conflict resolution in societies affected by violent conflict. Although engaging with conflict history is an important aspect of conflict resolution practice, it is not fully understood how to achieve this in these complex and emotive environments. This article presents the case of local grassroots conflict resolution practitioners in Northern Ireland who have developed an alternative narrative about the violent past that they draw on to motivate and direct their practice. It provides insights into how conflict resolution practitioners in intractable conflicts can engage with the violent past in ways that support increased understanding between identity groups.
This article contributes to the the mapping of the ‘pathways of transmission’ of the Northern Ireland ‘problem’ by drawing attention to three problematic aspects of John Whyte’s appraisal of the pre-1969 historiography, in
Interpreting Northern Ireland
(1990): that the work of T. W. Moody and J. C. Beckett and their fellow historians before 1969 was ‘lightweight’ and ‘bland’; that they effectively ignored Ulster’s history of sectarian rioting until Andrew Boyd’s book
Holy war in Belfast
(1969) brought it ‘back into the consciousness of historians’; and that the ‘external conflict paradigm’ was ‘dominant’ in their discourse. These are examined in sections II–V. The content of the pre-1969 historiography is examined in section I and a preliminary reappraisal is offered in section VI.
Prior U.S.-based research examining the collective remembrance of racially charged events has focused on the black-white binary, largely bypassing such remembrance among U.S. Hispanics. In this article, I ask how a group of Mexican-origin Hispanics in an historic Houston barrio remember two racially charged events as well as whether and how these events are publicly commemorated. Additionally, race and collective memory research has often highlighted the role of collective memory in shaping race relations. I argue that collective memory can also be an institution, structuring macro- and micro-level representations of race. Thus, I ask whether and how respondents’ memories shape the social construction of the Hispanic category. I find strong memory convergence with respect to one event—the case of Jose Campos Torres—and divergence in three directions with respect to the Moody Park riot. The former corresponds to a collective understanding of what Hispanic meant in the past while the latter corresponds to a fractured understanding of what Hispanic means in the present. I also explore how respondents’ racial self-perceptions coincide with their various interpretations of the riot. Overall, I theorize that a fractured collective memory of a racially charged event suggests a fractured collective identity and contributes to an ambiguous Hispanic category. I conclude by discussing suggestions for future research.
This article argues that effective dealing with a troubled past, especially in divided societies, cannot be achieved without certain transformations of historical narratives, particularly in school textbooks. Based on a sociocultural approach to collective memory as mediated by specific kinds of cultural tools, in particular “textual resources” in the form of narratives, the author suggests a model of progressive narrative transformation as a tool for transforming memories and changing attitudes. This model was tested in an experiment examining the interplay of different narratives, emotions and attitudes among the Azerbaijani population. The results suggest that a narrative of common suffering can backfire to remind victims of their own suffering inflicted by the enemy.
In this article, I bring together literature from the fields of memory and reconciliation to investigate practices of ‘border crossing’ in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. While national divisions prevail, subtle attempts at border crossing can be witnessed even in those areas most impacted by the war’s partition, such as in Mostar, a city that has been left divided into Croat and Bosniak sides. Borders are physically crossed to reintegrate the ‘other side’ into one’s everyday life, but also in a more metonymical sense through the questioning of absolute national identities. Such acts of border crossing heavily rely on memories of positive pre-war cross-national relations, which are brought forward to re-establish these relations in post-war times. The research findings suggest that re-enacting a shared common ground – most often found in the past rather than in the present – bears an integrative potential that deserves more attention in post-conflict settings.
As part of a larger analysis of the transmission of ethno‐national identity across generations, some 800 adolescents from the border areas of Ireland recalled events related to the troubles in Northern Ireland and the source of their knowledge. They also completed a scale that measured the extent of their interest in current events. Substantial agreement in the memories of the conflict recorded by adolescents from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland accompanied differences in the historical events recalled by Catholic and Protestant respondents. The news media were seen as important sources of knowledge for historical events as well as those that occurred in the adolescents' lifetimes. Catholics living in Northern Ireland were most interested in the news and more frequently referenced family and school as sources of knowledge about recalled events than Protestants. The possible implications of observed group and individual differences in memories and their sources are discussed.
This study reports results of an empirical investigation of secondary students' conceptions of history and identity in Northern Ireland. Interviews with 253 students from a variety of backgrounds indicate that they initially identify with a wide range of historical themes, but that these identifications narrow as they study the required national curriculum during the first 3 years of secondary school. Often, they draw selectively from the formal curriculum in order to support their developing identification with the history of their own political/religious communities. This process is most apparent among boys, at predominantly Protestant schools, and in schools located in areas of conflict. These findings suggest that to address history's role in ongoing community conflict, educators may need to challenge more directly the beliefs and assumptions held by students of varied backgrounds, as well as to provide a clearer alternative to the partisan histories encountered elsewhere.
This article is the first of a two-part series that explores history and memory and their impact on long-term, intractable conflict. Memory is strongly connected to narrative, commemoration, identity, and emotions and becomes embedded in societies fraught with long-term conflict. The conflict resolution literature is explored in terms of how it addresses issues of the past. This article presents us with a deeper theoretical understanding of these issues, while the second will offer empirical research in this area and suggest implications for practice.
On the basis of participant-observations of classroom discussions in Jewish Israeli high schools during two memorial days, we examine how different ethnoclass groups within a presumably consensual national collectivity remember the nation. We found that teachers use different memory techniques with different groups of students and in relation to different historical memories, and we suggest that doing so variously repositions subgroups toward the public sphere. We argue that, to understand ethnoclass memory work and its differential appropriation and refraction along ethnoclass divides, scholars need to go beyond the contents of historical narratives and collective ceremonies to inquire into the plethora of memory techniques social actors use. [ethnoclass, national memory, memory techniques, citizenship participation, hegemony, Israel, high school]
In establishing a collective history, past events are utilized to celebrate a nation's origins. While analysis of these events is often framed in knowing the single best narrative, the events themselves become of interest when examining how the interpretations remain the same or change over time. The recent bicentennial celebration of the Lewis and Clark expedition of 1804 offers an opportunity to examine such a change. This article investigates how students revealed a historical consciousness in realizing what purpose the expedition serves to a national identity. After analyzing conversations occurring among three eighth-grade students, this article explores the student responses to three interpretations, which bears important educational consequences and implications for the teaching and learning of history.
This research reports the results of two studies of young children's historical thinking, one conducted in Northern Ireland and one in the USA. In both countries, primary/elementary students learn about history in a variety of settings, including not only schools but also family conversations, historic sites and the media. The differing nature of historical representations in the two countries, however, leads students to contrasting conclusions about the purpose of learning about the past: in the USA, students emphasise that history is important so that they will know about the origin of their country and their own place within it, while in Northern Ireland students describe the purpose of history as being to learn about those who are different from themselves. In both countries, such comparative evidence about children's thinking provides educators with the opportunity to consider how they can build on and extend students' understanding of history.
In a society emerging from decades of political conflict, the role of human rights education in Northern Ireland is of particular importance as a tool to preventing violent conflict and to promoting a culture of peace. More generally, a rights-based approach to education might refer to three dimensions; access to education, educational content and educational processes. This article aims to explore the effectiveness of a specific human rights education project that has been piloted in Northern Ireland's post-primary schools as an example of a project that addresses educational content and processes in a flexible manner. Conclusions are drawn relating to factors facilitating the successful development of a rights-based approach to education and of human rights education projects.
Science, social science, literary studies, philosophy, and history have all encountered challenges to the notion of "objectivity" in the wake of the Kuhnian revolution. These challenges, which problematize knowledge itself, have revived interest in the pragmatist notion of knowledge based in a community of inquiry. The related social constructivist recasting of curriculum thought in the past 15 years has been based not so much on the revision in the epistemology of the subject disciplines as in developments in learning theory and psychology. Using the discipline of history as a case study, this paper compares the scholarly community of inquiry with the community of inquiry in the classroom and examines the role of the teacher in negotiating the knowledge generated in each.
This paper explores the relationship between history teaching and the construction of national identity. Drawing upon recent theoretical and historical work in the field, it provides a comparative analysis of important developments within the history curricula in England, Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland, and also explains why history has become politicised in Britain over the past few decades. The paper speculates about the implications of these developments within history education by considering the capacity of history to influence pupils’ collective identity alongside other potentially more powerful factors.
In this study, we investigated middle graders' understanding of significance in U.S. history through open-ended interviews with forty-eight students in grades five through eight. Students pointed to steadily expanding rights and opportunities as a central theme in U.S. history, but they also had difficulty incorporating some historical patterns and events into their image of progress. This study suggests that students need experience with the complexities of the past within a context that provides some framework for making critical sense out of both legitimating stories and alternative, vernacular histories.
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