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... We re-imaged several components in this study as recommended by DeCuir-Gunby and Schutz (2014), Del Toro and Yoshikawa (2016), Johnson et al. (2007), Rouhani (2014), and Veenstra (2011): (1) the need to include other research designs other than quantitative and survey research -in our work, we used a qualitative-dominant, convergent mixed-method approach; (2) the need to employ innovative sampling techniques -in our work, we use a multi-modal approach (i.e., integrating electrodermal activity sensors with interview protocols) to uncover complex dynamics as participants responded to the interview questions and in addition, we applied analogue designs using vignettes of hypothetical mentors/mentees to minimize the "confounding effects due to the idiosyncrasies of real-life mentors, protégés, and organizations" (Johnson et al., 2007, p. 65); (3) the need to provide a definition of mentoring -in our study, we did this informally (explained in Section 4) by using Johnson's definition of ethical mentoring (Johnson, 2016), which defines it as a special relationship in which one person accepts the trust and confidence of another to act in the latter's best interest; we also included exemplars of vignettes based on Johnson's six ethical mentoring principles (Johnson, 2016) to provide context to the hypothetical scenarios; (4) the need to consider multi-stage analytical statistics to determine interactions between axes of inequityin our study, we applied multi-stage statistical modeling using our electrodermal activity findings; and (5) the need to pay a greater attention to control variables and covariate analysis -our research applied a new approach based on our multi-modal design to allow participants, through their voices and perceptions, to determine their own 'controls'. Collectively, this intersectionality-informed approach (e.g., 2 Intersectionality is not just limited to race and gender as it recognizes the presence of politics, culture, class, wealth, access to prestige and power, citizenship, birth right, and other intertwined societal and structural mechanisms (Crenshaw, 1989(Crenshaw, , 1991(Crenshaw, , 2012. ...
... Given the complex and intertwined nature of our work, we developed a qualitative-dominant, convergent mixed-method research approach (Fig. 2;Creswell & Plano-Clark, 2018;DeCuir-Gunby & Schutz, 2014). This research was also designed in response to recommendations from Rouhani (2014) and Del Toro and Yoshikawa (2016) to consider including perspectives of intersectionality on mixed-method designs. By including an "intersectionality-informed" (Hunting, 2014, p. 1) perspective in this methodology, we can more deeply investigate the "multi-dimensional nature of individuals' lives and how they interpret and navigate their day-to-day experiences of power and privilege" (Hunting, 2014, p. 1). ...
... The criteria to select participants included: (a) gender (primarily from those that may be considered underrepresented or minoritized in their fields or research areas, i.e., womxn); (b) discipline (science or engineering); (c) time spent in a research relationship (e.g., six months or more); and (d) graduate students and faculty. It is worth mentioning that we made a conscious effort to avoid re-inscribing a tokenistic view on these womxn in STEM and did not assume that each of them could be representative of their field and ethnic group (Del Toro & Yoshikawa, 2016). Instead, we strived to magnify their individual experiences under the consideration of their positionality and individual perspectives on whether they believed the role of tokenism influenced their own academic mentoring relationships. ...
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In academic mentoring research, there is a need to include empirical designs that consider more sociocultural perspectives. The purpose of this exploratory study was to race re-image academic mentoring by considering its sociocultural perspectives (i.e., intersectionality, tokenism, and awareness). For this, a qualitative-dominant, convergent mixed-methods approach was used to explore the perspectives and responses of twelve womxn graduate students and faculty involved in science and engineering research. Using multi-modal approaches that included two structured interviews and electrodermal activity (EDA) sensors, participants were asked to respond to case studies of achievement-, race-, and gender-equity through an academic mentoring lens. Our qualitative findings suggested that across the interviews, issues of power, communication strategies, and awareness are predominant themes and needs of academic mentoring in theri respective disciplines. Furthermore, our quantitative findings supported the notion that throughout the interviews, varying forms of identities (e.g., social, institutional, discourse) appeared to predominate or interact throughout the cases explored. Together, the data points to the complex racial- and gender- influenced sociocultural perspectives of academic mentoring in science and engineering.
... One of the greatest challenges to development work -be it for education, health, or other programmes -lies in gaining an intrinsic understanding of the relevant populations' stakeholders and their unique perspectives. By attempting to construct the reality of these groups through basic demographics and limited statistics, programmes risk 'symptomizing' them, i.e., over-simplifying their situation, stereotyping, and minimizing their traits onto a negative or hopeless spectrum; for example, symptomizing the poor as 'non-agentic,' 'lazy,' and 'un-resourceful' (Toro & Yoshikawa, 2016). The norm is to organise findings from communities into digestible statistics, which may reduce rich and valuable information into a number that does not expand upon the contexts or the circumstances it represents. ...
... Traditional quantitative approaches in psychology that use just one identity lens may result in hypotheses about group dynamics that reinforce the hierarchies that intersectionality seeks to disrupt, reinforcing the process of 'symptomizing' marginalised groups, such as women of colour, who deviate from the norm (Toro & Yoshikawa, 2016). By challenging the long-standing value that the best theory and explanations for phenomena are those that are most parsimonious, the concept of intersectionality goes beyond reducing group experiences to a single dimension. ...
... One of the greatest challenges faced by CEC, that is relevant to most development work, lies in gaining an intrinsic understanding of the target populations, their unique perspectives and contexts, and the specific situations that foster or stifle change, agency, and action. By attempting to construct the reality of these groups through basic demographics and limited statistics, programmes risk 'symptomizing' them, i.e., over-simplifying their situation, stereotyping, and minimizing their traits onto a negative or hopeless spectrum; for example, symptomizing the poor as 'non-agentic,' 'lazy,' and 'un-resourceful' (Toro & Yoshikawa, 2016). The norm is often to organise findings from communities into digestible statistics, reducing rich and valuable information into a number that does not expand upon the contexts or the circumstances it represents. ...
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The Community Engagement Centre (CEC)-a joint-venture of Interactive Research and Development (IRD), Pakistan and the Indus Hospital and Health Network's Global Health Directorate (GHD-IHHN)-works closely with communities in Pakistan to create the bridge necessary for public health programmes to understand the contexts and existing resources of their target population, which helps inform strategies for implementation, innovation, and meaningful engagement. The CEC enables this through local agents for change, such as Community Health Workers or Mental Health Lay-Counsellors. As part of this work, community workers and researchers at the CEC collect stories that amplify community voices, and therein recognised a need for a unique framework that could explain the role of a 'catalyst' in the intersecting identities of a collective experience. This concept came about after CEC practitioners made observations that communities and individuals are often catalysed into action, by either other community members, Community Health Workers, or by themselves through self-realization or circumstantial shift. We hypothesize that these catalysts begin actions that may take place across one, multiple, or all layers of their ecological environment.
... The latter was based on a bibliography of 45 papers (B.1. and B.2. in Appendix B): 36 methods papers identified in this review, seven highly cited methods papers that apply across qualitative and quantitative studies (Bowleg, 2008(Bowleg, , 2012Cole, 2009;Hancock, 2007;McCall, 2005;Nash, 2008;Shields, 2008), and two additional commentaries responding to included methods papers (Del Toro & Yoshikawa, 2016;Schwartz, 2017). ...
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BACKGROUND Intersectionality is a theoretical framework rooted in the premise that human experience is jointly shaped by multiple social positions (e.g. race, gender), and cannot be adequately understood by considering social positions independently. Used widely in qualitative studies, its uptake in quantitative research has been more recent. OBJECTIVES To characterize quantitative research applications of intersectionality from 1989 to mid-2020, to evaluate basic integration of theoretical frameworks, and to identify innovative methods that could be applied to health research. METHODS Adhering to PRISMA guidelines, we conducted a systematic review of peer-reviewed articles indexed within Scopus, Medline, ProQuest Political Science and Public Administration, and PsycINFO. Original English-language quantitative or mixed-methods research or methods papers that explicitly applied intersectionality theoretical frameworks were included. Experimental studies on perception/stereotyping and measures development or validation studies were excluded. We extracted data related to publication, study design, quantitative methods, and application of intersectionality. RESULTS 707 articles (671 applied studies, 25 methods-only papers, 11 methods plus application) met inclusion criteria. Articles were published in journals across a range of disciplines, most commonly psychology, sociology, and medical/life sciences; 40.8% studied a health-related outcome. Results supported concerns among intersectionality scholars that core theoretical tenets are often lost or misinterpreted in quantitative research; about one in four applied articles (26.9%) failed to define intersectionality, while one in six (17.5%) included intersectional position components not reflective of social power. Quantitative methods were simplistic (most often regression with interactions, cross-classified variables, or stratification) and were often misapplied or misinterpreted. Several novel methods were identified. CONCLUSIONS Intersectionality is frequently misunderstood when bridging theory into quantitative methodology. Further work is required to (1) ensure researchers understand key features that define quantitative intersectionality analyses, (2) improve reporting practices for intersectional analyses, and (3) develop and adapt quantitative methods.
... Since that time, intersectionality has become an approach that is widely accepted and increasingly applied to research paradigms and questions within feminist psychology (Ceballo et al., 2015;Bowleg and Bauer, 2016;Else-Quest and Hyde, 2016;Rice and Grabe, 2019). Recently, a comprehensive in-depth special section devoted to intersectionality research and feminist psychology was published in Psychology of Women Quarterly with key articles exploring the use of intersectionality in both quantitative research and qualitative research (Del Toro and Yoshikawa, 2016). Yet, the current Special Issue in Developmental Psychology notes that an empirical basis from which to articulate intersectionality's theoretical and practical relevance for identity development is still lacking (Azmitia and Mansfield, this issue). ...
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Very few theories have generated the kind of interdisciplinary and international engagement that marks the intellectual history of intersectionality, leaving some authors to suggest that intersectionality is the most important theoretical contribution that the field of women's studies has made thus far. Yet, consideration of intersectionality as a research paradigm has yet to gain a wide foothold in mainstream psychology. The current article uses a program of multimethod research designed in partnership with, and intending to center the intersectional experiences of, majority world women to propose a research agenda for the empirical study of intersectionality. Specifically, it is suggested that a research agenda rooted in intersectional understandings requires that: (1) researchers think carefully about social categories of analysis and how their methodological choices can best answer those questions, (2) psychologists reposition their research questions to examine processes by which structural inequities lead to power imbalances and gender-based norms that sustain women's experience of marginalization and oppression, and (3) we understand how intersectional experiences can be applied toward change. Intersectional investigations hold a key to interrupting the structural dimensions of power that result in egregious consequences to peoples' social, economic, and political lives, but only if we radically restructure what we think about knowledge, our roles, and the products of our research.
... Other scholars have suggested ways in which engaging with intersectionality could transform psychology (e.g., Bowleg & Bauer, 2016;Cole, 2009;Del Toro & Yoshikawa, 2016;Else-Quest & Hyde, 2016a, 2016bMarecek, 2016;Rosenthal, 2016;Warner, 2016;Warner, Settles, & Shields, 2016). Here, we build on these efforts to focus specifically on four ways psychologists can deploy an intersectional perspective in research to understand participants. ...
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Using intersectionality to change how psychologists think about the demographic profile of their participants is one readily available change that psychologists across the discipline can implement to improve psychological science. In this paper, we aim to provide a guide for psychologists who are not already engaged with feminist practices and/or are unsure of how an intersectional approach to participants applies to their research. We argue that by engaging with four perspective shifts of intersectional thinking: multidimensionality, dynamic construction, structural power, and outcomes of systemic disadvantage and advantage, psychologists can more accurately represent the “person” that psychology, as a discipline, seeks to understand. We suggest changes at the researcher, journal, and grant-making agency levels to support an intersectional reconceptualization of participants. As psychology continues to change in order to foster reproducible science practices and research with relevance to real-world problems, there is opportunity to promote discipline-level change that would take intersectionality seriously.
... It would be important to determine if sexual minority members are more likely than heterosexual members to be represented in groups that perceive a match or mismatch between what they desire from the GSA and what they receive from the GSA. Also, in general, there remains limited attention to diversity within young LGBT populations (Del Toro & Yoshikawa, 2016;Mustanski, 2011). There have been calls to determine whether youth settings, including GSAs, adequately meet the needs or capitalize on the strengths of youth from specific marginalized backgrounds Fredricks & Simpkins, 2012;;. ...
Article
Drawing from a person‐environment fit framework, we identified profiles of youth in gay–straight alliances (GSAs) based on the extent to which they received information/resources, socializing/support, and advocacy opportunities in their GSAs and the extent to which this matched what they desired from their GSA along these three functions. Further, we examined profile differences in positive developmental competencies while accounting for community‐contextual factors. In a sample of 290 youth from 42 Massachusetts GSAs, latent profile analyses identified five subgroups. Overall, youth receiving less from their GSAs than they desired, particularly regarding opportunities for advocacy, reported lower levels of self‐reflection, bravery, civic engagement, and agency than youth who received information, socializing/support, and advocacy that matched or exceeded what they desired.
... Del Toro and Yoshikawa (2016), as well as Bowleg and Bauer (2016), amplify our recommendation for mixed methods and offer several excellent suggestions for additional quantitative techniques in empirical research. Their suggestions speak to the ways that intersectionality might foster changes within psychological research, in part by incorporating structural variables. ...
Article
Despite notable improvements in theory and methods that center the lived experiences of Black adolescents, White supremacy endures in developmental science. In this article, we focus on one methodological manifestation of White supremacy—sampling decisions that assume Black adolescents are a homogeneous group. We examine overlooked concerns about within-group designs with Black adolescents, such as the erasure of some African diasporic communities in the United States. We first describe the homogeneity assumption and join other scholars in advocating for within-group designs. We next describe challenges with current approaches to within-group designs. We then provide recommendations for antiracist research that makes informed within-group design sampling decisions. We conclude by describing the implications of these strategies for researchers and developmental science.
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In comparison to research on youth bullying, less research has been dedicated to youth harassment experiences in school. This study seeks to illustrate youth harassment experiences in school through three theoretically informed methodological approaches to modeling youth victimization: binary, cumulative risk, and attributional approaches. Data come from the 2015 Vermont School Climate Pilot Survey ( N = 2,589 students). Students with complete harassment information ( N = 2,481) were included. Using theoretically informed methodological approaches, regression models examined the associations between experiencing harassment (binary, attributions, and cumulative) and school connection, safety, and equity. About 16% of the sample experienced some form of harassment during the current school year (2014-2015). The most prominent attributions of harassment include weight (40%), sex (27%), and race (22%). After controlling for sociodemographics, ever experiencing harassment was associated with lower school safety, -0.73 (β), p < .001, lower connection with school, -0.52 (β), p < .001, and lower perceived equity, -0.77 (β), p < .001. Experiencing harassment is negatively related to school climate. The results from these analyses underscore the negative relationship among harassment victimization and several important indicators of school climate including student connection, perceived safety at and to/from school, and perceived equity of school. Theoretically informed methodological approaches in youth harassment research should be advanced to comprehensively assess the relationship between harassment victimization and harassment attributes on the social, academic, and behavioral development of youth.
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The diversity of circumstances and developmental outcomes among Asian American children and youth poses a challenge for scholars interested in Asian American child development. This article addresses the challenge by offering an integrated conceptual framework based on three broad questions: (a) What are theory-predicated specifications of contexts that are pertinent for the development of Asian American children? (b) What are the domains of development and socialization that are particularly relevant? (c) How can culture as meaning-making processes be integrated in conceptualizations of development? The heuristic value of the conceptual model is illustrated by research on Asian American children and youth that examines the interconnected nature of specific features of context, pertinent aspects of development, and interpretive processes. © 2016 The Authors. Child Development
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Intersectionality has become something of a buzzword in psychology and is well-known in feminist writings throughout the social sciences. Across diverse definitions of intersectionality, we find three common assumptions: (1) There is a recognition that all people are characterized simultaneously by multiple social categories and that these categories are interconnected or intertwined. (2) Embedded within each of these categories is a dimension of inequality or power. (3) These categories are properties of the individual as well as characteristics of the social context inhabited by those individuals; as such, categories and their significance may be fluid and dynamic. Understanding intersectionality as an approach and critical theory, rather than as a falsifiable theory, we consider its potential within research using quantitative methods. We discuss positivism, social constructionism, and standpoint epistemology in order to examine the implications of these epistemologies for research methods and to explore how compatible an intersectional approach may be with each. With an eye toward expanding the incorporation of intersectional approaches in the psychology of women, we discuss both the challenges and the potential of combining quantitative methods and intersectionality. We contend that quantitative methods can be used within an intersectional approach and that doing so will expand and develop the study of intersectionality, insofar as more research tools will be available to intersectionality researchers. We also contend that quantitative researchers should incorporate an intersectional approach into their work and that doing so will enrich and deepen our understanding of psychological constructs and processes.
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Intersectional approaches, which consider how simultaneous membership in multiple social categories characterize our experiences and are linked to power and privilege, have deep roots in feminist psychology. While an intersectional approach is well suited to a variety of research questions and topics, its application to date has chiefly been found with qualitative methods; when quantitative methods are used, components of the approach are used but not clearly framed as intersectional. Building upon our previous discussion and analysis of the theoretical and epistemological issues that arise when combining intersectionality and quantitative methods, this article articulates how quantitative researchers might incorporate an intersectional approach into their work. The techniques we describe are frequently used within quantitative methods, but they are infrequently used within an intersectional approach. Techniques include framing social categories (e.g., gender and ethnicity) as person variables or as stimulus variables, using a between-groups design to examine multiple locations at an intersection, stratified random sampling and purposive sampling, and examining how measures demonstrate conceptual equivalence and measurement invariance across groups. We also focus on data-analytic methods, which include examination of multiple main effects and interactions, moderators in meta-analysis, multilevel modeling, moderated mediation, and person-centered methods. These methods are insufficient without also including intersectional interpretations and framing with attention to inequalities and power relations.
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The purpose of this monograph is to provide a nontechnical introduction to Multiple Correspondence Analysis (MCA) as a method in its own right; no prior knowledge of Correspondence Analysis (CA) is needed. The presentation will be practically oriented and with the needs of research in mind: gathering relevant data, formulating questions of interest, and linking statistical interpretation to geometric representations. The procedures will be presented in detail using a real example, stressing the unique capacity of \textsc{mca} to handle full--scale research studies.
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For decades, feminist scholars have argued that to understand a person’s behavior, one must understand not only that individual but also the social structure in which she or he is embedded. Has psychology heeded these calls? The authors investigated this question using the subfield of personality as an exemplar. Based on a systematic analysis of publication trends in nine prominent journals, the authors found that social-structural analyses rarely appear in highly cited journals specifically devoted to personality research. Instead, these analyses appear in journals that focus on certain social structures (gender and race/ethnicity), while still neglecting others (social class and sexual orientation). To illustrate how greater attention to social structure can advance the scientific understanding of individuals, the authors then identified specific research programs that look closely at both personality and structure. The article concludes with specific recommendations for research and teaching in personality psychology, gender and race psychology, and beyond.
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The notion that social identities and social inequality based on ethnicity, sexual orientation, and sex/gender are intersectional rather than additive poses a variety of thorny methodological challenges. Using research with Black lesbians (Bowleg, manuscripts in preparation; Bowleg et al., Journal of Lesbian Studies, 2008; Bowleg et al., Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology 10:229–240, 2004; Bowleg et al., Journal of Lesbian Studies, 7:87–108, 2003) as a foundation, I examine how these challenges shape measurement, analysis, and interpretation. I argue that a key dilemma for intersectionality researchers is that the additive (e.g., Black + Lesbian + Woman) versus intersectional (e.g., Black Lesbian Woman) assumption inherent in measurement and qualitative and quantitative data analyses contradicts the central tenet of intersectionality: social identities and inequality are interdependent for groups such as Black lesbians, not mutually exclusive. In light of this, interpretation becomes one of the most substantial tools in the intersectionality researcher’s methodological toolbox.
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Immigration to the United States presents both challenges and opportunities that affect students' academic achievement. Using a 5-year longitudinal, mixed-methods approach, we identified varying academic trajectories of newcomer immigrant students from Central America, China, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Mexico. Latent class growth curve analysis revealed that although some newcomer students performed at high or improving levels over time, others showed diminishing performance. Multinomial logistic regressions identified significant group differences in academic trajectories, particularly between the high-achieving youth and the other groups. In keeping with ecological-developmental and stage-environment fit theories, School Characteristics (school segregation rate, school poverty rate, and student perceptions of school violence), Family Characteristics (maternal education, parental employment, and household structure), and Individual Characteristics (academic English proficiency, academic engagement, psychological symptoms, gender, and 2 age-related risk factors, number of school transitions and being overaged for grade placement) were associated with different trajectories of academic performance. A series of case studies triangulate many of the quantitative findings as well as illuminate patterns that were not detected in the quantitative data. Thus, the mixed-methods approach sheds light on the cumulative developmental challenges that immigrant students face as they adjust to their new educational settings.
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Feminist and critical race theories offer the concept of intersectionality to describe analytic approaches that simultaneously consider the meaning and consequences of multiple categories of identity, difference, and disadvantage. To understand how these categories depend on one another for meaning and are jointly associated with outcomes, reconceptualization of the meaning and significance of the categories is necessary. To accomplish this, the author presents 3 questions for psychologists to ask: Who is included within this category? What role does inequality play? Where are there similarities? The 1st question involves attending to diversity within social categories. The 2nd conceptualizes social categories as connoting hierarchies of privilege and power that structure social and material life. The 3rd looks for commonalities across categories commonly viewed as deeply different. The author concludes with a discussion of the implications and value of these 3 questions for each stage of the research process.
Chapter
As said at the beginning of this section, the Culture Example was devised for illustrative purposes. Owing to the small number of questions, the geometric space that we have constructed is far from a genuine sociological “space of leisure activities”. In spite of its limitations, this space has enabled us to investigate structuring factors as Age and Education (problem of the first kind); and it might also serve for predicting the location of other cultural practices (problem of the second kind). For instance, for museum visiting, we read in Donnat (1998) that the most frequent response modalities are “with children” and “with partner”; these modalities — and the corresponding subclouds of individuals – are naturally located in the geometric space of the Culture Example. In spite of their tentative character, the conclusions also nicely concur with the studies concerning sociability in the French society: see e.g. Héran (1988).
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IntroductionWhat We Know About Ethnic SocializationOverview of the StudyThe Salience of Ethnic-Racial Socialization to ParentsRetention of Cultural ValuesResistance Against DiscriminationPreparation for Bias:EgalitarianismPromotion of MistrustSummary and Conclusion
Book
Intersectionality: A Foundations and Frontiers Reader is an accessible, primary-source driven exploration of intersectionality in sociology and related fields. The book maps the origins of the concept, particularly in Black feminist thought and sociology, opens the discourse to challenges and applications across disciplines and outside academia, and explores the leading edges of scholarship to reveal important new directions for inquiry and activism. Charting the development of intersectionality as an intellectual and political movement, Patrick R. Grzanka brings together in one text both foundational readings and emerging classics. Original material includes: Grzanka’s nuanced introduction which provides broad context and poses guiding questions; thematic unit introductions; author biographies and suggestions for further reading to ground each excerpt; and a conclusion by Bonnie Thornton Dill reflecting on the past, present, and future of intersectionality. With its balanced mix of analytical, applied, and original content, Intersectionality is an essential component of any course on race, class, and gender, feminist theory, or social inequalities.
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Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of millions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely recognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class. This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterized the identity politics of people of color and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups, identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and intellectual development. The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination-that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist and racial liberation movements, for example, is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of political empowerment and social reconstruction. The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the opposite- that it frequently conflates or ignores intra group differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference is problematic, fundamentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class. Moreover, ignoring differences within groups frequently contributes to tension among groups, another problem of identity politics that frustrates efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist efforts to politicize experiences of women and antiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color' have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on mutually exclusive terrains. Al-though racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as "woman" or "person of color" as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling. My objective here is to advance the telling of that location by exploring the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color. Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. Focusing on two dimensions of male violence against women-battering and rape-I consider how the experiences of women of color are frequently the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourse of either feminism or antiracism... Language: en
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The social category "children" defines a group of individuals who are perceived to be distinct, with essential characteristics including innocence and the need for protection (Haslam, Rothschild, & Ernst, 2000). The present research examined whether Black boys are given the protections of childhood equally to their peers. We tested 3 hypotheses: (a) that Black boys are seen as less "childlike" than their White peers, (b) that the characteristics associated with childhood will be applied less when thinking specifically about Black boys relative to White boys, and (c) that these trends would be exacerbated in contexts where Black males are dehumanized by associating them (implicitly) with apes (Goff, Eberhardt, Williams, & Jackson, 2008). We expected, derivative of these 3 principal hypotheses, that individuals would perceive Black boys as being more responsible for their actions and as being more appropriate targets for police violence. We find support for these hypotheses across 4 studies using laboratory, field, and translational (mixed laboratory/field) methods. We find converging evidence that Black boys are seen as older and less innocent and that they prompt a less essential conception of childhood than do their White same-age peers. Further, our findings demonstrate that the Black/ape association predicted actual racial disparities in police violence toward children. These data represent the first attitude/behavior matching of its kind in a policing context. Taken together, this research suggests that dehumanization is a uniquely dangerous intergroup attitude, that intergroup perception of children is underexplored, and that both topics should be research priorities. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).
Article
Intersectional insights and frameworks are put into practice in a multitude of highly contested, complex, and unpredictable ways. We group such engagements with intersectionality into three loosely defined sets of practices: applications of an intersectional framework or investigations of intersectional dynamics; debates about the scope and content of intersectionality as a theoretical and methodological paradigm; and political interventions employing an intersectional lens. We propose a template for fusing these three levels of engagement with intersectionality into a field of intersectional studies that emphasizes collaboration and literacy rather than unity. Our objective here is not to offer pat resolutions to all questions about intersectional approaches but to spark further inquiry into the dynamics of intersectionality both as an academic frame and as a practical intervention in a world characterized by extreme inequalities. At the same time, we wish to zero in on some issues that we believe have occupied a privileged place in the field from the very start, as well as on key questions that will define the field in the future. To that end, we foreground the social dynamics and relations that constitute subjects, displacing what often seems like an undue emphasis on the subjects (and categories) themselves as the starting point of inquiry. We also situate the development and contestation of these focal points of intersectional studies within the politics of academic and social movements—which, we argue, are themselves deeply intersectional in nature and therefore must continually be interrogated as part of the intersectional project.
Article
How do perceivers combine information about perceptually obvious categories (e.g., Black) with information about perceptually ambiguous categories (e.g., gay) during impression formation? Given that gay stereotypes are activated automatically, we predicted that positive gay stereotypes confer evaluative benefits to Black gay targets, even when perceivers are unaware of targets' sexual orientations. Participants in Study 1 rated faces of White straight men as more likable than White gay men, but rated Black men in the opposite manner: gays were liked more than straights. In Study 2, participants approaching Whites during an approach–avoidance task responded faster to straights than gays, whereas participants approaching Blacks responded faster to gays than straights. These findings highlight the striking extent to which less visible categories, like sexual orientation, subtly influence person perception and determine the explicit and implicit evaluations individuals form about others.
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Childhood multiple risk factor exposure exceeds the adverse developmental impacts of singular exposures. Multiple risk factor exposure may also explain why sociodemographic variables (e.g., poverty) can have adverse consequences. Most research on multiple risk factor exposure has relied upon cumulative risk (CR) as the measure of multiple risk. CR is constructed by dichotomizing each risk factor exposure (0 = no risk; 1 = risk) and then summing the dichotomous scores. Despite its widespread use in developmental psychology and elsewhere, CR has several shortcomings: Risk is designated arbitrarily; data on risk intensity are lost; and the index is additive, precluding the possibility of statistical interactions between risk factors. On the other hand, theoretically more compelling multiple risk metrics prove untenable because of low statistical power, extreme higher order interaction terms, low robustness, and collinearity among risk factors. CR multiple risk metrics are parsimonious, are statistically sensitive even with small samples, and make no assumptions about the relative strengths of multiple risk factors or their collinearity. CR also fits well with underlying theoretical models (e.g., Bronfenbrenner's, 1979, bioecological model; McEwen's, 1998, allostasis model of chronic stress; and Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer's, 2009, developmental evolutionary theory) concerning why multiple risk factor exposure is more harmful than singular risk exposure. We review the child CR literature, comparing CR to alternative multiple risk measurement models. We also discuss strengths and weaknesses of developmental CR research, offering analytic and theoretical suggestions to strengthen this growing area of scholarship. Finally, we highlight intervention and policy implications of CR and child development research and theory. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
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A key prediction of cognitive theories of gender development concerns developmental trajectories in the relative strength or rigidity of gender typing. To examine these trajectories in early childhood, 229 children (African American, Mexican American, and Dominican American) were followed annually from age 3 to 5 years, and gender-stereotypical appearance, dress-up play, toy play, and sex segregation were examined. High gender-typing was found across ethnic groups, and most behaviors increased in rigidity, especially from age 3 to 4 years. In addressing controversy surrounding the stability and structure of gender-typing it was found that from year to year, most behaviors showed moderately stable individual differences. Behaviors were uncorrelated within age but showed more concordance in change across time, suggesting that aspects of gender-typing are multidimensional, but still show coherence.
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Drawing on an ethnography of organizing among Latina/o immigrant janitors in Los Angeles, I argue that constructing workplace solidarity between women and men is a dynamic, gendered project. I demonstrate both how this project unfolds and how it can be halted, with varying implications for gender and class inequality at work. Organizational restructuring upsets gender-segregated divisions of labour making solidarity between women and men possible but restructuring also allows workers to reinforce gendered divisions and cultural distinctions. The mechanism pushing workers one way or the other is the degree to which the process of organizing recognizes gender inequalities.
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Within psychology there is a longstanding debate concerning whether large, fundamental differences between races and genders exist. Much of this research involves comparisons that are invidious (offensively discriminating) and supports a political ideology in which members of different groups are held to be fundamentally different, alien, and therefore destined to different spheres. In this paper, specific factors are identified that make research on group differences more likely to produce distorted and partial findings. In addition, studies are cited whose methodological strategies offer insight into the processes that create and maintain group differences. Such research may illuminate not only the differences between groups, but also the very meaning of group categories. The process of scholarly peer review should become sensitive to the features that make comparisons invidious, so as to incorporate them into the criteria used to evaluate research.
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Studies of human development have taken an ethnographic turn in the 1990s. In this volume, leading anthropologists, psychologists, and sociologists discuss how qualitative methodologies have strengthened our understanding of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral development, and of the difficulties of growing up in contemporary society. Part 1, informed by a post-positivist philosophy of science, argues for the validity of ethnographic knowledge. Part 2 examines a range of qualitative methods, from participant observation to the hermeneutic elaboration of texts. In Part 3, ethnographic methods are applied to issues of human development across the life span and to social problems including poverty, racial and ethnic marginality, and crime. Restoring ethnographic methods to a central place in social inquiry, these twenty-two lively essays will interest everyone concerned with the epistemological problems of context, meaning, and subjectivity in the behavioral sciences.
Why ethnography should be the most important method in the study of human development
  • T S Weisner
Weisner, T. S. (1996). Why ethnography should be the most important method in the study of human development. In R. Jessor, A. Colby, & R. Shweder (Eds.), Ethnography and human development: Context and meaning in social inquiry (pp. 305-324).