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Theoretical Approaches to Governance Network Dynamics
Abstract
Governance networks contribute to the production of public policy and governance. Political visions, policy ideas, comprehensive plans, informal norms and detailed regulations are often crafted, or at least influenced, through policy processes involving relevant and affected actors from state, market and civil society. The networked policy output is a contingent result of negotiated interaction between a plurality of interdependent, and yet operationally autonomous, actors. The form and character of the policy output depends on the form and character of the horizontal interplay between the network actors. The negotiated exchange between the various actors changes over time and varies from governance network to governance network. Basically, network-based governance is a complex and potentially chaotic process in which numerous interests, identities and rationalities fuse and collide.
... Partnerships are also examined in the society-centred governance literature, where self-grown governance networks bringing together a wider range of actors are described as trying to counteract the fragmentation of the public sector caused by decades of public management reform (Rhodes, 1997;Sørensen and Torfing, 2007). ...
... Such networks may be decentralised, corporatist committees with formal decision-making competencies with regard to policy implementation (Bell and Hindmoor, 2009;Damgaard and Torfing, 2010). However, they could also be self-grown partnerships in which stakeholders try to overcome the institutional and organisational fragmentation of the public sector that is the consequence of more than 30 years of public management reform (Rhodes, 1997;Sørensen and Torfing, 2007). Rhodes (1997), and Sørensen and Torfing (2007), as well as more recent contributions (e.g. ...
... However, they could also be self-grown partnerships in which stakeholders try to overcome the institutional and organisational fragmentation of the public sector that is the consequence of more than 30 years of public management reform (Rhodes, 1997;Sørensen and Torfing, 2007). Rhodes (1997), and Sørensen and Torfing (2007), as well as more recent contributions (e.g. Hood and Dixon, 2015), suggest that while many of the administrative reforms in the public sector have sought to decentralise authority and institutionalise market dynamics in order to make government better and more effective, a number of unintended results have occurred, such as an excessive focus on contractual objectives and a massive loss of inter-organisational coordination. ...
This article investigates how unions can strengthen their role in settings that are highly affected by globalisation and liberalisation through engagement in local partnerships for skill formation. We identify a number of capacities possessed by unions that can be complementary to firms and other actors in the local arena and thus be formative for such partnerships. We build our argument by drawing on concepts from the literature on trade union revitalisation, on governance and on political economy. The article’s claims are substantiated by a multiple-case study from Denmark that illustrates how union-based partnerships have successfully facilitated retraining and labour market inclusion for workers who were made redundant during economic restructuring and, due to neoliberal reforms, were cut off from adequate assistance from the public employment system.
... These components shape the interactions between actors which create institutional frameworks and patterns of rule (Klijn & Koppenjan, 2012). However, governance networks are not institutions based on fixed rules, norms and procedures, but relative frameworks in which interaction is negotiated, opportunities for joint decisions created and actions coordinated (Sørensen & Torfing, 2007). Therefore, interaction frameworks are informal, dynamic and shaped by network actors who impose their own rules during interaction (Sørensen & Torfing, 2007). ...
... However, governance networks are not institutions based on fixed rules, norms and procedures, but relative frameworks in which interaction is negotiated, opportunities for joint decisions created and actions coordinated (Sørensen & Torfing, 2007). Therefore, interaction frameworks are informal, dynamic and shaped by network actors who impose their own rules during interaction (Sørensen & Torfing, 2007). In this sense, EE networks are not disembodied macrolevel constructs that shape organizations (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983), but shared practices which are created and maintained by individuals' purposive action (Lawrence & Suddaby, 2006). ...
This study looks to understand the dynamics of entrepreneurial ecosystems by exploring the complex interactions between multiple stakeholders operating at different levels of governance. Drawing on network governance, it provides new insights into collective and individual actions taken to coordinate and implement enterprise support. Through an in-depth study of the Tay Cities Region in Scotland, UK, the study details the relational organizing various stakeholders undertake to form, structure and interrupt the entrepreneurial ecosystem network. Through effective coordination, the region attracts inward investment and creates new valuable programmes, which increases the efficacy of enterprise support.
... No âmbito dos estudos sobre governança, modelos como os de Governo Aberto e Redes de Governança (Lee & Kwak, 2011;Cruz-Rubio, 2015;Cavalcante & Camões, 2015;Sorensen & Torfing, 2007) se aproximam de perspectivas mais integradoras e coordenadas de processos deliberativos. Em que pesem as diferentes denominações, o enfoque mais geral está voltado para o incremento de processos de controle social e de accountability nos quais "o cidadão passa a desempenhar um papel de mais destaque se comparado à visão de 'cliente', inicialmente propagada pelo NGP" (Cavalcante & Camões, 2015, p.10), o que demandaria a criação de espaços de participação que promovam a colaboração e a interação entre governo e sociedade nos processos de implementação, controle e avaliação de políticas públicas, consolidando governos relacionais a partir de redes colaborativas como formas predominantes de conduta sociopolítica dos assuntos públicos (Cruz-Rubio, 2015). ...
... Nesse debate voltado para a ideia de um sistema interconectado e integrado, Sorensen e Torfing (2007) apontam para uma característica importante, qual seja, a de que as redes de governança se constituem como processos complexos e dinâmicos cujas forças, em muitos casos, se minam mutuamente, confirmando o reconhecimento de que a tomada de decisão política não se limita às estruturas formais do governo, e de que as políticas públicas são formuladas e implementadas por meio de um conjunto diferenciado de instituições, mecanismos e processos, sejam formais e informais; permanentes e episódicos. Assim, distintos de padrões centralizados e hierárquicos de governo, esses processos são multidimensionais, conformando multi-camadas que contam com múltiplos atores e pontos de acesso junto aos diferentes setores de políticas públicas (Sorensen & Torfing, 2007). No campo das políticas públicas, noções com as de redes e/ou comunidades de políticas procuram espelhar essa complexidade, reconhecendo que os processos decisórios ocorrem de forma segmentada e com a participação de diferentes setores sociais, além dos agentes governamentais (Cortes, 2015). ...
Introdução:
O trabalho visa analisar a ocorrência de articulações entre três diferentes modalidades de interfaces entre Estado e sociedade: ouvidorias, conselhos gestores e Facebooks governamentais.
Materiais e Métodos:
O estudo privilegiou o mapeamento dessas interfaces em três diferentes áreas de políticas públicas: saúde, assistência social e meio ambiente e em dois níveis de governo (Governo do Estado de Santa Catarina e Prefeitura Municipal de Florianópolis). A partir de um mapeamento geral das interfaces identificadas nas respectivas páginas das Secretarias de Governo, a pesquisa contou com a análise de documentos, realização de entrevistas, levantamento de registros em Atas de conselhos e postagens nos Facebooks governamentais.
Resultados:
Tomando como base analítica dimensões como atribuições, competências, desenho institucional, área de políticas públicas e atuação de atores políticos, burocráticos e sociais, a pesquisa identificou diferenças importantes na maior ou menor capacidade de diálogo e interlocução entre as três modalidades de interface socioestatal, com destaque positivo para os conselhos nas áreas da saúde e assistência social.
Discussão:
A pesquisa apresenta um avanço nos estudos sobre as interfaces socioestatais, alargando, para além das instituições participativas, as modalidades de participação da sociedade junto às agências governamentais. Apesar do escopo limitado do estudo, em especial quando se considera a complexidade e a variedade de programas e dispositivos participativos no âmbito das agências e estruturas governamentais e as especificidades locais e regionais, o artigo reforça a importância de se ampliar, de forma relacional, o entendimento desse fenômeno.
... A density score of 0.60 was calculated for valued and directional data, indicating that 60% of the possible ties in the network were present. This score suggests that, overall, the network was moderately cohesive, which allowed for the sharing of beliefs and values [59], but possibly not so closed that new ideas could not be introduced and discussed within the network as has been speculated in the literature [67]. effectiveness of the network to share vernacular knowledge as part of the broader SPP process is evaluated elsewhere [36]. ...
... A density score of 0.60 was calculated for valued and directional data, indicating that 60% of the possible ties in the network were present. This score suggests that, overall, the network was moderately cohesive, which allowed for the sharing of beliefs and values [59], but possibly not so closed that new ideas could not be introduced and discussed within the network as has been speculated in the literature [67]. Participant observation during the workshops indicated that the agricultural representatives were able to achieve agreement concerning the majority of issues in a constructive manner. ...
Collaborative approaches are being promoted as inclusive forums for bringing state and non-state interests together to solve complex environmental problems. Networks have been recognized through previous research as important ways to involve stakeholders in such forums with members participating in knowledge creation and sharing as part of deliberative processes. Less well understood is the effectiveness of network creation and promotion by external actors, especially in relation to knowledge creation and sharing. A case study approach was used to evaluate the efforts of a farm organization to organize a provincially-cohesive network of locally-elected agricultural representatives in Ontario, Canada. Network structure and function were evaluated using a combination of participant observation and Social Network Analysis as part of a mixed methods research approach. The results indicate that stakeholder network development can be actively supported, and that knowledge creation and sharing in these networks occurs within a complex structure of local and provincial-scale relationships.
... Localization has fostered partnerships between global and local community actors organized through network governance . This governance is theoretically pluricentric with autonomous participants horizontally articulated and regulating issues through deliberation oriented toward sharing knowledge, building consensus, and bargaining the distribution of resources (Reff Pedersen et al., 2011;Sørensen and Torfing, 2007). In particular, networks for refugee education are expected to facilitate coordination, respect the role and knowledge of local actors, provide impactful and relevant responses, and develop prompt and democratic actions (Barbelet et al., 2021;Barnett, 2013;Menashy and Zakharia, 2022;Ramalingan et al., 2013;Zakharia et al., 2022). ...
... These 'networked polities' [98] affect the way formal disaster diplomacy operates, especially as states rely on networks to both enact and implement policy [99]. They might sometimes 'steer' the collection of actors in certain directions, rather than dictating a specific direction [100]. Informally involving multiple actors for disaster-related activities has further connections with practices developed for managing conflict resolutions [101]. ...
This paper develops a baseline and definition for informal disaster diplomacy in order to fill in an identified gap in the existing research. The process adopted is a review of the concept of informality, the application of informality to diplomacy, and the application of informality to disasters and disaster science. The two applications of informality are then combined to outline an informal disaster diplomacy as a conceptual contribution to studies where processes of conflict, peace, and disasters interact. Adding informality into disaster diplomacy provides originality and significance as it has not hitherto been fully examined in this context. This exploration results in insights into disaster, peace, and conflict research through two main contributions. First, the paper recognises that informal disaster diplomacy has frequently been present in disaster diplomacy analyses, but has rarely been explicitly presented, accepted, described, theorised, or analysed. Second, by explaining the presence of and contributions from informality, the discussion assists in re-balancing much of disaster diplomacy research with depth from conflict research, peace research, international relations, and political science.
... Lo anterior deriva en el entorno institucional en que los actores de la red interactúan y que aquí es definido como un framework o entorno institucional que facilita y constriñe la interacción política entre quienes constituyen la red, afectando así los resultados de esta y su análisis como red de gobernanza (Sørensen y Torfing 2007 ...
El presente documento centra su atención en el concepto de gobernanza para que, a la luz de su discusión conceptual, se analice —en un ejercicio comparado— cómo por medio de un programa y concepto que tuvo su origen en un proceso de cooperación internacional, la particularidad institucional de cada caso analizado permite estudiar cómo aterriza dicho concepto en cada uno, a través de distintos enfoques de políticas. A su vez, con este ejercicio, se apunta a discutir que —en efecto— son factores institucionales en distintos niveles, las variables que pueden apuntalar un ejemplo de redes de gobernanza, al momento en que se acentúa la relevancia de este enfoque de estudio, ya que discute el concepto en un marco de análisis que permite hacerlo viajar a distintos contextos sin poner en peligro su naturaleza ontológica.
... With the popularity of (research into) network governance came a huge variety in definitions of the term (Börzel, 2011;Klijn & Koppenjan, 2016;Lewis, 2011) that clarify, as well as delimit, what we may understand as network governance. Curiously, the characteristics commonly used when describing governance networks (Sørensen & Torfing, 2007b) already contain intrinsic tensions. Assuming at once autonomy of, and collaborative ties between, local partners, network governance is commonly defined as a stable constellation of "interdependent, but operationally autonomous actors" (Sørensen & Torfing, 2007b, p. 9). ...
Although network governance has become increasingly popular in both research and practice, its anticipated benefits do not always materialize. Although literature on network governance acknowledges the challenges that result from its introduction, scholars tend to assume these challenges can be managed and rarely analyze how the different participating actors (strategically) react to the tensions surrounding its establishment. As such, the process of how “networking” actors establish, maintain, and negotiate a network remains understudied. In light of these shortcomings, this article zooms in on how actors, in their collaboration efforts with network partners, navigate the tensions between (a) their discretionary space and the parameters set by a central policymaker, and (b) their pursuit of both integration and differentiation. This ethnographic case analysis contributes by, first, revealing how local actors demonstrate agency in maneuvering between these tensions in everyday practice by adopting three strategies—that is, overwhelmed deflection, situational segmentation, and strategic reappropriation—and, second, by revealing how these tensions interact and subsequently affect the implementation of policies in networks.
... Because of the long deliberation process involved with reform aimed at establishing norms and practices, which often take many years or even decades, these networks tend to have a long history of interaction, causing them to share regulative, normative, cognitive, and imaginary elements. Because of this, the seemingly loose structure that holds these interdependent actors together may becomes denser and more established over time, enhancing their regulatory and decision-making power, as well as their public purpose (Sørensen & Torfing, 2007). Because governance networks are a collaboration of organizations from different societal domains, they help to bridge gaps when facing complex societal problems that demand action from private as well as public parties. ...
The notion of governance networks urges study of complex interaction processes rather than formal institutions. We argue that the study of interaction in governance networks should be widened to include different ways in which interaction shapes network outcomes. Here, we focus on a dimension of governance networks that is understood as fundamental and problematic, but that as yet has not been researched through the study of interaction: the construction of responsibility in such networks. We propose a model for the analysis of responsibility construction through (implicit) negotiation on the three proposed elements of responsibility and their links: stakeholder identities, contributions to reform, and norms. This model called “the triangle of responsibility in network governance” is the main result of our research. In addition, we offer an empirical case that illustrates both the problem of responsibility construction in network governance and the usefulness of our model, thereby providing proof of concept.
... As such, assemblage thinking speaks to other conceptualisations of public-private relations, such as policy networks [Marsh and Rhodes 1992;Börzel 1998] or epistemic communities [Haas 1992]. In particular, it communicates with the research on 'democratic network governance' [Marcussen and Torfing 2007;Sørensen and Torfing 2007]. In this work, governance network is defined as 'relatively stable, horizontal articulation of interdependent, but operationally autonomous actors who interact through negotiations that take place within a relatively institutionalized community […]' [Torfing 2007: 5]. ...
This article analyses the ascent of ‘Russian hybrid warfare’ (RHW) as a notion that transformed the understanding of national security in the Czech Republic in the short period of 2014–2016. It argues that the emergence of RHW as a specifically understood prime security threat was the result of contingent and often unruly social interactions across different settings, rather than a linear and centralised response to Russia’s actions. To capture this process, the concept of ‘assemblage’ is introduced and then defined as a temporary constellation of a variety of different actors, both public and private. Building on research interviews and documents produced in the RHW field, the authors then proceed in three steps. First, they chronologically trace the gradual emergence of the Czech RHW assemblage from a variety of different actors—bureaucrats, NGOs, academics, journalists—after Russia’s attack on Ukraine in 2014. Second, they unpack the inner workings of the assemblage by identifying the key actors and asking who did the assembling and how. Third, they look at how different actors were able to reinforce and/or transform their identities by being part of the assemblage, with an emphasis on the effects this had for the distinction between the public and the private.
... There are parallel but as yet unconnected developments in political science; Lowndes and Roberts 2013 identifies similar principles underpinning a 'third wave institutionalism', which exists in contrast to the 'old' and 'new' variants and also cuts across the different institutionalist 'schools' (clustered around rational choice, historical, sociological and discursive approaches). While Sørensen and Torfing (2008) and David Moon (2012) attempt to develop a specific 'post-structuralist institutionalism', we choose to cast our critical institutionalist net wider. ...
One of the main criticisms of agonistic democracy (and of post-structuralism more generally) is that it fails to get beyond a purely negative assessment of alternative theories. The article takes up this challenge. First, it seeks to specify the core commitments of agonistic democracy, focusing on the concepts of contestation, contingency and interdependence. Second, it analyses how these commitments might be institutionalised through models of perfectionism, adversarialism and inclusivism. Third, it considers how agonistic principles can suffuse broader processes of democratic design, drawing on insights from critical institutionalism. The article argues that agonism can become more than a thought experiment or critique. An agonistic design process is possible. Such a process has five key characteristics: it is processual, collective, contextual, contestable and always provisional.
... One type of account references real-world events like globalization, disruptive technological changes, the end of the cold war, tensions around European integration, or the rise of terrorism (Drucker 1993;Giddens 2013;Greenspan 2008;Papastergiadis 2013;Rosenau 1990Rosenau , 1997Rosenau , 2005. Another kind of account focuses on the changing character of politics, which has become more pluricentric, fiscally volatile and polarized, with new forms of social media and a 24-h information cycle that erode trust and speed political fallout (Ashworth and Heyndels 2002;Margetts et al. 2015;Rosenau 1990;Sørensen and Torfing 2007;Vigoda-Gadot and Mizrahi 2014). A third type of account focuses on the nature of public problems, many of which are now deemed "wicked" or even "superwicked." ...
This article sets out three ambitions: First, it argues in favor of adopting “turbulence” as a conceptual device for understanding governance in times of dynamic interactive change. Second, the article distinguishes three types of turbulence: turbulent environments, turbulent organizations and turbulence of scale. These three types highlight different sources and dynamics of turbulence. Third, the article outlines an organizational-institutional approach to the governance of turbulence highlighting four key dilemmas public organizations must confront in stabilizing and adapting to turbulence: stability versus adaptation; anticipation versus resilience; tight(er) coupling versus decoupling; and integration versus differentiation. The article then synthesizes findings and arguments about how public organizations can manage these dilemmas.
本文立意有三：首先，它支持采用“动荡（turbulence）”这个概念作为一个策略，以此帮助我们理解动态交互变化时代下的治理。第二，这篇文章区分了三种类型的动荡：环境动荡、组织动荡以及规模动荡。这三种类型分别侧重于动荡的不同来源和动因。第三，本文勾画了一个治理动荡的组织制度方法，强调公共组织在稳定和适应动荡的过程中必须面对的四个关键抉择：稳定与适应、预期与弹性，整合与拆分，一体化与差异化。最后，本文综合了公共组织如何才能处理这些抉择的相关研究发现和观点。
(Chinese Translation Credit: Hui Zhou, University of Houston)
Este artículo establece tres ambiciones. En primer lugar, argumenta a favor de la adopción del término "turbulencia" como un dispositivo conceptual para entender la gobernanza en tiempos de cambio interactivo dinámico. En segundo lugar, el artículo distingue tres tipos de turbulencia: entornos turbulentos, organizaciones turbulentas y turbulencias de escala. Estos tres tipos resaltan diferentes fuentes y dinámicas de turbulencia. En tercer lugar, el artículo delinea un enfoque organizacional-institucional para la gobernanza de la turbulencia destacando cuatro dilemas clave que las organizaciones públicas deben enfrentar para adaptarse y estabilizar la turbulencia: estabilidad versus adaptación; anticipación versus resiliencia; ajustarse fuertemente versus desajustarse; e integración versus diferenciación. El artículo sintetiza hallazgos y argumentos sobre cómo las organizaciones públicas pueden manejar estos dilemas.
(Spanish Translation Credit: Johabed Olvera Esquivel, Ricardo Bello Gomez, Renzo de la Riva Aguero, Lina Ochoa, and Josefina Carcamo Vergara; Indiana University)
... It expressly connects to a stream of literature that has mostly been developed by public accounting scholars and published in top accounting journals in the last couple of the decades. This literature offers a peculiar interpretation of public management transformations by looking at the role of specific "technologies" of governance, control and verification in translating abstract ideas of improvement into actual processes (Foucault, 1976(Foucault, , 1977Rose and Miller, 1992;Rose, 1996;Panozzo, 2000;Newman, 2001;Czarniawska, 2004;Latour, 2005;Lascoumes and Le Gales, 2007;Sørensen and Torfing, 2007;Miller and Rose, 2008). Following this research theme, we assume that government programmes are made visible and concrete by practices of calculation and measurement. ...
This paper looks at government programmes and their implementation through managerial translations. It considers anti-corruption measures and analysis how the translation mechanism of such a government programme works. In particular, what are the managerial tools that sustain its enactment? The first and conceptual section outlines the contribution of an interdisciplinary approach to managerial literature. It deals with the moral issue, as part of moral concerns that support political rationalities, and highlights its relation with the development of an anti-corruption discourse and its “industrialization”. The documental analysis focuses on the translation mechanism from international settings to national level with particular attention to the enactment of Italian Law No. 190 in November 2012. The main results show a progressive introduction of managerial measures to fight corruption translated from international governance standards, in a period of economic crisis and national political de-legitimation.
... But the key in the regulatory governance literature is policy rather than integrating territory or mobilizing forms of inculcation; the notion of policy networks or policy communities tells us little about the governance of the subject. While networks in regulatory governance appear to have potential for discursive governance due to a wider politicization of society (Sorensen and Torfing, 2007), they suffer from a lack of visibility and accountability (Papadopoulos, 2007). ...
This chapter contextualizes the urban periphery in Ireland, with particular focus on Dublin, as a precursor to the case studies in chapters 4–6. The detail presented here identifies the historic, social and spatial specifics in which youth crime and disorder prevention modalities emerged. The chapter draws primarily from the Irish urban studies literature, together with an analysis of the report of the Interdepartmental Group on Urban Crime and Disorder (IGUCD) (Government of Ireland, 1993).
... But the key in the regulatory governance literature is policy rather than integrating territory or mobilizing forms of inculcation; the notion of policy networks or policy communities tells us little about the governance of the subject. While networks in regulatory governance appear to have potential for discursive governance due to a wider politicization of society (Sorensen and Torfing, 2007), they suffer from a lack of visibility and accountability (Papadopoulos, 2007). ...
To close this study of the governance of crime and disorder in the urban periphery, this final chapter brings together key observations from the research with the Bourdieusian-inspired analysis underpinning it. This monograph might be viewed as partly an urban sociology and partly a critical realist criminology. Underlying much of what has preceded this chapter is the idea of territoriality — a socio-spatiality concerned with how the state, as a power container, penetrates space and, once accomplished, how it governs subjects through symbolic space. This organizing conceptualization has been enriched by Bourdieu’s field analysis, which enables the empirical study of social relations in spatial locations and the struggles for capital in that arena. The connection between physical space, social space and symbolic space is a problematic one in Bourdieu’s work, but in more recent years some scholars have sought to explore and rehabilitate Bourdieu as an urban sociologist.1 Savage’s (2011) analysis of Bourdieu’s ‘lost urban sociology’ points us towards the way in which actors are situated in space. Bourdieu’s earlier work was concerned with the spatial fixity of poor farmers, and, in later developments of his field analysis, social relations were seen as having a spatiality; therefore, their agency and their power struggles are ‘marked in the urban landscape itself’.
... The concern for the democratic legitimacy of agencies has recently become an important theme in studies that find their objects in European states or the European Union system. Under the impression of reform movements of the past three decades (New Public Management, etc.), many European polities have grown reliant on actors outside of departmental hierarchies for governance (Christensen & Laegreid, 2002;Osborne, 2010;Pollitt & Bouckaert, 2011;Sørensen & Torfing, 2007). Formally autonomous government bodies, more or less loosely modeled on U.S. (or Swedish) executive agencies, are one species among these horizontal governance participants. ...
Reputation-seeking can explain some decisions of U.S. federal agencies. However, it has remained unclear whether it could be used in the European context where agencies have proliferated in national and regional governance in the past few decades. This article shows that reputation-seeking can occur at autonomous agencies in the European context. A unique participant-observational study of an international public health agency acting in response to the 2009 H1N1 “swine” influenza pandemic provides bases for this conclusion. It adds empirical support for the proposition using real-time observations of and in-depth interviews on the agency’s decision-making processes.
... The quest for partnership, collaboration, and network governance across formal jurisdictions and between public and private spheres of society is everpresent in contemporary discussions of public policy and governance (Sørensen and Torfing 2007). However, despite a widespread and shared belief in the strategy, it seems that the "collaborative advantage" is difficult to achieve (Huxham 2003;cf. ...
Drawing general inferences on the basis of single-case and small-n studies is often seen as problematic. This article suggests a logic of generalization based on thinly rationalistic social mechanisms. Ideal-type mechanisms can be derived from empirical observations in one case and, based on the assumption of thin rationality, used as a generalizing bridge to other contexts with similar actor constellations. Thus, the “portability” builds on expectations about similar mechanisms operating in similar contexts. We present the general logic behind such “rationalistic generalization” and relate it to other ideas about generalization from single-case studies.
... Hall and Taylor 1996;Kaiser 2002;March and Olsen 1984). For detailed descriptions of the approaches, see for example, Hall and Taylor (1996) or Sørensen and Torfing (2007). Because the data do not differentiate between the different views, all arguments are worth considering while we await studies pitting the three against each other. ...
: The rate of turnover within parliaments remains an understudied area of research. The present paper contributes to filling this gap by presenting the first comparable macro-level data on legislative turnover in the 26 Swiss cantonal legislatures. In examining the strikingly different levels of turnover in sub-national Swiss parliaments between 1993 and 2011, the focus is on politico-institutional features. Multilevel models reveal that two hitherto neglected institutional variables are correlated with legislative turnover. In addition to the reduction of parliamentary size, we find the strength of a cantonal parliament to affect turnover rates on the Swiss sub-national level. Moreover, we show that proportional representation significantly promotes parliamentary elite circulation. Among the non-institutional covariates, we find that electoral volatility is also relevant in explaining legislative turnover rates.
... The exercise of governance does not always mirror formal structures of government (Loughlin, 2001, p. 20). This is particularly true for local governments inasmuch as participatory governance carried out by policy networks of public and private actors tends to be relatively noninstitutionalised (Sørensen & Torfing, 2007, p. 26). Such locally based governance, involving an active local government embedded in a network of stakeholders (Bang & Sørensen, 1999), is difficult to conceptualise in terms of accountability, democracy, and good governance when one's standard points of reference are dichotomised understandings of liberalism and the centralised administrative state. ...
A local government can use innovative governance practices to expand its jurisdictional capacity, thereby promoting local economic development. There are, however, legal and institutional impediments to the exercise of such innovative economic development policy. Using the subnational jurisdiction of Shetland as a case study, this paper considers how local government innovation can be a key driver of economic development. Local government innovation can nevertheless become subject to legal challenges by authorities in the higherlevel jurisdictions (Scotland, the United Kingdom, and the European Union in the case of Shetland). Community concerns related to standards of good governance can compound these difficulties, resulting in a significant decrease in democratic accountability and a weakening of the local government's de facto capacity to plan and implement policy. Before local governments can make the most of multilevel governance, local communities and high-lever jurisdictions must re-assess standards of legitimacy for local government functions and structures.
... Regarding the varieties of neo-institutionalism (historical, sociological, and rational-choice perspectives), which differ in how they define institutions in detail, the methodologies they use, and on how institutions shape actors' preferences (e.g., Hall and Taylor 1996;Sørensen and Torfing 2007), our data do not however allow us to differentiate between the different schools of thought in our analysis. Nevertheless, according to some prominent Swiss scholars, there is at the very least some evidence that in Switzerland, direct democracy is indeed a deeply rooted trait that is culturally inherited by the cantons and their citizens. ...
This paper presents the first investigation of whether direct democracy supplements or undermines the attendance of demonstrations as a form of protest behavior. A first approach assumes that direct democracy is associated with fewer protests, as they function as a valve that integrates voters’ opinions, preferences, and emotions into the political process. A competing hypothesis proposes a positive relationship between direct democracy and this unconventional form of political participation due to educative effects. Drawing on individual data from recent Swiss Electoral Studies, we apply multilevel analysis and estimate a hierarchical model of the effect of the presence as well as the use of direct democratic institutions on individual protest behavior. Our empirical findings suggest that the political opportunity of direct democracy is associated with a lower individual probability to attend demonstrations.
... Denmark has a fairly long and successful tradition of governance (Rhodes 2000), within both practice (Halkier 2001) and research (see e.g. Bogason (2006), Sørensen (2007bSørensen ( , 2007a). The implementation of the governance and partnership which marked the LEADER initiative thereby has the potential to give interesting and novel insights regarding the interaction examined in the LAG case study. ...
This paper analyses the degree of interaction between Danish municipalities and the EU-funded LEADER Local Action Groups (LAGs), using the case of LAG–Djursland, and draws parallels with the national implementation of the program. The analysis deals with interactions at the board, operational, and implementation levels, and it employs interorganisational theory. The analysis concludes that at LAG–Djursland, the board level has the least integrated mode of interaction and that the operational and implementation levels were most integrated. The operational level is perceived as the most important level. This paper concludes that the municipality is a valuable partner in fulfilling LAG objectives; it is, however, difficult to define the point at which the municipality becomes overly dominant and thus in conflict with the rationale behind the LEADER approach.
Many domestic regulatory agencies (DRAs) have intensified the use of international cooperation mechanisms, and their decisions increasingly exert a global impact. While the globally interactive nature of DRAs is generally accepted, the theoretical implications of this collaboration remain unexplored. I argue that DRAs have a global-domestic institutional dimension and outline the attributes of this aspect of their authority. Based on my analysis, I claim that the global-domestic dimension of DRAs produces changes in the manner in which they exercise their authority. I further try to ascertain how the political legitimacy of these agencies should be assessed. Finally, I argue that a networked perspective of political legitimacy is normatively sound in capturing and evaluating the global-domestic authority of DRAs.
Research on discursive dislocation is assessed which reveals the ambiguous use of the term, but it also indicates that dislocation can be distinguished on different dimensions. The theoretical development of these dimensions and their application to global crises is the task of the following chapters. Permanent dislocation is crystallized as the first dimension of global crises. In this sense, crisis presents a constitutive characteristic of the social realm, rather than being a particular situation that is identified as a crisis event. Permanent dislocation thus describes the permanently destabilized character of society. It designates the instability, incompletion, and uncertainty of social structures.
Rooted in Pestoff’s third-sector organisation and undergirded by extensive empirical research, this paper considers how different public, private and civic actors interact and cogovern urban development projects. Public actors do not necessarily forego on value generation and capture despite public, private and civic partnerships frequently being analysed in terms of a rise in private values at the expense of public values. In fact, the article finds that differences in goals and priorities among public, private and civic actors may lead to differences in ownership and organisational roles without infringing on the public actors’ ability to generate and capture value.
Artikkelissa tarkastellaan kuntajohtajien kompetenssia hallintasuhteiden ja yhdistävän johtajuuden käsittein. Artikkelin tavoitteena on ymmärtää paremmin kuntajohtajien kompetenssitarpeita dynaamisesti ja kerrostuneesti rakentuvassa johtamisympäristössä. Artikkelin aineistona toimii haastatteluaineisto, joka analysoitiin sisällönanalyysillä. Tulosten perusteella dynaaminen ja kerrostuneesti rakentunut johtamisympäristö edellyttää kuntajohtajalta laaja-alaista kompetenssia. Johtajuuden ytimeen sijoittuvaa yhdistämisen taitoa voidaan pitää eräänlaisena kuntajohtajuuden ydinkompetenssina, jota kokonaisuuden hahmottamisen, itsensä johtamisen, viestintä- ja vuorovaikutus- sekä yhteisöllisyyteen ja verkostoitumiseen liittyvät taidot tukevat.
Desde hace tres décadas existe un debate académico entre gobernanza y redes de política pública. Entender y asumir la equivalencia entre ambos conceptos es perder de vista que la gobernanza en redes solo es una de una parte del proceso de las políticas públicas y de la gobernanza. Igualmente simplista es asegurar que la interacción entre agentes públicos, privados y sociales conforman una red de políticas.
El resultado diferenciado de las políticas públicas, las redes y la gobernanza depende de las características contextuales del timoneo para gestionar conflictos o lograr acuerdos de interdependencia entre actores.
Esta obra discurre entre el debate de gobernanza y redes a partir de reflexiones académicas, así como análisis de las experiencias entre actores. Por un lado, se contribuye al entendimiento de un parte de ese complejo entramado de relaciones multidimensionales, multinivel y la presencia de diversos actores que comúnmente se denomina gobernanza. Y, por otro lado, se exponen estudios de caso de gobernanza multinivel, redes sociales y redes de políticas en Centroamérica, Mercosur, Alianza del Pacífico y México.
Este libro es una sugerencia para analizar y explorar los baches que los estudios normativos-funcionales de la gobernanza presentan para aproximarse a un enfoque más contextual y centrado en los actores. Por tanto, es un doble reto: aportar teóricamente a la diferencia y separación entre gobernanza y redes, además de identificar los factores que propician o limitan la gobernanza y analizar una parte del proceso de las políticas públicas, a partir de la conformación de redes.
Describe la evolución y la participación de los actores de Colombia y México en las dos redes conformadas por el Grupo Técnico de Cooperación y la plataforma de movilidad académica y estudiantil de este bloque de integración. El capítulo considera la perspectiva de comunidades políticas bajo la cual se analizaron el funcionamiento y operatividad de las dos redes de actores de este bloque de integración. Se comenta que el desafío de estas redes reside en el timoneo que los actores puedan lograr para el direccionamiento de la gobernanza dentro de la Alianza del Pacífico.
Over the last decades, ‘Europeanisation’ studies have proliferated both theoretically and empirically (Caporaso et al. 2001; Börzel 2002; Radaelli and Featherstone 2003; Schmidt 2002; Knill 2001; Knill and Lehmkuhl 1999; Ladrech 2010; Börzel and Panke 2013, Bourne and Chatzopoulou 2015). Traditional European integration theories, such as neo-functionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism, are useful in the analysis of the potential redistribution of power and competences between the EU and the domestic level (Sandholtz and Zysman 1989; Haas 2004). However, Europeanisation studies go further and seek explanations on the domestic changes due to European integration of decisions and policies (Bulmer 1997; Hooghe and Marks 2001; Radaelli 2003: Ladrech 2010). The redistribution of power between the EU and the domestic level can be a basic condition for inducing domestic change, but it cannot explain the general conditions under which such domestic changes take place or why variation in administrative adaptation to EU policies prevails among member states. Europeanisation studies emerged in the late 1990s as a response to this need, following European integration (history making decisions) and EU governance (decision-making and system governing). Europeanisation studies focus on how EU decisions impact on domestic polity, policies and politics adaptation and institution building (Ladrech 1994; Börzel 1999; Börzel and Risse 2003).The EU constitutes a ‘political opportunity structure’ above the domestic level. This structure provides new resources and access for but also constrains policy influence, which can trigger domestic change for the domestic actors and institutions (parliaments, interest groups but also executives).
Resumo Mobilizando os conceitos de interfaces socioestatais e de instituições participativas, o trabalho visa apresentar algumas dimensões analíticas para o avanço dos estudos voltados à compreensão da vocação e do lugar ocupado por estas no interior do aparelho estatal, com o foco na sua inserção, ou maior ou menor integração, com outros dispositivos e programas de interfaces socioestatais. Sugerimos aqui analisar as relações das interfaces a partir das seguintes dimensões: a dimensão da vocação e da autoridade, medida por elementos como a origem, os propósitos e a competência (se são informativas, consultivas e/ou decisórias); e a dimensão do desenho institucional, medida por regras e normativas que ordenam a sua estrutura e funcionamento.
This article explores the mutual influence between a city government’s jurisdictional capacity (its ability to plan and implement policy) and its interactions with other governance actors. It does so by quantifying, categorizing, and analyzing the composition of governance actors at various levels (national, regional, local) and of various types (public, private, civic) that are active in large-scale urban development projects in three cities: Hamburg, Manchester, Pittsburgh. Considering these findings in the context of national governance infrastructures, the article argues that divergent arrays of jurisdictional capacity (linked to multilevel distributions of state power) influence how city governments engage with other governance actors and influence which governance actors they engage with. This not only impacts project outcomes but also ultimately reinforces the kinds of governance strategies in which cities engage.
Zusammenfassung Die lokale und regionale politische Steuerung ist sowohl in der Schweiz als auch in den meisten anderen europäischen Ländern im Wandel begriffen. Es haben sich über die letzten Jahre und Jahrzehnte neue politische Steuerungsstrukturen herausgebildet, die vermehrt auf freiwilliger, zweckorientierter Kooperation und dem stärkeren Einbezug gesellschaftlicher und wirtschaftli- cher Akteure aufbauen – was in der sozialwissenschaftlichen Literatur unter dem Begriff Gover- nance diskutiert wird. Die vorliegende Abhandlung nimmt Bezug auf die aktuelle Debatte zur de- mokratischen Qualität neuer Governance-Strukturen und analysiert die Auswirkungen solcher lokalen und regionalen Arrangements auf die städtische Demokratie. Als forschungsleitende The- sen stehen sich dabei eine optimistische und eine pessimistische Perspektive zu Governance und Demokratie gegenüber. Der Fokus der Untersuchung liegt auf der Rolle der lokalen Parlamenta- rierinnen und Parlamentarier, welche in der bisherigen wissenschaftlichen Governance- Forschung weitgehend vernachlässigt wurden. Anhand ihrer Wahrnehmung der politischen Vor- gänge, ihrem Einfluss in neuen Steuerungsstrukturen sowie ihrem politischen Handeln wird die demokratische Verankerung lokaler und regionaler Governance-Institutionen beurteilt. Die Da- ten hierzu stammen aus einer umfassenden Befragung der Stadtparlamentsmitglieder in der Schweiz und in weiteren 14 europäischen Ländern aus dem Jahre 2008. Die durchgeführten quantitativen Auswertungen zeigen, dass Governance-Strukturen tatsächlich einen signifikanten Einfluss auf die Wahrnehmung und das Handeln der städtischen Parlamentsmitglieder ausüben. Die Beurteilung dieses Einflusses muss aber je nach politischer Ebene differenziert erfolgen: Während lokale Governance-Institutionen die optimistische Perspektive zu Governance und Demokratie bestätigen, stützen Governance-Arrangements auf regionaler, gemeindeübergreifen- der Ebene die pessimistische Perspektive und offenbaren signifikante demokratische Defizite. Die Parlamentsmitglieder ihrerseits reagieren auf die gewandelten politischen Steuerungsstruktu- ren und passen ihr Rollenverhalten und ihre Kommunikationsstrategien dem neuen institutionel- len Kontext an. Challenges to urban democracy City councillors in new governance contexts The cities and metropolitan areas in the Western world have witnessed profound transformations in recent years and decades. The emergence of new forms of governing affected local policymak- ing and the very nature of local democracy. The oft-cited shift towards a more horizontal style of decision-making, towards closer cooperation between state and civic actors in policy networks and informal arrangements – generally framed as governance – is observed in most industrialised countries. The present thesis refers to the current debate on the democratic quality of new gov- ernance arrangements and analyses the impact of different governance models on local democra- cy. As my main hypotheses, I distinguish between a pessimistic and an optimistic perspective on governance and democracy. Within the dispute of these two perspectives, my analysis focuses on the person of the city councillor. Thereby, the democratic anchorage of governance models is assessed through the councillors’ perceptions of political processes, their influence in new gov- ernance structures and their behaviour. In the scholarly debate on urban governance, the very relevant issue of the role and cognition of municipal councillors has unfortunately not yet drawn proper attention. For my quantitative analyses, I rely on comprehensive primary data – on a sur- vey on city councillors conducted in Switzerland and further fourteen European countries in 2008. The results show that the implementation of new governance models and the associated change of the ideological and organisational context indeed shape the perceptions of city council- lors regarding their own political influence, their notion of democracy, and their image of appro- priate behaviour. However, the impact of different governance models differs according to the political level: While local governance arrangements confirm the optimistic perspective on gov- ernance and democracy, metropolitan governance structures reinforce the pessimistic perspective revealing significant democratic deficits. The local councillors on their part respond to the chang- ing governance institutions by adapting their role behaviour and their communication strategies according to the new institutional context.
Network governance, which involves an informal and self-regulated set of public and private actors, who together address various political and social problems, has substantially altered the institutional landscape concerning the formation and implementation of public policy. A common view is that this has made it possible to enhance pluralism and disperse political power by transferring power from the sovereign state to a wider set of private actors and stakeholders. I argue in this article that we need to analyze network governance in reference to the concept of domination and the theoretical tradition of neo-republicanism. For this purpose, I develop a theoretical framework that specifies five dimensions in which domination may arise and, conversely, be mitigated. An alternative image of network governance emerges which reveals that this type of governance may in fact generate a form of institutional domination that encompasses both citizens and civil society actors due to the arbitrary influence that certain network participants come to exercise upon the life choices of nonparticipants.
Complex problems that cannot be resolved using a traditional problem-solving approach guided by expert science are becoming more common (Turner 2004). Complex environmental problems, many of these associated with contemporary water management, are particularly challenging because they are set within a broader societal context that includes financial, institutional, economic, political, social and technical considerations (Patrick et al. 2008). This has led to the recognition that an alternative approach is necessary for making decisions about water management, one that incorporates the knowledge and perspectives of different stakeholder groups (Functowicz and Ravetz 1993; Wynne 2002). In this chapter, the focus is on a particular alternative approach—collaborative approaches to environmental problem-solving—that brings diverse stakeholders together to integrate different forms of knowledge with community beliefs and values, and to engage in problem-solving using a consensus-based approach (Lemos and Agrawal 2006; Paavola 2007).
This study builds on the weakness of the “theoretical” arsenal of regime theory at the city-regional level where “power over” is a precondition for “power to.” To address this weakness, 2 hypothetical patterns of regime formation are identified in which champions or metagovernors—that is, state and business organizations—make responsive local governments reach out to resistive ones. The resultant “out–in” and “in–out” patterns build on the lens of the core city versus peripheral localities. Because these patterns are supported by in-depth examinations in 2 local authority groupings, wider systematic investigations are called for to complete the theorization process.
This article analyses regional agency in the early phases of new path constitution. We argue that the early stages of new path constitution can be explained by both structural factors and the strong presence of agency. With a specific focus on agency, this article contributes to the literature by providing a study of the role of agency at different stages of path constitution. The study shows that two types of agency operate together. Public policy agency is carried out through a common thrust for policy tools that can enhance the room to manoeuvre together. In addition, strong entrepreneurial agency functions as a locomotive for other firms which are important trigger points, and pushes the process forward. These two forms of agency need to be interrelated to constitute new paths.
In früheren Jahrzehnten war die Energieversorgung vor allem ein Thema der nationalen und europäischen Politik sowie ein Betätigungsfeld großer Konzerne. In den letzten Jahren engagieren sich hingegen Kommunen, zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen und Initiativen sowie kleine und mittelständische Unternehmen (wieder) in zunehmendem Maßefür energiewirtschaftliche Belange. So gesehen kann man davon sprechen, dass in vielen Ländern Europas eine neuartige kommunale und regionale Energiepolitik entsteht (Hisschemöller 2012).
Der Wandel der Energiewirtschaft hin zu mehr Stromerzeugung aus erneuerbaren Energien spielt sich in physisch-materieller Hinsicht in Landschaften ab. Er wird von Praktikern der Raum- und Landschaftsplanung teils mit Skepsis und teils mit positiven Erwartungen begleitet. In dem Band wird den Fragen nachgegangen, welche Folgen die Energiewende auf die ästhetische Bewertung von Landschaften hat, welche neuen Akteurskonstellationen entstanden sind und welche Konflikte um das Landschaftsbild, die Landnutzung oder die Verteilung von Macht zu verzeichnen sind. Es werden die Konsequenzen der Umbrüche hin zu „neuen Energielandschaften“ für die Landschaftsforschung, aber auch für räumliche Planung und Governance thematisiert.
The bitter arguments within the Labour Party in Wales in 2007 preceding its agreement to enter coalition with Plaid Cymru in the National Assembly have faced little substantive analysis, and the specific behind-closed-doors debates at the special conference held to vote on the deal have remained undisclosed. This paper fulfils both tasks, revealing how actors’ arguments tapped into historically resonant traditions in Welsh Labour thought, coalescing around a central ideological conflict over the party’s identity vis-à-vis nationalism. The article thus sheds light upon Welsh Labour’s internal power struggles at an important juncture in its recent history and their continuing ramifications.
Purpose
– This paper aims to deepen our understanding on circumpolar current dynamics relating to oil and gas exploitation and the role of nations in the polar development process. Additionally, it is fundamental to raise the debate about the energy development in the Arctic and the fact that the exploration of oil and gas resources in the Arctic cannot be performed with the current governance regime, policies and legal framework. Arctic-specific natural ecosystems, the presence of indigenous communities and the commercial interest in the region will require an innovative model of development based on the highest level of responsible exploitation, diplomacy, regulation and policy-making.
Design/methodology/approach
– This is an unexplored subject but the paper uses a review of past and recent literature, outcomes of recent “petit comités” with some of the involved parties, as a vehicle to discuss possible new approaches and paths for the future development of an innovative model of environmental governance relating to energy development in the Arctic region.
Findings
– This paper demonstrates the necessity of improving the current governance patterns, as the author believes that energy development will have both positive and negative impacts on micro and macro levels. The first relevant contribution of these operations in the Arctic, undoubtedly, is the benefit for energy security levels at a global platform; however, the framework built up in terms of new legal cooperation agreements, policy-making and technological innovation in different areas will define the new Arctic citizenship as well as the Arctic’s geopolitics, and, consequently, the region’s destiny.
Research limitations/implications
– This is an unexplored subject, as it is an unexplored region. New literature about the region dynamics is being developed, as new licensing process is ongoing, and there are more questions than answers about open space for reflection and decision-making. Important data have not been published or shared in “petit comités” due to strategic interests and confidentiality reasons.
Practical implications
– The major drivers of change could be described as energy security, climate change and transportation that will have a huge direct impact in the region under social, economic and environmental perspectives. The core practical implication of this reflection is the energy development model for the Arctic region.
Social implications
– How the Arctic’s energy resources will contribute to the global energy mix in the decades to come and the impacts of the governance regime to Arctic and non-Arctic societies is the first relevant question. Another fundamental aspect with huge social implications is how the climate changes will impact the Arctic environment and societies. These are themes that deserve more study and deeper analysis.
Originality/value
– The paper provides a deep reflection of the challenges and future trends involving the new frontiers of the world energy exploration. Multidisciplinary dialogue and research on all aspects of offshore oil and gas development will require a shift in the current conceptual view of the Arctic as well as in the multilateral efforts to negotiate and design an efficient Arctic governance regime that goes beyond the setting of new standards of spill prevention, preparedness and safety, but a regime that congregates the Arctic and Non-Arctic nations’ experience, workforce and leadership.
There is some tendency to lump together policy failures arising from different sources and having different fundamental characteristics. This is a problem conceptually, as well as for building effective theory about policy failure, but it can also be a practical difficulty for policymakers if they fail to differentiate these various possible roots of failure. This paper explores the linkages among these types of failure within the public sector.
Integrated youth care (IYC) requires co-ordination between many (semi-)autonomous actors, which can be achieved with a collaborative governance regime (CGR). Smart metagovernance by central government is imperative herein, choosing the mix of metagovernance roles at the right time for the issue at hand. Using a single case study of IYC in Flanders (Belgium), this article shows how important and difficult metagovernance is. Framing, designing, managing and participating in a CGR requires metagovernors to know when to allow for autonomy and dialogue, and when to use the ‘shadow of hierarchy’.
In today's cities, councillors see themselves increasingly confronted with new forms of political steering focusing more on interaction than on hierarchical decision making and blurring the lines between the public and private spheres. By embedding the concept of governance in a new institutionalist framework, the article investigates the implications of new models of urban governance on the identity, the notion of democracy, the perceptions, and the role behavior of city councillors. It tests two rival hypotheses-an optimistic versus a pessimistic perspective on governance and democracy-and thereby draws on multilevel analyses of a comprehensive survey of all city councillors in Switzerland.
Der vorliegende Artikel geht von der allgemeinen These eines Trends von Government zu Governance aus und testet diese anhand einer vergleichenden Studie von acht europäischen Metropolregionen. Urbane Räume werden aufgrund eines anhaltenden Bevölkerungszuwachses immer wichtigere Akteure in einer globalisierten Welt und stehen daher zunehmend im Zentrum von Governance Studien, die entsprechend des New Regionalism ebenfalls von einem Trend zu netzwerkorientierten Entscheidungsstrukturen ausgehen. Die hier vorgelegte Studie zeigt jedoch auf, dass keinesfalls von einem eindeutigen Trend gesprochen werden kann, sondern je nach Kontext unterschiedliche Entwicklungen regionaler politischer Systeme zu beobachten sind. Die geopolitische Lage, das nationale Regierungssystem und die Intensität des Problemdrucks werden als entscheidende Faktoren identifiziert, die beeinflussen, ob neue Formen von Government oder Governance entstehen oder bestehende Strukturen beibehalten werden.
This article analyses agency collaboration to help vulnerable children and adolescents with complex social and psychological problems, examining the implementation of a formal collaboration model for these groups. This model, implemented in Västra Götaland, Sweden, involves five municipal agencies and five county council agencies in 49 different municipalities. Data were collected using two questionnaires sent to 355 lower managers and 424 professional representatives in the concerned organizations. The analysis demonstrates that there are differences in implementation results between the agencies, and that the differences are largely explainable by organizational self-interest and top management prioritization of collaboration model implementation. The main barriers to collaboration are factors modifiable by the agencies themselves, and perceived barriers decreased when the policy was working. The study suggests that managers of human service organizations must assume responsibility when implementing collaboratively, and that accountable professional and political leaders must rise above organizational interests to protect vulnerable citizens.
There is growing interest amongst landscape researchers on social constructivist perspectives on landscapes. This paper discusses two ways of conceptualising the social construction of landscapes: historical institutionalism and post-structuralist discourse theory. The aim is to explore the opportunities that both approaches offer, and to assess their strengths and limitations. Drawing on two local case studies from Germany, we illuminate the ontologies of landscape implied by the two theoretical lenses, how they conceive of the social construction of landscapes, and finally the ways in which they can inform political processes. Both approaches apply an anti-essentialist agenda, though in different ways. Whereas in historical institutionalism materiality is treated as separated from the social sphere, in post-structuralist discourse theory material objects, practices, subjects and linguistic utterances are all part of relational systems of meaning called discourse. Both approaches can contribute to a more democratic and pluralistic practice of landscape planning and policy-making.
Technology has politics and plays a role in societal governance. This article explores the fishing community of Karanrang island (Spermonde Archipelago, Indonesia) to consider how fishing technologies reinforce existing power structures in the local informal governance system. Informal governance actors deploy the politics of technology in order to manage a socially problematic and environmentally destructive fishing economy. In the punggawa-sawi system of patron-client relationships, fishers are economically dependent on patrons, who supply them with fishing technologies like boats, bombs, and cyanide. The patrons themselves are embedded in a complex governance network, encompassing corrupt police and officials, importers, and live food fish traders. The politics of technology contribute to maintaining the local informal governance system of patron-client relationships. This paper draws upon theories from science and technology studies and network governance to argue that although patron-client relationships are problematic in themselves, the politics of technology further maintain power imbalances.
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