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Beneath the Bell: A Study of Colonoware from Three Spanish Mission Sites in Northeastern Florida

... Chapter 3 presents the recently reconstructed history of the 350-year occupation of the St. Johns II people in extreme northeastern Florida. Researchers in northeast Florida and southeast Georgia (Ashley 1999(Ashley , 2000(Ashley , 2001(Ashley , 2002Ashley and Thunen 2001;Milanich 1994;Russo 1992;Stephenson 2002Stephenson , 2003 have begun to reassess the political and social organization of the aboriginal cultures in this area. Russo (1992:121-122) argues that as far Marys, and St. Johns rivers were already interactive and "inter-regional" and deserving of "a separate cultural identity." ...
... The frequency and distribution of non-local pottery types -broadly identified by significantly dissimilar stylistic, tempering, or mineralogical characteristics -recovered within an assemblage or from particular contexts are used to deduce shifting social, political, and economic networks, as well as interaction through time. In prehistoric sites in northeastern Florida, as in other areas, accurate identification of non-local pottery has not always been clear-cut (i.e., Ocmulgee series, St. Marys Cordmarked, Colonoware) (Ashley 2003b;Ashley andRolland 1997, 2002;Rolland and Ashley 2000;Russo and Heide 2002; also see Lesure and Blake 2002). Therefore, our understanding of the sequence and identification of northeast Florida's cultural groups and the intensity and breadth of regional interactions has been imprecise. ...
... Augustine's early history, contain evidence that Native American women continued to use their grit-tempered cooking pots alongside imported Spanish-or Mexican-made serving wares (Boyd et al. 1951;Deagan 1978Deagan , 1990Hann 1988;McEwan [ed.] 1993;Otto and Lewis 1974;Saunders 2002.). (Cordell 2001;Deagan 1978Deagan , 1993Rolland and Ashley 2000;Saunders 2000a;Toulouse 1949;Vernon and Cordell 1992). Widespread adoption of nontraditional colonoware forms by the Native Americans who produced them and who toiled for the Europeans in frontier territories, has not been demonstrated. ...
This thesis presents a detailed analysis of a St. Johns II (A.D. 900-1250) ceramic assemblage recovered from the Shields site in extreme northeastern Florida. The ceramic assemblage was recovered from activity areas immediately north and northwest of the Shields burial mound (8DU12). The study collection is comprised of two pottery types: the St. Johns and Ocmulgee III series. St. Johns ceramics represent the local tradition and Ocmulgee pottery was originally produced in south-central Georgia near the confluences of the Ocmulgee, Oconee, and Altamaha rivers. This mixed assemblage offers the opportunity to explore the maintenance of pottery traditions (i.e., paste construction, formal and stylistic characteristics). The study also examines the possible roles of pottery at this ritual/ceremonial site as well as the roles of St. Johns and Ocmulgee women potters who, through the steadfast recreation of traditional pottery vessels, reinforced and reproduced cultural identity while engaging in long distance and long-term interaction. The construction of traditional vessels was not a fragile concept to the women of this area, for, through 350 years of exchange, trade, probable intermarriage, and alliance, distinct pottery traditions persisted.
... These relationships must be taken into consideration when we examine choices made by potters to work with certain tempers, decorations, or vessel forms, and why there may be changes in such attributes. The manufacture of pottery by native peoples for European use, known as colonoware, has been well documented at other colonial sites in the lower Southeast (e.g., Anthony 2002;Cobb and DePratter 2012;Rolland and Ashley 2000;Waselkov 1992). Native-made colonoware is known from French sites in the Lower Mississippi Valley and La Louisiane (e.g., Brown 1992; Morgan and MacDonald 2011;Thomas 1989), and ethnically Choctaw women made pottery for French families around Mobile Bay for decades (Cordell 2002;Stowe 1977;Waselkov 1989;Waselkov and Gums 2000) in the forms (pitchers and shallow bowls, for instance) required by French households. ...
Over the course of the eighteenth century, the Choctaws of present-day east-central Mississippi and west Alabama experienced widespread changes in trade relations and alliances, subsistence practices, and sociopolitical arrangements as a result of intensifying European colonization of their homeland. Our ability to study these changes across the homeland requires accurate and detailed ceramic chronologies. Recent excavations of ten features at two eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Choctaw house sites produced artifacts suitable for seriation and samples for Bayesian analysis of radiometric dates. The results are compared with Choctaw ceramics excavated from secure contexts at Fort Tombecbé to refine our baseline understanding of Choctaw ceramic chronology.
... A minor but consistent part of the assemblage is red-filmed wares, most of which are plates or other European vessel forms referred to by archaeologists as colonowares. 53 Unfortunately, seventeenthcentury Guale and Mocama potters along the Atlantic coast made and used the same San Marcos pottery types as the Yamasee. 54 Confounding this situation is the fact that some Yamasee towns in Florida were occupied earlier by Mocama and/or later by relocated Guale, all of whom manufactured San Marcos wares. ...
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A round 1667, less than a decade after their emerging coalescence along the northern periphery of Spanish La Florida, several refugee communities retreated into the Guale and Mocama mission provinces under mounting attacks by Chichimeco Indian slave raiders. Spanish officials allowed these immigrant Yamasee to settle at abandoned mission doctrina and visita locations on Atlantic coastal barrier islands. In present-day Florida, they initially reoccupied settlements formerly inhabited by Mocama on Amelia Island and, by 1679, also had repopulated Timucua missions along the middle St. Johns River, north (Anacape) and south (Mayaca) of Lake George. No Yama-see settlements appeared in the St. Augustine vicinity during this initial wave of refugees into Spanish Florida. Though not missionized at this time, the Yamasee were expected to provide tribute and laborers to local chiefs and the Spanish colony, respectively. By 1683 most of these towns were again emptied as the Yamasee evacuated Florida and fled north to English Carolina. Archaeological evidence of this first phase of Yamasee occupation in Florida (ca. 1667-83) is limited, as few sites of this era have been excavated or even systematically sampled. Moreover, early Yamasee sites on Amelia Island that have been tested also were occupied earlier by mission period Mocama and later by Guale immigrants-all three of whom manufactured San Marcos/Altamaha pottery-making it difficult to identify distinct Yamasee occupational components. This chapter reviews the first Florida phase of Yamasee history and discusses what is currently known about the distribution of early Yama-Bossy.indd 55 6/14/18 2:50 PM
ABSTRACT Multisited ethnography was advanced by George Marcus (1995) as a way to address the spatial reach of communities linked by global flows of commodities, peoples, and institutions. Although the approach is usually applied within the context of modern globalization, many of the processes that define globalization accelerated with the onset of European colonization in the 1400s C.E. Multisited research is particularly suited to the analysis of the “paradox of globalization,” the simultaneous unfolding of heterogeneity and homogeneity throughout the world, which became pervasive in the colonial era. An indigenous ceramic type in eastern North America known as colonoware expresses this paradox, where variable European influence in its morphology and surface treatment can be attributed to the intersection of local practices and large-scale population movements. [colonoware, globalization, colonialism] RÉSUMÉ L’ethnographie pluri-site est un concept avancé par George Marcus (1995) dans le but d’interroger l’influence dans l’espace de communautés liées par la circulation globale de marchandises, peuples et organismes. Normalement, cette approche est appliquée dans le contexte de la globalisation moderne; plusieurs des processus qui définissent la globalisation commencent à accélérer au début de la colonisation européenne dès le 14è siècle. La recherche pluri-site est particulièrement bien adaptée à l’analyse du « paradoxe de la globalisation », c’est-à-dire le déroulement mondial et simultané de l’hétérogénéité et l’homogénéité, devenu envahissant dans l’ère coloniale. Un type de céramique spécifique trouvé en Amérique du Nord – le colonoware – exprime ce paradoxe, car certaines influences européennes variables de sa morphologie et du traitement de surfaces sont attribuables à l’intersection de pratiques locales avec des mouvements de population à grande échelle. RESUMEN Etnografía multi-situada fue presentada por George Marcus (1995) como una forma de abordar el alcance espacial de las comunidades vinculadas por flujos globales de productos, personas e instituciones. Aunque el método se aplica generalmente en el contexto de la globalización moderna, muchos de los procesos que definen la globalización se aceleró con el inicio de la colonización europea en los años 1400 CE. Multi-situado investigación es particularmente adecuado para el análisis de la “paradoja de la globalización,” la despliegue simultáneo de la heterogeneidad y homogeneidad en todo el mundo, que se convirtió en dominante en la época colonial. Un tipo de cerámica indígena en el este de América del Norte conocida como “colonoware” expresa esta paradoja, que puede ser una influencia variable europea en su morfología y tratamiento de la superficie atribuida a la intersección de las prácticas locales y los grandes movimientos de población.
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