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Der Staat und einige seiner Zeitgenossen. Zur Zukunft des Regierens in der »Dritten Welt«
... On the other hand, the intrusion of state agencies impacts on non-state local orders as well. Customary systems of order are subjected to deconstruction and re-formation as they are incorporated into central state structures and processes (Trotha 2000;Schlichte/Wilke 2000). They adopt an ambiguous position with regard to the state, appropriating state functions and 'state talk', but at the same time pursuing their own agenda under the guise of the state authority and power. ...
... 8 In a German context, this discussion has precursors: In the positivism dispute in sociology as well as in the interventions of critical theory in the 1970s, important aspects on reflexivity in social sciences have been discussed, see the contributions in Gantzel (1975). Further, one could name ZIB (German Journal for IR) -contributions by Mathias Albert (1994), Thomas Diez (1998), Maja Zehfuss (1998, Klaus Schlichte and Boris Wilke (2000) as exemplary evidence by German IR researchers. ...
Social Science research cannot be neutral. It always involves, so the argument of this article, the (re)production of social reality and thus has to be conceived as political practice. From this perspective, the present article looks into constructivist norm research. In the first part, we argue that constructivist norm research is political insofar as it tends to reproduce Western values that strengthen specific hegemonic discursive structures. However, this particular political position is hardly reflected on in norm research. Hence, it is our goal in the second part of the article to outline research strategies potentially useful in reflective and critical norm research. We propose a critical research program based upon three central methodological steps that are inspired by post-structuralism: first, the questioning of global hegemonic values; second, the reconstruction of marginalized knowledge; and third, the explicit reflection of one’s own research perspective.
... 8 In a German context, this discussion has precursors: In the positivism dispute in sociology as well as in the interventions of critical theory in the 1970s, important aspects on reflexivity in social sciences have been discussed, see the contributions in Gantzel (1975). Further, one could name ZIB (German Journal for IR) -contributions by Mathias Albert (1994), Thomas Diez (1998), Maja Zehfuss (1998, Klaus Schlichte and Boris Wilke (2000) as exemplary evidence by German IR researchers. ...
In their response to our article »Office Hours«, Nicole Deitelhoff and Lisbeth Zimmermann issue three major points of critique towards our proposal of a critical approach to norm research: They criticize, firstly, our discussion of constructivist norm research, secondly, our use of the concepts of local and Western and, thirdly, the overall critical potential of our proposed approach, which they criticize as going merely beyond an unmasking gesture. We take our response to our critics, firstly, as an opportunity to clarify some of the arguments made in our article. Secondly, we confront the points of criticism outlined above and show that Deitelhoff’s and Zimmermann’s critique can only be maintained if one accepts their specific reading of our article. Moreover, it gets tangled up in three major contradictions and is built upon a problematic understanding of the relation between empirical facticity and normative evaluation.
... 8 Particularly in rural or remote areas, which often happen to be the sites of mining projects, customary actors and institutions have maintained their significance, showing remarkable resilience despite colonialism and postcolonial state building. They coexist alongside of, and intertwine with, state institutions; and they often shape local resource use (Schlichte and Wilke 2000;Boege et al. 2006;Buur and Kyed 2007). Governance in post-conflict contexts is further complicated by the aforementioned institutions, movements and formations that have their origins in the effects of and reactions to the conflict, and in globalization more generally. ...
Suggested citation: V. Boege, D. Franks. 2012. Reopening and developing mines in post-conflict settings: The challenge of company-community relations. In High-Value Natural Resources and Peacebuilding, ed. P. Lujala and S. A. Rustad. London: Earthscan. Terms of use: This chapter may be used free of charge for educational and non-commercial purposes. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) only, and do not necessarily represent those of the sponsoring organizations.
... Entwicklungs-und Transformationsstudien weisen darauf hin, daß die direkte Übertragung von Theorien auf Gebiete außerhalb der OECD-Welt, die bei der Analyse von 339 ZIB 2/2000 politischen Prozessen im Westen entwickelt wurden, nicht unproblematisch ist (Schlichte/Wilke 2000). Diese Annahme trifft auch für das Politiknetzwerk-Konzept zu. ...
Transnationale Politiknetzwerke bieten sich als attraktives gemeinsames Untersuchungsobjekt von Regierungslehre und Internationalen Beziehungen an, wenn es darum geht, die Folgen von Globalisierungsprozessen für die staatliche Handlungsfähigkeit zu untersuchen. Im Vordergrund des Aufsatzes steht die Konfrontation zwischen Ansätzen, die diese Netzwerke als neues Steuerungsinstrument propagieren, und einer eher kritisch-analytischen Perspektive. Ausgehend von einem theoretischen Modell, das transnationale Politiknetzwerke als interorganisatorische Austauschprozesse analysiert, werden empirische Beispiele aus der Kooperation in Grenzregionen, der transnationalen Advocacy-Tätigkeit von Nichtregierungsorganisationen und dem europäischen Mehrebenensystem untersucht. Dabei wird gezeigt, daß transnationalen Politiknetzwerken nur unter besonderen Bedingungen empirische Relevanz zukommt, diese Netzwerke nur in sehr engen Grenzen von einem Steuerungssubjekt aus zu Zwecken der Problemlösung zu gestalten sind und daß das Regieren in Netzwerken auch kaum demokratischen Kriterien entspricht. Transnational policy networks appear to be an attractive common subject of both Public Policy and International Relations, if we are interested in the consequences of globalization on public policy-making capacities. The article focuses on the confrontation between approaches which propose these networks as a new governance instrument and a more critical analytical perspective. Based on a theoretical model that analyzes transnational policy networks as inter-organizational resource exchanges, empirical illustrations from the following research areas are presented: cooperation in border regions, transnational advocacy NGOs in human rights protection and multi-level governance in the European Union. The article concludes that transnational policy networks are only relevant under very specific empirical conditions. Furthermore, the possibility to regulate these networks is severely limited. Finally, transnational policy networks raise important questions of democratic legitimacy.
... And finally, private security companies are not the only actors competing with state-sponsored structures. Schlichte and Wilke (2000) describe two phenomena: "Commodification" and "communalisation" of social services and the control of violence. ...
The Europe-inspired notion of the state with a monopoly on tax-raising and violence is empirically difficult to find in large parts of Africa; it is only superficially internalised by state officials while it is alive in thinking and discourse as a pretence. In Africa south of the Sahara, (empirically) illegitimate monopolies of violence and oligopolies of vio¬lence coexist. Both could a) be more or less (empirically) legitimate and b) offer a varying degree of security and orientation. The article explores the scope and limitations of the notion of "oligopolies of violence".
... Overall, the capacity of the state to perform core state practices influences conflict dynamism (Ballentine, 2003:8f). The hybrid forms of political authority in many Third World states, in which modern and traditional forms of domination are interconnected (Eisenstadt, 1973;Médard, 1996:76-97;Schlichte, 1996;Schlichte & Wilke, 2000) is a source of social contradictions (cf. de Sardan, 1999) that are often articulated in the violent competition for the control of state. ...
This paper examines the activities of non-state actors in war in Somalia and Angola. Arguing that prolonged wars are characterised by the emergence of social orders of violence beyond the state, our analytical focus is on how actors establish and sustain these orders. A core influence is the insight from research on war economies that war is not equal to the breakdown of societal order, but represents an alternative form of social order. We therefore examine the economic activities of insurgents in regard to their embeddedness in social and political spheres. The central question in this paper is how economic, political and symbolic aspects interact and determine as well as transform social orders of violence. With the examples of Somalia and Angola, two rather distinct cases of non-state orders of violence are examined. It is argued that these orders represent forms of authority with fundamental structural aspects in common. We suggest that these orders can be systematised on a continuum between two poles of institutionalisation of authority beyond the state: a warlord system and a quasi-state system of violence.
... Isachenko/Schlichte 2007, Pouligny 2006, Schlichte/Wilke 2000, von Trotha 2005. By opening up political opportunities to specific local actors, and restricting or closing them for others, changing international policy-interventions often have a strong dynamising effect on local power constellations. ...
The ‘international community’ is not the only actor engaged in statebuilding processes; contemporaneously with external intervention, at national and local levels of non-Western societies other actors are also engaged in struggles to establish their own visions of a state. The results are ambiguous: the states built tend to be hybrid, combining formal modern state façades with informal ways of functioning. This essay introduces the Special Issue by outlining the importance of the analysis of the dynamics of state-formation: the deformation that statebuilding undergoes in the process of its implementation. This framework can provide new insights into the limits of statebuilding by highlighting how the negotiation processes accompanying any attempt at statebuilding are shaped to a great extent by non-Western states' and societies' specific embeddedness in global structures. These states are currently subject to deepening dynamics of internationalization and informalization which, despite a growing formal convergence of state institutions with Western models, structurally limit the probabilities of ensuing liberal-democratic state-formation.
... Por su parte, la injerencia de las agencias del Estado en los órdenes locales no estatales también genera impactos. Los sistemas consuetudinarios de autoridad quedan sujetos a la deconstrucción y a la re-formulación conforme se van incorporando a las estructuras y a los procesos centrales estatales (Trotha, 2000;Schlichte y Wilke, 2000). Dichos sistemas tienden a adoptar una posición ambigua con respecto al Estado, se apropian de las funciones y del "habla" estatal, pero, al mismo tiempo persiguen su propia agenda bajo la apariencia de la autoridad y del poder del Estado. ...
This paper critically discusses the discourse on fragile and failing states and reviews current debates about state-building. The authors argue for an alternative conceptualization of states emerging from hybrid political orders. Hybrid political orders combine elements of the introduced Western models of governance and elements stemming from local indigenous traditions and practices. Shortcomings in a conventional example of state-building are identified in relation to East Timor, and are contrasted with successes flowing from more innovative approaches to peacebuilding and state formation in Somaliland and Bougainville. The authors conclude that approaches to conflict transformation, peacebuilding and state formation will only be successful in the long term if they engage with local sources of resilience and legitimacy within communities and non-state customary institutions, and if they seek to forge constructive relationships between communities and governments. Este documento de trabajo discute desde una perspectiva cr�tica el discurso sobre los Estados fr�giles y fallidos y revisa los actuales debates sobre la construcci�n del Estado. Los autores argumentan a favor de una conceptualizaci�n alternativa de los Estados que emergen de �rdenes pol�ticos h�bridos. Los �rdenes pol�ticos h�bridos combinan elementos de modelos de gobernanza de Occidente, introducidos por �ste, y elementos que provienen de las pr�cticas y tradiciones locales. Se identifican las limitaciones de ejemplos convencionales de construcci�n del Estado en Timor-Leste, y se contrastan con los �xitos que emanan de enfoques m�s innovadores de construcci�n de la paz y de formaci�n del Estado en Somalilandia y Bouganville. Los autores concluyen que los enfoques de transformaci�n del conflicto, construcci�n de la paz y de formaci�n del Estado solo tendr�n �xito a largo plazo si se vinculan con las fuentes de resiliencia y de legitimidad local en el seno de las comunidades y las in
... ((4)) Ebenso macht Münkler sich nur wenig Gedanken über die gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen in der kolonial geschaffenen Staatenwelt. Denn trotz der symmetrischen Aufteilung der Welt verbergen sich hinter der Fassade formaler Staatlichkeit äußerst unterschiedliche Gebilde (Schlichte/ Wilke 2000). Eben deshalb übersieht er auch, dass die Mehrheit der in der (Post)Kolonie geführten Kriege gerade um die Ausgestaltung und Verankerung (kolonial) staatlicher Herrschaft geführt wurden und immer noch werden. ...
... To upravo vrijedi za nacionalnu državu. U sve većim dijelovima Afrike i Azije možemo opažati raspad državnosti, dakle razrješenje državnoga monopola sile u unutarnjosti, a stvaranje novih ili obnavljanje starih oblika plemenske vladavine (von Trotha, 2000.;Schlichte/Wilke, 2000.). To snažno utječe na doseg i učinkovitost novih oblika globalnoga vladanja. Ako nacionalna država kao akter sposoban za djelovanje ispada u nekim regijama svijeta, to mora, nužno, ograničiti doseg globalnoga vladanja i njegovu učinkovitost (Grande, 2001.). Ta se praznina ne može popuniti, također, drugim oblicima stvaranja društvenoga p ...
The author’s starting assumption is that globalization institutionalizes new forms of governance, but that this does not diminish the significance of the national state; on the contrary. Globalization forces the advanced industrial societies to find a new balance between the calls for economic efficacy and the expectations regarding social security. On the other hand, national states have avoided the impact of globalization primarily owing to the, first, institutional acclimatizing reserve of modern democracies, second, the development and the application of the new political governing instruments and, third, the intelligent usage of international cooperational pressures in favour of national political innovations. However, all this does not mean that the national state has gone through globalization unscathed. A new architecture of political governance has emerged, called by the author the transnational regimes of politics. They include, besides the national states, the international organizations such as WTO, the regional integrations (EU, NAFTA), as well as a variety of national and transnational interest groups and movements. The author concludes that the efficacy of the new forms of governance must not be overrated. Also, the basic problem today is the expansion of the areas lacking functional markets, successful national states or global forms of governance.
Unsere Welt als Staatenwelt wird kaum noch hinterfragt. Doch stellt Staatlichkeit wirklich den wünschenswerten Normalzustand in allen Regionen dieser Welt dar?
„Staaten in der evolutionären Sackgasse?“ beschäftigt sich mit Ursachen und Verlaufsformen schwacher Staatlichkeit. Es wird anhand ausführlicher Fallstudien der Länder Jemen und Afghanistan eine innovative evolutionäre Institutionentheorie entwickelt, welche es erlaubt, schwache Staaten und ihre Entwicklung neu zu konzeptualisieren. Das Resultat sind genauere Gegenstandsbeschreibungen, zutreffendere Aussagen über Ursachenzusammenhänge und das Potenzial zu einer weniger kollateralschadensreichen Politik im Umgang mit diesen Ländern.
Das Werk ist Teil der Reihe Staatlichkeit und Governance in Transformation, Band 10.
https://www.nomos-elibrary.de/10.5771/9783845291659/staaten-in-der-evolutionaeren-sackgasse
In diesem Kapitel sollen Elemente einer soziologischen Auffassung des Staates entwickelt werden. Dies soll in mehreren Schritten geschehen. Zunächst gilt es die für diese Arbeit leitenden modernisierungstheoretischen Grundannahmen darzulegen. Alsdann soll unter Rückgriff auf Theoreme Max Webers (Kapitel 1) und Pierre Bourdieus (Kapitel 2) eine Konzeption entwickelt werden, die den Staat als ein von Akteurspraktiken bestimmtes Handlungsfeld begreift (Kapitel 3). Dieses allgemeine Verständnis soll am Ende in einer ersten empirischen Konkretion wieder auf den Staat in Osteuropa rückbezogen werden. Zu diesem Zweck werden auf der Basis der entwickelten theoretischen Begrifflichkeiten die Grundannahmen dieser Arbeit zu einer knappen Erklärungsskizze über die Spezifik des Staates in Osteuropa erweitert (Kapitel 4).
Departing from the assumption that globalization has to be understood as a historically long ranging process that is essentially characterized by an increase in state power (1), the paper analyzes the agency of African rulers and power elites in and for its configuration. Part 2 sketches schematically and in general terms the genesis and buildup of externally and thus rather globally than locally leaning African states. Part 3 then exemplifies this typically „extraverted“ relationship of African polities to the world (Jean-François Bayart) by referring to the presumably untypical case of Rwanda.
Seit Ende des Kalten Krieges sieht sich die westliche Staatengemeinschaft „neuen“, äußerst komplexen Konflikten gegenüber. Während die USA und die Sowjetunion bis in die 1990er eine Reihe schwacher Staaten wie Afghanistan aus strategischen Gründen stützten, schwand mit der Rivalität der beiden Supermächte auch die Stabilität des internationalen Staatensystems: Für die Vereinigten Staaten bestand nicht mehr das Erfordernis, fragile Regime aufrechtzuerhalten und Stellvertreterkriege auszufechten, der ehemaligen UdSSR fehlte dazu schlicht die Fähigkeit. „Denied such support, (...) these states disintegrated“ (Dobbins 2003: XIV). Diese schwachen oder zerfallenden Staaten entwickelten sich zu einem gravierenden Sicherheitsrisiko. Ob unkontrollierte Zuwanderung, Drogenschmuggel, organisierte Kriminalität, Proliferation von Massenvernichtungswaffen oder transnationaler Terrorismus - das Konfliktpotential von „failing states“ ist für den Westen nicht zu unterschätzen. In den betroffenen Ländern selbst zeigt sich die Lage für die Menschen nicht minder verheerend: Sie sehen sich ökonomischen, politischen und ökologischen Krisen, Hunger, Gewalt und Vertreibung ausgesetzt. Sogar der Staat selbst ist mancherorts eine Bedrohung für seine eigenen Bürger. Die Schwäche von Staaten zeitigt ob ihrer globalen Auswirkungen für die internationale Politik im neuen Jahrtausend eine immense strategische Herausforderung. Die Frage nach Erfolg versprechenden Konzepten und Methoden stellt sich daher immer dringlicher: Wie lässt sich ein überlebensfähiger Staat aufbauen?
Heft 74 / 2004 Zusammenfassung Ein Paradoxon der "neuen" Kriege besteht darin, dass wesentliche Merkmale ihrer "Neuheit" aus einer Kombination von modernen und vor-modernen traditionalen Gewaltursachen, Moti-ven und Konfliktaustragungsformen resultieren. Dieser hybride Charakter vieler zeitgenössi-scher Gewaltkonflikte legt es nahe, sowohl zu ihrer Prävention als auch zu ihrer Beendigung und zur Friedenskonsolidierung auf eine Kombination von modernen und traditionalen Akteu-ren und Verfahren zu setzen. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird das krisenpräventive und frie-denskonsolidierende Potenzial traditionaler Komponenten in Hinblick auf die Chancen einer Bewältigung zeitgenössischer Gewaltkonflikte ausgelotet. Zu diesem Zweck werden zunächst Idealtypen der Gewaltkontrolle und Konfliktbearbeitung sowie der Zusammenhang von schwacher und zerfallender Staatlichkeit einerseits und "neu-en" Kriegen andererseits skizziert. Sodann wird an Hand einiger Fälle dem Zusammenwirken von modernen und traditionalen Elementen in heutigen Gewaltkonflikten nachgespürt, und es wird an einem Fall die Wirksamkeit traditionaler Konfliktbearbeitung heraus gearbeitet. Schließlich werden Grundzüge, Stärken und Schwächen traditionaler Konfliktbearbeitung dargelegt.
Why have ASEAN member states declared and why do they continue to declare their intention to enhance cooperation and devise projects when implementation lags behind their rhetoric? Why do they rhetorically commit themselves to cooperation, when they continue to stick to self-interested policies to the detriment of ASEAN's collective interest? And given these diverging practices, how likely is it that the objective of a more legalized and binding cooperation associated with the recently ratified ASEAN Charter is being implemented? This article draws attention to ASEAN's hybrid or dual character of international cooperation, consisting of the emulation of the European integration project and the persistence of deeper cultural strata of Southeast Asia's cooperation project that determine the limits of cooperation: Southeast Asia's social structure and political culture that have not produced those mechanisms that might facilitate international cooperation. If our explanation is correct that cooperation within ASEAN comes about as a simultaneous process of emulation and established cultural practices, we expect change only under specified conditions. Based on our argument and the theoretical literature on normative change, we identify and discuss in greater detail three potential outcomes of change: inertia, localization and transformation. The three modes make different predictions concerning change within ASEAN. Based on an analysis of the two major shocks with which ASEAN has had to contend in the last two decades, namely the Cold War in Asia and the Asian financial crisis, we argue that ASEAN's dominant response to major ideational challenges has been combinations of localization and inertia and has not been followed by a fundamental change of practice
The little discussed forms of legal pluralism that emerge within the effective administration of justice and entitlements by state and non-state agencies have long determined the operative legal order of (urban) India. They are considered here in relation to the ‘selective state’, characterised by the formal and informal devolution of judicial competences of the state to alternative organisations. The merger of devolution and appropriation gives rise to new forms of legal pluralism, illustrated in Mumbai by the Shiv Sena, a regional political party of the Hindu Right.
In der Disziplin der Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) gab es bislang nicht viele Themen, die derart im Zentrum intensiv und
kontrovers geführter Auseinandersetzungen standen wie „Globalisierung“. Seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre die Zahl der Veröffentlichungen
zu diesem Forschungsgegenstand regelrecht explodierte (vgl. Busch 1999; Scholte 2000a), ist Globalisierung so etwas wie das Referenzphänomen in den IB. Dabei hat Globalisierung dem Fach nicht nur neue Gegenstandsbereiche erschlossen, sondern beeinflusst
auch traditionelle Themengebiete, wie z.B. Krieg und Frieden, Entwicklungspolitik oder internationale Institutionen. Darüber
hinaus beschäftigen sich andere politikwissenschaftliche Subdisziplinen wie die Politische Theorie oder die Vergleichende
Politikwissenschaft in vielfältiger Weise ebenfalls mit der Globalisierung.
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